LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



QQ0QD57D3bT 



'i 



x^^' ■^./.. 



•^. d'^'- 



-y 



•^y v-^^ 












.&'' 






^^> <<V^' 



A^^' ^-^'. 



.0 0^ 



.^^' 



X.. ,s^ 



..x^^ 






x^^' "^•^- 



^.. v^ 






-o o' 






■^' . 


:^ "^^ ', 






nO^ 


ci- 








^ 








*■ ',1 ' '' , -^ 




,A- 






% 


,A- 






aX^^' 































s-'^- 






A 








..^ 


. 


'"^ 


^-^^''^ 






xO=i<. 


- 


y.^ 
^ 



A^^. 






x\- '-^ 





\f'^^--'S- 
























' ■ ^# ; 




'%..^^ 


A •■>, 






•X \ 1 /■ 


. A^^^ ■ ' 


V 




■"oo^ 


-.-^' ; 


"bo^ 




^ -%. v^^ 


xO°, ; 






-->, ' 


'- 


rv. 




->> 


















o • \ 








^'y: %.A . 






-■ ,,^'^>^/ 


^;, .^^ 




.#'^ 


A 


o <- , 








./^o/-^'^ -O" 


A . -^y' 






■'^. A 




.0=^ 


^ -/•, 


.\0°„ 





■?t -i 






^. '.^ 



<^' ^\^^ - 



CONTENTS 



TAGB 

PRELIMINARY REMARKS 1 



FIRST BOOK.— THE BOY. 

CHAPTER I. 
Early Life. 
Birthplace and Boyhood — Going to School — First Love — The Nomina- 

tion to West Point 3 

CHAPTER n. 

Plebe Custer. 

The Sorrows of a Plebe— The First Camp 17 

CHAPTER III. 

Cadet Custer. 
Becoming a Real Cadet — Riding Lessons — "Benny Havens, oh!" — The 
Coming of the War — The Attack on Fort Sumter — Graduation Time 
— A Court-martial — Lucky Escape 25 



SECOND BOOK.— THE SUBALTERN. 

CHAPTER I. 
Lieutenant Custer, Second Cavalry. 
Going to Washington — Ordered to take Despatches to McDowell — 

Night Ride to Centreville 49 

CHAPTER II. 
Bull Run. 
Custer joins his Troop — Incidents of the Battle — The Panic — The 

Defeat 59 

CHAPTER III. 

Organizing an Army. 

The New General— Custer on Staff Duty— Sick Leave— The Pledge 77 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER IV. 
The Peninsular Campaign. 

PAGE 

Custer's First Charge — The Transports — The Peninsula — Yorktown 93 

CHAPTER V. 
WANING THE Bars. 
The Evacuation — The Pursuit — Williamsburg — The Advance on the 

Chickahoininy — Custer made a Captain 103 



THIED BOOK.— THE CAPTAIN. 

CHAPTER I. 
From Richmond to Malvern Hill. 
The Battle of Fairoaks— McClellan's Peril — A Month's Respite— The 

Seven Days — Custer's Letters 119 

CHAPTER II. 
McClellan's Remoa'al. 
Harrison's Landing — Custer's Letters — The Maryland Campaign — 

McClellan Deposed-;— Custer at Monroe — The Course of True Love. . 125 

CHAPTER III. 

The Cavalry Corps. 
The Winter of 1862-3— Custer on Pleasonton's Staff— The Urbana 

Expedition 141 

CHAPTER IV. 

Winning his Star. 

Battle of Aldie — Custer to the Front — Promoted 153 



FOURTH BOOK.— THE MICHIGAN BRIGADE. 

CHAPTER I. 
The Gettysburg Campaign. 
The Boy General with the Golden Locks— The Battle of Gettysburg — 

Custer as a Cavalry Chief 167 

CHAPTER n. 
After Gettysburg. 
Lee's Retreat — Captures of Trains — Falling Waters — A Squadron Cap- 
tures a Brigade — Lee Escapes 181 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER III. 
To THE Rapidan and Back. 

PAGE 

Advance on Culpepper — Meade's Retreat— Battle of Buckland's Mills 

— End of Campaign — Love Letters and Orange Blossoms 193 

CHAPTER IV. 
The Wilderness and the Valley. 
Sheridan in Command — The First Raid — The Second Raid — Early in 

Maryland — The Cavalry Ordered to the Valley 21!) 

CHAPTER V. 

Winchester. 

Playing Chess with Early— The False Move— Custer at Winchester 231 



FIFTH BOOK.— THE THIFvD CAVALEY DIYISION. 

CHAPTER I. 
Woodstock Races. 
Assigned to the Third Division — Rosser against Custer — Sheridan's 

Orders — " Whip or Get Whipped " — Woodstock Races 247 

CHAPTER n. 

Cedar Creek. 

Sheridan Ordered to Washington— Early's Surprise of Wright— The 

Battle of Cedar Creek— Plunder of the Union Camps— Arrival of 

Sheridan— Early's Overthrow— Custer and Merritt finishing the 

Victory— Results of the Valley Campaign 263 

CHAPTER in. 
The Last Raid. 
Waynesboro'— Cutting the Canals— Chasing Early— Nearing Richmond 

— Back with the Army 271 

CHAPTER IV. 
Five Forks. 
Advance on Five Forks— Devin's Repulse— The 5th Corps— The Victory 

— The Pursuit 279 

CHAPTER V. 
Appomattox. 
Heading off Lee— Sailor's Creek— The Night March— Appomattox- 
Lee's Surrender — Custer's Last Order 297 



VIU CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER VI. 
The GiiEAT Parade. 
From Richmond to Washington — Close of Custer's War Career.., 



SIXTH BOOK.— AFTER THE AVAR. 

CHAPTER I. 
The Volunteers in Texas. 
The State of the Country — Discontent of the Men — Mutiny — Discharge 

of the Volunteers — Custer in Texas 315 

CHAPTER II. 
The Regular Army. 
Peculiar Hardships of the American Regular Army — Jealousy of the 

Nation — The Old and the New Army — Settling Down 325 

CHAPTER III. 
The Seventh Cavalry. 
Description of the Regiment — Its Officers and Men — Custer and Presi- 
dent Johnson — Ordered to Kansas 337 



SEVENTH BOOK.— ON THE PLAINS. 

CHAPTER I. 
The Hancock Expedition. 
Causes of the Expedition — Escape of the Tribes — The Pursuit — The 

First Buffalo— The Lost Trail— War 349 

CHAPTER II. 

The First Scout. 

Learning Indian Tricks — Pawnee Killer's Repulse — Skirmishes 363 

CHAPTER III. 
The Wagon Train. 
The March to Fort Wallace— The Return— The Attack— Circling— 

Arrival of Help— Saved 371 

CHAPTER IV. 

The Kidder Massacre. 

The Telegram— Finding the Bodies— A Mother's Love 383 



CONTENTS. IX 



CHAPTER V. 
The Court Martial. 

PAGE 

The Mutiny — The March — Custer Court-martialled \}d7 

CHAPTER VI. 

The Winter Campaign. 

Wanted, a General — Custer sent for— Starting on the Trail 413 

CHAPTER VII. 
Battle of the Washita. 
The Trail in the Snow — Charge on Black Kettle — How to Fight 

Indians — Triumphant Return of the Seventh 435 

CHAPTER VIII. 
Closing Operations. 
IIow Custer volunteered to bring the Kiowas, Arapahoes and Cheyennes 

to Peace — How he did it 453 

CHAPTER IX. 

Louisville to the Yellowstone. 

Custer in Kentucky — Ordered North — The Sioux — A Narrow Escape. . . 471 

CHAPTER X. 

The Black Hills. 

Rumors of Gold — A Terra Incognita — The Custer Column 501 

CHAPTER XL 
Rain-in-the-Face. 
Murderer's Boasts— The Arrest— The Grain Thieves— The Escape— The 

Oath of Vengeance— The Sun-Dance 515 



EIGHTH BOOK.— THE LAST CAMPAIGN". 

CHAPTER L 

Sitting Bull. 

What is known of the Sioux Chief— His Diary 529 

CHAPTER IL 

Crazy Horse. 

Reynolds' Campaign — Another Washita Spoiled — Wanted a Caster 537 



X CONTEXTS. 



CHAPTER III. 
Custer and Grant. 

PAGE 

The Belknap Investigation — Custer's unwilling Testimony — President 

Grant's Revenge — Custer's Displacement 545 

CHAPTER IV. 
The Great Expedition. 
Crook's Column — Gibbon's Column — The Terry Column — Reno's Scout 

— Custer's Departure 563 

CHAPTER V. 

The Last Battle. 

Trail of Sitting Bull — Reno's Fight — Custer's Last Charge 578 



NINTH BOOK.— SOLDIER AND MAN. 

CHAPTER I. 

Custer, the Soldier. 

Analysis of his Success— His True Rank in Military History 609 

CHAPTER IL 

Custer, the Indian-Fighter. 
Savage and Civilized Warfare Contrasted — Custer's Experience — Anec- 
dote illustrating his Knowledge of Indian Nature 616 

CHAPTER III. 

Custer, the Man. 
His Generosity — Fondness for Children — Development of his Character 

— His Scrupulous Honor — Closing Summary 623 



TENTH BOOK.— PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS. 

Of General Custer, by the Great Tragedian, Lawrence Barrett ( 



^1 



COMPLETE LIFE 



Gen. George A. Custer, 

MAJOR-GENERAL OF VOLUNTEERS, BREVET MAJOR-GENERAL U. S, ARMY, 
AND LIEUTENANT-COLONEL SEVENTH U. S, CAVALRY. 



BY 

FREDERICK WHIT TAKER 

// 

BREVET CAPTAIN SIXTH NEW YORK v-HTSPAN CAVALRY. 



SHELDON & COMPANY, NEW^ YORK. 

A. G. NETTLETON & CO., CHICAGO, ILLS., AND CmCINNATI, O. 

BRYAN, BKAND & CO., ST. LOUIS, MO., AND NEW ORLEANS, LA. 

CROCKER & STIGKNEY, BOSTON, MASS. 

a. W. KELLEY, PHILADELPHIA, PA. 
A. ROMAN & CO., SAN FRANCISCO, CAL. 



COPTEIGEIT, I87(j, BY ShELDON & Co. 



.V 



TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE, 

WHOSE LIBERTIES HE SO GALLANTLY DEFENDED, 

AND ESPECIALLY TO THE 

AMERICAN CAVALRY, PAST AND PRESENT 

WHOSE GREATEST PRIDE AND BRIGHTEST ORNAMENT HE WAS, 

I DEDICATE THIS MEMOIR. 



rl 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Steel Plate of Gej^eral Custer as he ap- ) 

V Frontispiece. 

peaked the summer of his death ) 

Mrs. Custer says of this likeness : " I cannot say how pleased I am with the steel plate 
cnaraving you sent me. It grows upon me, aud I think it gives the General's intellectual 
look better than any portrait I have." 



TO FACE PAGE 

Wading the Chickahomikt 103 

Map of the Peninsula 109 

Custer at Aldie 157 

The Woodstock Eaces 258 

Custer in 1865 271 

-^I AP of Five Forks 295 

The Flag of Truce 30G 

The Attack on the Train 371 

The Kidder Massacre 383 

Battle of the Washita 425 

Satanta 456 

PiAin-in-the-Face 515 

Map op Custer's Last March 570 

AuTiE Reed 

Boston Custer 

Captain Calhoun 

Colonel Tom Custer 

-Map of Custer's Last Fight 595 

"Custer's Last Fight 606 

This book, including the Illustrations, etc., contains 687 pages. 



FIRST BOOK.— THE BOY. 

CHAPTER I. 

EARLY LIFE. 

GEORGE ARMSTRONG CUSTER was born in l^ew 
Riimley, Ohio, December 5, 1839. New Rumley is a 
group of houses, an old estabhshed settlement, in Harrison 
County, on the border of Pennsylvania, and peopled from thence 
early in the last century. It is a small place, not set down on 
any but very large scale maps, and most of the population of 
the township is scattered in farm houses about the country. 
The family history, gleaned from the family Bible, is plain and 
simple. It is that of an honest group of hard workers, not 
ashamed of work, and it shows that the stock of which the 
future general came was good, such as made frontiersmen and 
pioneers in the last century. 

Emmanuel H. Custer, father of the general, was born in 
Cryssoptown, Alleghany Count}^ Maryland, December 10th, 
1806. To-day, a hale hearty old man of seventy, somewhat 
bowed, but well as ever to all seeming, he stands a living in- 
stance of the strong physique and keen wits of the determined 
men who made the wild forests of Ohio to bloom like the rosO: 
He was brought up as a smith, and worked at his trade for many 
years, till he had saved enough money to buy a farm, when he 
became a cultivator. All he knows he taught himself, but he 
gave his children the best education that could be obtained in 
those early days in Ohio. When quite a young man, he left 



* GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Maryland and settled in New Eumlej, being the only smith for 
many miles. He prospered so well that he was able to get mar- 
ried when twenty-two years of age. He married Matilda 
Yiers, August 7th, 1828, and their marriage lasted six years, 
during which time three children were born, of whom only one, 
Brice "W. Custer, of Columbus, Ohio, is now living. He is 
bridge inspector on one of the railroads leading from that place. 
The first Mrs. Custer died July 18th, 1834. 

The maiden name of the second Mrs. Custer, mother of the 
general, was Maria Ward. She was born in Burgettstown, 
Pennsylvania, May 31st, 1807, and was first married, when only 
a girl of sixteen, to Mr. Israel R. Kirkpatrick. Her husband 
died in 1835, a year after the death of the first Mrs. Custer. 
The widow Kirkpatrick had then three children, whereof two 
are now alive. David Kirkpatrick lives in Wood County, Ohio, 
some forty miles south from Toledo. Lydia A. Kirkpatrick 
married Mr. David Reed, of Monroe, Michigan, and in after life 
became more than a sister, a second mother, to the subject of 
our biography. 

After two years widowhood, Mrs. Kirkpatrick married 
Emmanuel Custer, April 14th, 1837, and became the mother of 
the general, two years later, as the second Mrs. Custer. She is 
still, at the present date of writing, living, but in very feeble 
health. 

The children of this second marriage were born as follows : 

1. George Armstrong Custer, December 5, 1839. 

2. Nevin J. Custer, July 29, 1842. 

3. Thomas W. Custer, March 15, 1845. 

4. Boston Custer, October 31, 1848. 

5. Margaret Emma Custer, January 5, 1852. 

All were born in Harrison County, in or near New Rnmley. 
Nevin and Margaret alone now survive, the latter the widow of 
Lieutenant Calhoun, who was killed on the field of battle with 
his three brothers-in-law, June 25th, 1876. ISTevin Custer now 
lives on a farm near Monroe, Michigan. During the late war 



EARLY LIFE. 5 

he enlisted as a private soldier, but was thrown out for physical 
disability, in spite of his anxiety to serve his country. He had 
all the spirit of the Ousters, but lacked the good physique of 
the other members of the family. 

T have been thus particular in giving the family record, be- 
cause little is known to the world on that subject. It is the 
record of a plain yeoman family, such as constitutes the bone 
and sinew of the country. The name of Custer was originally 
Kiister, and the grandfather of Emmanuel Custer came from 
Germany, but Emmanuel's flither was born in America. The 
o-randfather was one of those same Hessian officers over whom 

o 

the colonists wasted so many curses in the Revolutionary war, 
and who were yet so innocent of harm and such patient, faithful 
soldiers. After Burgoyne's surrender in 1778, many of the 
paroled Hessians seized the opportunity to settle in the country 
they came to conquer, and amongst these the grandfather of 
Emmanuel Custer, captivated by the bright eyes of a frontier 
damsel, captivated her in turn with his flaxen hair and sturdy 
Saxon figure, and settled down in Pennsylvania, afterwards 
moving to Maryland. It is something romantic and pleasing 
after all, that stubborn George Guelph, in striving to conquer 
the colonies, should have given them the ancestor of George 
Custer, who was to become one of their greatest glories. 

Of this family the boy George Armstrong was born, and 
grew up a sturdy, flaxen-headed youngster, full of life and 
frolic, always in mischief, and yet, strange to say, of the 
gentlest and most lovable disposition. The closest inquiry 
fails to reveal a single instance of ill-temper during Custer's 
boyhood. All his playmates speak of him as the most mischiev- 
ous and frolicsome of boys, but never as quarrelsome. There 
is actually not a single record of a tight in all his school life, 
though the practical jokes are without number. He was very 
early, however, imbued with a passion for soldiering, how early 
he eould not tell himself. In those days Emmanuel Custer, 
like most countrymen, was in the militia, and very fond of hia 



6 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

uniform and his little son. When " Armstrong," or " Autie," 
as the boy was always called, was only about four years old, 
a miniature military suit,* was made for him. Whenever 
father Custer went to training, Autie went with him, and 
marched after the soldiers as well as he could, his small legs 
doing their best to make big strides. After drill it was a 
favorite pastime of the "New Rumley Invincibles" to see 
little Autie go through the old Scott manual of arms with a 
toy musket, and thus the boy became imbued from his earliest 
years with the soldier spirit. 

As Autie grew older, like all the Custer boys, he was sent 
to school — district school — where he learned, in the good old 
fashioned way, how to read, write and cipher. The winter 
schooling over, in the summer he worked on the farm, like all 
the Custer boys, ploughing, mowing, chopping wood, " doing 
chores," and developing into a strong hearty boy. It was this 
early farm life, the constant and vigorous exercise that he 
underwent, that laid the foundation of that iron constitution 
which he afterwards possessed, and gave him that capacity for 
bearing fatigue, which made him such a tremendous marcher 
in days to come. He could handle an axe when he was a 
general officer, as well as any pioneer, and has been known on 
more than one occasion to set to work to help the fatigue 
parties, when clearing a w'ay over fallen timber in the forests 
of Virginia and the coppices that fringe the Black Hills. 

When Armstrong was about ten years old, an event hap- 
pened in the family w^hich changed the current of his life to an 
extent which no one at the time expected would happen. His 
half sister Lydia w^as married to Mr, Reed, a young man who 
came from Monroe, Michigan, and after her marriage departed 
to live at Monroe. Now in jthose days Monroe w^as a long 
way off from New Rumley. There were very few railroads in ^ 
the United States, and none between the two towns. The 

* This tiny soldier-suit still exists, in the keeping of General Custer's 
mother. 



EARLY LIFE. 7 

State of Michigan was then sparsely settled. The act admitting 
it into the Union was only passed the year in which young 
Custer was born. The site of Lansing, the present capital of 
the State, was, in 184:6, only a few years before Mrs. Reed's 
marriage, occupied by a single log cabin, and the population of 
the State was not quite four hundred thousand people. The 
only old settled places were Detroit and Monroe. The former 
dated from the days of the fur-posts, before the Revolution, 
and it was very near Monroe (then called Frenchtown) that the 
massacre of 1813, known as the battle of Raisin River, took 
place, in which the British General Proctor, and Tecumseh 
with his Indians, annihilated eight hundred mounted riflemen 
of Kentucky. 

Mrs. Reed felt that she was going away among strangers, 
with none of her own kin near her, and she begged that Arm- 
strong might go with her to her new home. The boy, like all 
boys, was only too glad to see new scenes, and went to Monroe 
with his sister and her husband, remaining there for two years. 
Newly settled as was the State of Michigan in those days, it 
was already becoming noted for its excellent educational ad- 
vantages, which have since expanded into one of the best school 
systems in the Union. When young Custer went there, he 
was at once put to school in Stebbins' Academy, where he 
remained till about twelve years old. 

Of those early days the records and reminiscences are many 
and amusing, and we shall quote a few of them. Custer's chum 
at school, the boy who sat at the same desk with him, was 
named Bulkley, and the friendship that then began has since 
continued through life. In the case of Mr. Bulkley, who still 
lives in Monroe, it survives in the form of an ardent love and. 
appreciation of his quondam desk-mate. Many years after, 
when the old Stebbins' Academy was broken up and the prop- 
erty sold at auction, Mr. Bulkley found the same old desk at 
which he and Custer used to sit, with their names carved on it 
in school-boy fashion. He bought it in, and it now stands in 



8 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

his store, the receptacle of the various papers connected with 
the " Custer Monument Fund Society " of which Bulkley is 
the Secretary, General Sheridan being President. How little 
those two boys thought, a quarter of a century ago, what would 
be the ultimate fate of that old desk, as they furtively whittled 
away at its corners. 

Young Custer was a smart lad, with very quick apprecia- 
tion, a remarkably rapid student, but one who hated study. 
He seldom or never looked at a lesson out of school, trusting 
to the short period before recitation to skim over his task, and 
yet rarely failing to have a creditable lesson. He was always 
smuggling novels into school and reading them furtively, and 
his old comrade cannot help, even at this late date, a chuckle of 
lawless satisfaction, as he recalls the way in which he and Cus- 
ter used to cheat the old schoolmaster, in "geography hour." 
Custer used to have his geography wide open, while beneath it 
lay " Charles O'Malley," also wide open. With a pencil in his 
band, he would be earnestly tracing the course of a river on 
the map when old Stebbins came round behind him, it being 
the habit of that worthy man to wear list slippers and to be on 
the watch at all times for surreptitious amusements among the 
boys. Sly as he was, however, Custer was slyer. His senses 
were as sharp as those of an Indian even then, and Stebbins 
never found him otherwise than busy and studying intently, to 
the worthy pedagogue's great satisfaction. As he passed, he 
would pat the boy's head and pronounce him a credit to the 
school, a compliment received by the youngster with an edify- 
ing air of virtuous humility. 'No sooner was Stebbins gone, 
however, than the end of the geography was lifted, while Arm- 
strong returned to the perusal of the humors of Mr. Michael 
Free and the gallant charges of the Fourteenth Light Dragoons, 
M'ith renewed zest. 

His passion was reading military novels, his chief ambition 
to be a soldier. Even then, he had made up his mind to go to 
West Point when he got old enough. One thing that tended 



EARLY LIFE. » 

to inflame his martial spirit in tliose days, was the Mexican war 
just then closed. The heroes of that war were almost all "West- 
Pointers, and the little regular army made a very considerable 
figure therein. However that may be, he had formed the firm 
resolve to go to "West Point when old enough. 

Out of school, he was always in the midst of rough horse 
play with the other boys, fond of practical jokes, a great 
wrestler and runner, and the strongest lad of his age in the 
place. He became an acknowledged leader in all the athletic 
sports of the day, the only thing in which he did not excel 
being swimming. Curiously enough, he never liked the water 
much, to the day of his death, and though he could swim, sel- 
dom did so. Boating was also one of his dislikes. He would 
do anything on land, but had no aspirations as a sailor. At 
home, he was chiefly distinguished, according to the account of 
Mrs. Reed, by his extreme gentleness and kindness of heart. 
To her he was the most docile of boys, obeying her slightest 
wish the moment it was expressed. He was exceedingly ten- 
der-hearted also ; so much so that he never could bear even to 
see a chicken killed ; and the sight of suffering of any kind 
completely unnerved him. He was very fond of nursing Mrs. 
Reed's children, as they successively arrived, and was especially 
proud of her first boy who was named Armstrong, after him- 
self. Poor little Autie Reed, he died on the same field with 
Custer, together with Custer's youngest brother, on that last 
fated expedition. 

A strange compound of qualities was this lad in those days, 
gentle and brave, with an overflowing sense of humor, hating 
his books, and yet working to the head of his class by fits and 
starts when he took a notion, obstinate under harsh treatment, 
opposing the constituted authorities at school with all ingeni- 
ous evasions, meeting the wily tricks of his pedagogue with 
tricks still wilier, but ruled by his gentle sister with an abso- 
lute sway. He reminds us of one of Thackeray's schoolboys, 
full of vague poetical yearnings, tempered by the savage free- 



10 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

dom of overflowing physical strength and health, a boy all over, 
a boy to the backbone, with the promise and potency of — who 
knows what? — of manhood. The ruling traits of liis character, 
as they struck his family, were those of great goodness, of duty 
performed, of kindness, love, and devotion. To this day, they 
seem to think of him, not as the brilliant warrior, bat as the 
exemplary son and brother, who never omitted a duty, never 
abated in his love. Inside of all the rough play of the cham- • 
pion wrestler of the school, lay this hidden kernel of surpassing 
gentleness and love, that was to make the foundation of the 
future knight. And yet he was a plain American boy, who 
knew little or nothing of medieval lore, and less of European 
history, as was the necessary consequence of the habitual Ameri- 
can education. He was then, and remained to the last, a 
thorough American, a Western boy at that. 

After spending two years at Stebbins' Academy, he returned 
to ]^ew Eumley, and passed some time there, on his father's 
farm. When about fourteen, he was again sent to Monroe, 
this time to the " Seminary," the principal school of that place, 
then and now kept by the Eev. Mr. Boyd. The Seminary is 
a line old brick mansion, large and irregular, stretching out its 
wings in the midst of shady grounds, a pleasant and picturesque 
home. Here Custer finished his education in the English 
branches, remaining there two years. It was a far better school 
than the old Academy, Mr. Boyd being a man of much greater 
refinement and taste than was then common in the west, and 
young Custer worked under him to more advantage. He left 
school at the age of sixteen, and went back to New Rumley. 

It was, however, while at the Seminary, that a little incident 
occurred, which subsequently influenced his whole life, as Mrs. 
Eeed's marriage had done when he was a child. The incident 
is so small and trifling that it seems nothing, and yet on such 
trifles hang human lives. Coming from school one day to Mrs. 
Reed's, the rough, flaxen-headed, freckled-faced boy, was pertly 
accosted by a little girl with black eyes. She was a pretty little 



EARLY LIFE. 11 

creature, rounded and plump, her father's pet, an only child and 
naturally spoiled. Like most little children, she was proud to 
show all she knew, and she knew that Custer was a stranger. 
She said archly as she swung on the gate, her pretty face 
dimpling with smiles, " Hello ! you Custer boy ! " then fright- 
ened at her own temerity, turned and fled into the house. 

A trifle, you will say, not worth recording ; yet it was the 
beginning of Custer's first and last love. The sweet arch face 
of that little girl was the first revelation to the wild young 
savage, whose whole idea of life was that of physical exercise, 
war, and the chase, of something else, of another side to life. 
It was to him, love at first sight, and he then and there recorded 
an inward vow, that some day that little girl should be his wife. 
He kept the vow through many obstacles. 

This little girl was Libbie Bacon, only child of Judge 
Daniel S. Bacon, one of the oldest settlers of Monroe. The 
Judge had come there long before Emmanuel Custer's first mar- 
riage, and fifteen years before Armstrong was born. Beginning 
as a school teacher, he had become a lawyer, a member of the 
Territorial Legislature before Michigan was yet erected into a 
State, Judge of Probate, President of the Monroe Bank, direc- 
tor of the first Michigan Railroad — in short he was one of the 
first men of the little town, and the centre of its " upper ten." 
To 3'oung Custer, poor and obscure, it might have then seemed 
as if a great gulf divided him from the little girl whose arch 
beauty flashed on him for the first time. It was characteristic 
of the determination which afterwards marked his whole career 
that he should make such a vow and keep it. To this we shall 
afterwards return. 

Custer had now lived at Monroe, off and on, for four years. 
His return to Ohio must have seemed to him an exile, for he 
ever after seems to have looked on Monroe as his home. He 
went back to New Rumley, and soon after obtained a place as 
teacher at Hopedale, Ohio, not far from his native place. Here 
he earned his first money — not much to our notions now, but 



12 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

a little fortune to him in those days. Twentj-six dollars a 
month and his board were the terms, and he brought the whole 
of his first month's salary and poured it into his mother's lap. 
In after years he often referred to the joy he then experienced 
as being the greatest he had ever known, as being his first 
opportunity to repay in a measure the love of his parents, for 
whom he ever cherished the fondest affection. That affection 
was well deserved. Hitherto we have spoken but little of 
Custer's father and mother, but when we reflect on the fact that 
out of the savings of a small farm, and burdened with the sup- 
port of a large family, they had managed to pay for the best 
education then to be found in the Western country for their 
eldest son, we can understand much of the spring of that son's 
energy and goodness of character. 

Long years after, when Custer was distinguished among men, 
an eminent warrior, courted and petted by all, he wrote his 
father and mother a letter, which is worthy of being printed 
in letters of gold.' It shows what parents and what a son com- 
bined to make the perfect knight that Custer became. "We 
quote but a fragment, in answer to one of their letters, in 
which the modest parents have disclaimed any merit of their 
own in the success of their brilliant son. Custer writes : 



You do yourself injustice when you say you did but little for 
me. You may forget it, but I never can. There is not a day but 
I think with deep gratitude of the many sacrifices, the love and 
devotion you and mother have constantly bestowed upon me. 
You could not have done more for me than you have. A fortune 
would be nothing to me with what I am indebted to you for. I 
never wanted for any tiling necessary, and if you did not give me 
a fortune in money, you did what was infinitely better. You 
and mother instilled into my mind correct principles of industry 
honesty, self-reliance; I was taught the distinction between wrong 
and right ; I was taught the value of temperate habits ; and I 
now look back to my childhood and the days spent under the 
home roof, as a period of the purest happiness ; and I feel thank- 
ful for such noble parents. I know but few if any boys are so 



EARLY LIFE. 13 

blessed as I have been, by haying such kind, self-sacrificing pa- 
rents to train and guide them as I have had. I know I might 
heap millions of dollars at yonr feet, and still the debt of grati- 
tude on my part would be undiminished. 

All honor to parents and son. In that letter lies much of 
the secret of Custer's success. 

At Hopedale, young Custer remained for a year, teaching ; 
but he was not the man to stagnate into a pedagogue. Teach- 
ing was to him, as to many another man in the United States, 
a mere stepping-stone to better things, a temporary means of 
support. He had determined to go to West Point : the ques- 
tion remained, how was he to get there. Father Custer was a 
stanch old Jacksonian Democrat, double-dyed and twisted in 
the wool ; the member for the district was an equally stanch 
Republican. It was now the year 1856, the time when Ere- 
monters began to be enthusiastic and aggressive, when the bur- 
den of the campaign songs was " Free speech, free press, free 
soil, free men, Fremont and Victory ! " The member for the 
district was an enthusiastic republican, what chance was there 
that he would use his influence to advance the son of an equally 
enthusiastic democrat ? So Emmanuel Custer thought, when 
his son pressed him to try and get Mr. Bingham to nominate 
him to West Point. He said frankly that it was no use trying, 
that the young fellow might try if he wished, but he could not 
help him. He had no influence, and none but humble friends. 
But Armstrong would not give up. He would try for himself, 
and trust to his own efforts alone. He had one advantage, 
habits of study, and facility in using his knowledge. Teaching 
had given him that, as it has many others. No way to master 
a science so good as to undertake to teach it. One must know 
it then. So he sat down and wrote the following letter : 

Hopedale, Ohio, May 27tli, 1856. 
To THE Hon. John A. Bingham. 

Sir : — Wishing to learn something in relation to the matter 
of appointment of cadets to the West Point Military Academy, I 



14- GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

have taken the liberty of addressing you on the subject. My only 
apology for thus intruding on your notice is, that I cannot obtain 
such information here. And as the matter is to be finally settled in 
Washington, I have thought better to make application at head- 
quarters from the beginning. If in the multiplicity of your 
duties, which I know you must have on hand, you can find time 
to inform me as to the necessary qualifications for admission, and if 
our congressional district is unrepresented there or not, or at least 
when there will be a vacancy, you will confer a great favor on me. 
I am desirous of going to West Point, and I think my age and 
tastes would be in accordance with its requirements. But I must 
forbear on that point for the present. I am now in attendance at 
the McNeely N"ormal School in Hopedale, and could obtain from 
the principal, if necessary, testimonials of moral character. I 
would also say that I have the consent of my parents in the course 
which I have in view. Wishing to hear from you as soon as 
convenient, 

I remain. 

Yours respectfully, 

Gr. A. Custer. 

It will be seen from this letter that Custer had at the time 
ceased teaching for aM^hile, to further perfect his education.* 
The handwriting is very strongly contrasted with that of his 
later years, which is rather light and pointed, resembling a 
lady's hand in many respects. In the Bingham letter it is that 
of a particularly careful schoolboy of the old time, with down- 
strokes of portentous weight and blackness, with fine hair lines 
for upstrokes. The letter brought forth a reply from Bingham, 
in wliich the requisite information was given, and it appeared 
that others were after the place. In answer to this, Custer 
wrote again. He would not be denied, if persistency would 
effect his purpose. There was another young man after the 
place, but he wrote as follows : 



McNeely Normat. School, Thursday, June 11, 1856. 
Hon. John A. Bingham. 

Dear Sir — Yours of the fourth was duly received and I feel 
myself compelled to write again to express my sincere thanks for 



EARLY LIFE. 15 

yotir prompt attention, explicit information as to qualifications, etc. 
I will also add that in all the points specified I would come under 
the requirements set forth in your communication, being about sev- 
enteen years of age, above the medium height and of remarkably 
strong constitution and vigorous frame. If that young man from 
Jeff. County of whom you spoke does not push the matter, or if 
you hear of any other vacancy, I should be glad to hear from you. 
Yours with great respect, 

G. A. Custer. 

Nothing came of it that year, however. The young man 
from Jefferson County got the place, but there was still time 
during the next year. That summer Mr. Bingham came home 
at the close of the session of Congress, and young Custer went 
to see him. The result of the interview was that Bingham, 
pleased with the frank face of the boy, his modest determination, 
and something in his Jooks that told that he would yet be a 
credit to his nominator, promised that he would give him the 
next year's vacancy, and Custer went home happy. 

The rest of the year 1856 w^as passed by him partly at the 
!N^ormal School, partly teaching, partly on his father's farm. 
At last came the eventful day when lie received his commis- 
sion, and was ordered to report at West Point. The die was 
cast. He had longed to be a soldier. From henceforth to the 
day of his death he was a soldier to the core. 

This period of Custer's life may be regarded as that of his 
first awakening to the consciousness of his own powers and of 
the deficiencies of his early education. One evidence of this is 
the fact of his attendance at the Normal school and his selection 
of teaching for an occupation. He had already received more 
than enough education to fit him for such a life as his father or 
any of his relatives led, and the fact of his voluntarily entering the 
Normal school to avail himself of its further advantages shows 
that he was already looking forward to a change in his prospects 
before he applied to Mr. Bingham. The latter had told liim of all 
the difficulties besetting an applicant for a cadetship, and espe- 



16 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

ciallj of the preliminary examination, and Custer occupied all 
the rest of the year in fitting himself therefor. The result was 
that, when he went to West Point, he had already mastered as 
much mathematics as any one of the one year cadets, and w^•^s 
so far ahead of his class that he found all his subsequent studies 
as easy as he had his earlier labors at Stebbins' Academy. Of 
the other troubles of a cadet, lessons apart, he was now to gain 
his first experience. He found his troubles there, much the 
same as at school, in the irksomeness of discipline, not the se- 
verity of study. Such as he was, a headlong, impulsive, gener- 
ous lad, full of life and spirits he entered "West Point. "Would 
there were hundreds more to-day there, like him. 




CHAPTER II. 

PLEBE CUSTER. 

A TALL, slender lad of seventeen, with frank, liandsorae 
face and fair hair, landed on the wharf at West Point, in 
the summer of 1857. A certain free, careless air told of tlie 
Western man, so different in his surroundings and bearing from 
the town-bred citizen of the East. It was our young hero, 
fresh from the independent merry life of the West, and plunged 
all alone into the peculiar life of West Point — a Plehe, with all 
his sorrows to come. 

A great change for the careless young fellow, overflowing 
with the fun and frolic that comes of magnificent physical 
organization and keen intellect. There is something in the 
atmosphere of Western life that seems to rebel against rules and 
restrictions and everything narrow. It goes straight to its pur- 
pose, whatever it be, by direct common sense methods, original 
in their simplicity, but appears awkward and rough when con- 
trasted with Eastern polish. With all his diirerences of race 
and education, come from the most perfectly repubHcan part of 
the Union, young Custer was dropped into the midst of one of 
the most absolute despotisms on earth, the Military Academy 
at West Point. What the change is, for a young fellow fresh 
from home life, and especially from country home life, it is dif- 
ficult to picture, without a knowledge of that curious microcosm, 
" the Point." 

There is something in the Military Academy so totally dif- 
ferent from the usual life of America, that it has fixed a great gulf 
between West Pointers and the outside world, none the less 
real because impalpable. It shows itself in the reception 



18 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

accorded to the "Plebe" wben he first enters the Academy, so 
ditierent from that accorded to a Freshman at college, the near- 
est person to a Plebe in condition. The poor Plebe comes 
from the world of freedom, and enters another world, where 
implicit obedience is the unflinching rule. Instantly, every one 
seems to set on him to make his life miserable. From time 
immemorial it seems to have been the tradition at the Academy, 
that every new-comer should be made to suffer all the discom- 
forts possible, during his first months, without a possibility of 
escape. His ordinary treatment has been embalmed in some 
very truthful, though undeniably doggerel verses, in the "West 
Point Scrap Book," entitled "West Point Life." The compo- 
sition from which they are taken was written for the Dialectic 
Society of West Point in 1859, and therefore may be said to 
portray very accurately the state of society at the " Point," 
when Custer was a cadet. The minstrel, describing the Plebe, 
breaks out: 

When landed at tlie Point, you ask a man wliere you report, 

And ten to one you get from liim a withering retort. 

He'll say, " Subordination, Plebe's, of discipline the root ; 

When you address an old Cadet, forget not to salute." 

He sends you to a room and says, " Report and then come back." 

You enter and discover there only the old boot-black. 

You wander like Telemachus ; at last you find the place 

And see the dread Instructor — yes, and meet him face to face. 

He shouts out, " Stand attention, sir ! hands close upon your pants, 

And stand erect. Hold up your head ! There — steady ! don't advance ; 

Turn out your toes still further, look straight toward the front, 

Draw in your chin ! Throw out your chest ! Now steady ! Don't you grunt." 

Says the Instructor " Where's my pen? this old one doesn't suit me." 

" There it is, sir." " You hold your tongue ! How dare you talk on duty ? 

I'm not surprised to see you quail and flatter like a partridge. 

But soldiers' mouths must only open when they tear a cartridge." 

He wants to know all things you've brought, your clothes of every kind ; 

(You think the gentleman's endowed with an enquiring mind) 

You get a broom, some matches, and a bed made up of patches. 

Though little do you think such schools could ever have their matches. 

A comforter you also get, a thing that most you need, 

A eouiiorter ! It's one of Job's, a sorry one indeed 1 



PLEBE CUSTER. 19 

" On your return, report yourself," they earnestly exhort you. 

Report yourself! ! ! when twenty men are eager to report yoa 1 

You're now assigned to quarters — there deposit bed and broom. 

And though in want of shelter, wish for you there was no room. 

Are these the luxuries on which our Senators agree ? 

You do not fancy this " hot-bed of aristocracy." 

The drill drum beats, so does your heart, and down the stairs you scud. 

You slip before you reach the ranks, fall full length in the mud ; 

How strange you think it when next night reported you have been. 

In spite of all your eflForts, for neglecting to " fall in." 



When reading in your room, absorbed in prison discipline, 

You suddenly hear some one knock ; jump up, and cry " Come inl' 

You find the dread Instructor already in the door. 

He says " Did you give that command to your Superior? " 

You ask to be forgiven, say you'll never do't no more, 

You didn't yet know all the rules and articles of war. 

Next day they march you into camp. How pretty it does look I 

That you may fare the better, you have brought a cookery book. 

You get in camp, an old cadet cries, " Come put up this tent." 

And with the aid he renders you, you're very well content. 

You thank him, take possession ; when you find that all is done. 

He coolly tells you " Plebe, that's mine ; go, get another one. 

What you have done is only play ; Plebes always make mistakes." 

Foul play you think it is, when you have put down all the stakes. 

You possibly are six feet high ; some officer you dreaii 

Arrests you at the break of day for lying long in bed. 



July the Fourth at last arrives ; you think it rather hard. 

When on this day of liberty, the Plebes must go on guard. 

You go on post, the night arrives, you scarcely are alive. 

But still a lonely watch you keep, way down on " No. 5." 

At first you like the lonely post, the path's so nicely levelled. 

But soon you share the fate of ham — that is, you're nicely " devilled' 

Bodies vast of men approach, and sound their rude alarms — 

From divers punches you receive, you find they all have arms — 

Baggage wagons, ropes, and ghosts, upon your post appear — 

Teeth begin to chatter— though, of course, it's not through fear, 

A spirit white you seize upon, and hold it on your post, 

Until the corporal arrives, when you give up the ghost. 

When in a wheel-barrow you fall, that's moving up behind. 

To rapidly desert your post, you're forcibly inclined. 



20 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Then you swear that you'll resign, the climate is too damp, 
But once within the tented field, you find you can't decamp. 
Resolving then to be content, there's no more hesitation. 
You find more satisfaction in this kind of resignation. 
Spartan like, you stay until encampment has an end. 
And when that time is closing up, your times begin to mend. 

The woes of the poor Plebe on first joining, as recited in 
the above pathetic ballad, are by no means over-strained. An 
old graduate says of the new comers very feelingly : " "We can 
not but feel an involuntary pity for the new cadet who is just 
landing at the old wharf, where a sentinel is waiting to conduct 
him to the adjutant's office, there to record liis entrance on — 
he knows not what small and great tribulations. 

" The poor fellow has just left the endearments of home, and 
by a rapid transition has become a stranger among the mighty 
hills. But worst of all, instead of receiving kindly hospitality, 
he becomes, for a time, one of an inferior caste, toward whom, 
too often, the finger of derision is pointed, and over whom the 
Fourth Class drill-master flourishes, with too snobbish zeal, his 
new-born authority. Then too, to be called a " conditional 
thing," a "thing" and a " plebe " in slow promotion; to be 
crowded five in a room, with the floor and a blanket for a bed ; 
to be drummed up, drummed to meals, and drummed to bed, all 
with arithmetic for chief diversion ; this is indeed a severe ordeal 
for a young man who is not blessed with good nature and good 
sense ; but with these excellent endowments, it soon and smoothl}^ 
glides on into a harmless memory. People are found who con- 
tend that West Point is a hot-bed of aristocracy, where caste and 
titles rule. It would be pleasing to exhibit to such an one, the 
ununiformed new class, presenting a line of about one hundred 
young men of all types, at least in externals. Side by side are 
seen the flabby Kentucky jeans, and the substantial homespun, 
the ancient long-tailed, high-collared coat of the farmer's boy, 
and the exquisite fit of the fashionable New York tailor. We 
have known two presidents' sons, two proteges of General Jack- 
son, several sons of secretaries, and other high functionaries, 



PLEBE CUSTER. 21 

found deficient, for the simple reason that they were deficient. 
Before ns lies a little volume, by a Vermont farmer's son, who 
successfully competed for the headship of his class, with a 
talented son of Henry Clay." 

Into the midst of West Point, dropped young Custer. As 
far as temperament went, he was just the one to get on among 
his comrades and be happy ; and we find accordingly, that he 
was soon a general favorite. The hardships of Plebe life 
passed over him lightly. He had the advantage of being a tall 
strong young fellow, not easily brow-beaten, or physically 
oppressed, and his good-nature and jolly ways saved him 
from the more annoying kinds of small persecution. The first 
week's squad drills and the preliminary examination being safely 
passed, young George Custer at last received his full appoint- 
ment, M'as permitted to don the uniform, and became a full- 
fledged cadet. The happy day arrived when he, with the other 
Plebes, shed the badges of their servitude, and all the black 
coats vanished from the cadet battalion. Then, at the 
close of June, the barracks were abandoned ; and Cadet Custer, 
along with his comrades, marched out for the annual encamp- 
ment. This takes place every year at the same time after 
graduation. The first class of 1857 was examined and grad- 
uated while the Plebes were joining, the second class became 
the first, the fom-th became the third, and went on furlough for 
the summer; and the " June Plebes" blossomed out into the 
fourth class. Then, at dress parade, the order was read out to 
go into camp, the barracks being vacated. The young cadets 
turned into May-day carmen, without any carts. Not even a 
wheelbarrow was to be obtained. Mattresses, tables, chairs, 
trunks, every article had to be cleared out, the furniture placed 
in the empty recitation rooms, leaving only iron bedsteads in the 
dormitories, which were to be thoroughly cleaned by the work- 
men. The campground on the northeast of the plain was laid 
out, and the tents all pitched before breakfast ; then at the 
exact hour indicated in the order, the companies formed on 



22 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

the parade ground, and marched out to the camp, with band 
playing. 

The cadets at West Point are divided into four companies. 
During the June examinations, the Plebes, being an addi- 
tional class, had been of course stinted for space in the bar- 
racks, but in camp tliere was plenty of room. There were 
eight rows of tents, two opening on each street, company offi- 
cers in a row at the end of the streets of their companies, com- 
mandant's marquee opposite the centre of the camp, which was 
the same as that of a small battalion of infantry, Tlie guard 
tents, six in number, were at the other end of the streets, and 
there were six sentries on duty round the camp. Each walked 
his beat two hours, being then relieved for four hours, after 
which he went on again, his tour of duty being six hours out 
of twentj^-four, the guard having three " reliefs," or eighteen 
cadets, besides a corporal to each relief, a sergeant, and an 
officer of the guard. 

During the encampment, the duties of the cadets were 
wholly military. It was a relief from the long course of hard 
mathematical studies which they had pursued when in bar- 
racks, served to maintain their health, and especially to accus- 
tom them to the daily routine of soldier's life. During the 
time the camp lasted, from the end of June to the end of 
August, the drills were constant and unintermitting in infantry 
evolutions, with artillery drill for the upper classes. The result 
was a most wonderful perfection of mechanical movement, from 
which even the newly joined Plebes were not exempt, the 
nearest approach to which is to-day seen in the street parades 
and drills, on grand occasions, of the celebrated New York 
Seventh Regiment, when put on its mettle. During the 
summer encampment, the vicinity of West Point is always 
crowded with visitors, and as the members of the upper classes 
are allowed considerable liberty at this time, it becomes to 
them a season of comparative enjoyment. 

At last came the close of August. The barracks were await- 



PLEBE CUSTER. 23 

ing tlieir occupants, and the time of serious work for the Fourth 
Class had come. On the 29th the cadets carried off their 
blankets and clothing to the rooms soon to be occupied for the 
fall, leaving in camp only their muskets and full dress uni- 
forms. The order for breaking camp had been read on dress 
parade the previous evening, and at the fixed hour the drums 
were heard beating " the general," the signal to pack up and 
be off. Then came one of the most imposing sights in mili- 
tary life, and one which always impresses the civilian spectator 
with a certain feeling of desolation when it is over. 

Before us stands the populous little town, that for two 
months has been the scene of such picturesque activity, with 
all the " pride, pomp and circumstance of glorious war." The 
cadets fly to their tents at the beating of the " general," and 
await three taps of the drum amid breathless silence. " Tap ! " 
comes the first, and the whole camp is alive in a moment, the 
men flinging themselves on the stakes, which are pulled up, 
leaving the tents supported only by the four corners. Then 
comes another breathless hush, every one waiting. " Tap ! " 
comes the second signal, and up come the corner pegs, while 
the canvas is swept into the centre, and a man stands at each 
pole, all the tents still up, and hiding the view. Another 
hush, and then — 

''Tap!'' 

In a moment, ere the sound has time to die away, down goes 
every tent with a single clap, and the lately populous town has 
vanished, leaving behind it nothing but a bare plain, while the 
men, like a swarm of bees, fling themselves on the prostrate 
tents, withdraw the poles, and roll up the canvas in long rolls, 
which are piled in heaps for the quartermaster's people to take 
away. Then comes the " Assembly," and the companies take 
their stacked arms, while the battalion is formed and marched 
to the barracks. 

Cadet Custer had seen his first camp, and it was over. 

This "West Point camp is one of the very best features of 



24 GENERA.L GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

academic life. It serves as a wholesome relaxation to the 
cadets, who are necessarily working at books all the rest of the 
year ; and it tends to remind them of what they might other- 
wise easily forget, that they are soldiers, not school-boys. The 
influence of academic life at other times, on both officers and 
students, is very injurious to breadth of mind. To the officers 
it is indescribably narrowing. They generally become, after a 
long residence at the " Point " more like school-masters than 
soldiers, fond of espionage, with sympathies and tastes confined 
to the small circle of a class-room, as contracted in their views 
of life as so many school-teachers, besides being strongly inclined 
to petty tyranny. The camp comes to remind them that there 
is a whole world outside of West Point, and that tlie end of 
the academic course is to make officers, not pedants. 

To the incoming cadets it serves as a good introduction to 
what follows, and gives them courage to attack their winter 
studies, which commence as soon as the encampment is over. 
So it was now with Cadet Custer. His work was beginning. 




CHAPTER III. 
CADET CUSTER. 

THE Fourth Class, to which Cadet Custer belonged, was 
now safely ensconced in the barracks, and entering on the 
unvarying routine of cadet life. What that routine is, has 
been pictured by more than one old graduate, in that same 
storehouse of information from which we have already quoted, 
and it will serve, in addition to the personal reminiscences of 
his classmates, to complete the picture of Cadet Custer's life 
at West Point. 

Let us commence at early dawn, when the faint grey light 
first steals over the heavens. The rounded tops of the encir- 
cling mountains are cut clearly against the bright sky, old 
Cro'nest brooding protectingly over the little settlement. The 
sentry by the gate looks northward over the plain, and hears 
through the silence the distant thunder of paddles, as the 
Albany night boat comes sweeping down the river on her way 
to the city below. There is a gay twittering of birds, growing 
louder and louder, from the woods that clothe the mountains 
from base to summit. The river in the distance gleams white 
in the dawn, and the lights of the steamer, not yet extinguished, 
glide slowly along. The edge of the plateau cuts the view, and 
it would hardly seem possible that the same river sweeps 
almost beneath our feet, black and glistening in little eddies, 
surrounded by the bold Highlands that form the bay at West 
Point. Nestled at the foot of those Highlands, on the opposite 
side of the river, are the white cottages of Cold Spring, and the 
distant murmur of Buttermilk Falls can be heard through the 
stillness. Now the faint white lisrht of dawn 2:rows strono-er, 



26 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

and a crimson flush is on the east, while the little floatins 
clouds overhead are speckled with gold and rose color. Louder 
grows the sweet clamor of the birds in the early morning, 
and the barking of dogs from the village below announces 
the increasing stir of life. Anon the crimson flushes into 
scarlet, the scarlet flames into gold, and a bright shaft of light 
bathes the top of old Cro'nest and comes creeping down the 
mountain side. 

Boom ! ! ! 

A bright flash and a volume of snow white smoke, as the 
morning gun awakens the echoes. The smoke goes drifting away 
on the breeze towards the water, and the sharp boom of the gun 
reverberates from hill to hill all round the bay, ending in a dull 
grumble far up the river. Simultaneously, the long roll of the 
drum-corps, mingled with the sweet notes of the fifes, softened 
by the distance into a strain of perfect sweetness, comes gaily 
out on the morning air, as the drummers beat the long reveille. 

Cadet Custer and his room-mate are sleeping the sound 
sleep of the tired plebe, in their little room in the North Bar- 
rack, when the loud boom of the gun comes through the open 
window. Up they spring, for the two montlis of camp life 
have already inured both to the soldier's habit of coming 
broad awake in a moment. No rubbing of eyes, stretching or 
yawning. Outside, the reveille is beating, and the fifes are 
piping sweetly forth the first tune of the three that constitute 
the morning call. Each tune lasts about two minutes, and at 
the end of six minutes, every cadet knows that the orderly ser- 
geant will be standing on the company parade ground, book 
in hand, ready to call the roll. Into their clothes as hastily as 
possible, little time for toilet comforts, and down the barrack 
staircase scud Custer and Parker. As the rollicking notes of 
the last quickstep are in full progress, they dart to their places, 
and a moment later reveille ceases. There are the four com- 
panies, each on its own ground, the stiff orderly sergeant in 
front, book in hand, the cadet captain behind him, while the 



CADET CUSTER. 27 

officer of the day, arms folded, solemnly surveys the scene from 
his distant post. The cadets are standing at " parade rest," 
the weight resting on the right leg, hands crossed in front. 

Hardly has the last strain of the life, the final roll of the 
drum died away, when we hear the sharp voices of the First Class 
men, who act as sergeants, all together, " Attention, company ! " 

In an instant every cadet has stift'ened into a statue, in 
" position of a soldier," eyes staring straight to the front, with 
that vacant glare which marks the modern soldier in ranks. 
Out come the books, and each sergeant rattles off the names 
of his men in alphabetical order, having the list by heart. 
He knows every voice in his company, and is as sharp as a 
needle. Not a late man can slink into his place but the ser- 
geant notices him, and checks a mark against him in that inex- 
orable roll-book. If a head turns, or a whisper mars the per- 
fect stillness, the sergeant can pick out the guilty one in a 
moment ; even the shelter of the rear rank is no protection for 
the offender, for the Second and Third Class sergeants and 
corporals are ready to report him, in terror lest that lynx-eyed 
sergeant should report them, for neglect of duty. The roll call 
is rattled oif in a minute and a half, and the sergeant faces 
around, stiff as a stake, salutes, and says to the captain, " Sir, 
all are present or accounted for," or " Sir, so many absent." 
The young captain touches his hat, and proceeds forthwith to the 
cadet adjutant, where the same formality of report takes place 
for each company, the adjutant standing, book in hand, to 
receive the reports. Finally, the adjutant in his turn proceeds 
to the officer of the day, and reports the result of the whole 
battalion roll call to that mighty official, whose place it is to 
report the absentees at the end of his tour of duty. The ser 
geants then warn the cadets detailed for guard on that day, 
and ranks are broken. Now Cadets Custer and Parker are to 
be seen hastening to their little barrack room, having time to 
wash and comb, and clean up their room. Reveille, during 
summer, is at five, and by half past five, every room must be 



28 GENERAL GEORGE A, CUSTER. 

in perfect order, for the captain and lieutenants of each com- 
pany come round for morning inspection. 

From this time till seven o'clock the two cadets are hard at 
work at their books, studying for the morning recitations. At 
half past six they can hear the drummers beating the " sick 
call," when all the sick, lame and lazy troop to the surgeon, to 
be excused from duty or dosed as the case may be. Custer and 
Parker are healthy young fellows and the life of the Point 
leaves little excuse for sickness. Besides, both are yet Plebes, 
and have not learned so thoroughlj^ as they will some day, how 
to play " old soldier." Yery amusing stories are told of the 
efforts of older cadets, to appear terribly sick all of a sudden, 
when the day's lessons promise to be uncommonly hard. The 
Academy surgeon is no exception to army medical officers in 
time of peace ; half of his time is wasted in detecting fraudu- 
lent cases of sickness, feigned to evade duty. One very inge- 
nious trick by which a surgeon was completely deceived, was 
once played by a cadet who was out all night, and whose pulse 
was consequently feverish and irregular. He put a piece of 
chalk in his mouth which he chewed, and when his turn came 
to go to the doctor, complained of liaving a sunstroke. The 
pulse indicated not much the matter, and the doctor was about 
to put him off with a dose, when his forlorn aspect induced the 
functionary to ask to see his tongue. Its white and furry 
aspect alarmed the doctor, who pronounced it a clear case of 
high fever, and Cadet Foxey was excused from duty. 

These and similar mean tricks were entirely uncongenial 
to the frank nature of Custer. His pranks at the Academy 
were those of a high-spirited boy anxious to escape from re- 
straint, but he was always ready to take the consequences. 
The sick call this morning passes away, and he and Parker 
are hard at work on geometry and algebra, tactics and French, 
fortification and gunnery, till the welcome notes of " Peas upon 
iKe Trencher" echo through the quadrangle, calling to break- 
fasv. Now another roll call, and the companies are marched to 



CADET CUSTER. 29 

the mess liall ; from thence till eight o'clock there is leisure to 
study or look around one and watch guard mount. At eight, 
old Rentz, the Academy bugler for thirty years, calls the cadets 
to quarters, and now, for five mortal hours, the routine of 
study and recitation is unvarying. Kow another roll call. 
The classes that recite are marched to the recitation rooms by 
the section marchers, and reported to the Instructor. The first 
half of the corps works till half past nine, when the second 
half relieves them, while the fencing classes are called up. 

At one o'clock dinner call is beaten : and for this and re- 
creation an hour is allowed. From two till four more reci- 
tations, after which afternoon drill for an hour and a half, then 
liberty till sunset. 

Sunset is the signal for dress parade of the battalion, when 
there are more roll calls, and retreat is beaten by the drum 
corps, while the band plays, and everything puts on its most 
imposing and martial aspect. As the band paces up and down 
the front of the motionless line of cadets, the setting sun gleam- 
ing on the fixed bayonets, officers at parade rest, the solitary 
figure of the commandant standing w^ith folded arms in front 
of the centre, the scene attracts multitudes of spectators, and 
the effect on the imagination is romantic and warlike in the 
highest degree. The band wheels into its place, the gorgeous 
drum major flings up his staff, and as the melancholy notes of 
"retreat " echo on the evening air they are interrupted by the 
sudden boom of the evening gun. Down comes the great 
standard, fluttering on its way from the summit of the lofty 
flagstaff' As the last roll of "retreat" ceases, the line springs 
into sudden life at the sharp voice of the adjutant, and the 
brief formality of dress parade proceeds on its way. A few 
moments later, the companies are marching away to the sweet 
strains of the famous West Point band, and the day's work is 
over. JSTow comes supper and half an hours time for recrea- 
tion, when the bugle is heard once more, calling " to quarters ; " 
Every cadet must be in his room and studying, or at least 



30 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

quiet, and orderly, till tattoo at half past nine, when the beds 
are spread. 

At ten o'clock the quadrangle is nearly silent, the subdued 
murmur of conversation dying away, the light in the diiFerent 
rooms twinkling like stars. 

Tap ! 

A couple of drummers proceed slowly along round the bar- 
racks, and at every hundred steps or so, each gives a single tap. 
As if by magic, the twinkling lights disappear, and the Acad- 
emy is silent as the grave, buried in sleep. 

The duties of the guards during barrack time are much less 
onerous than when in camp. They walk post only at meal 
times, during drills, at dress parade, and during evening study 
hours. Each sentinel is responsible for the rooms on his post, 
which he is required to inspect. He must report all absentees, 
as well as suppress all noise and disturbances. Of course this 
part of his duty is the most onerous and delicate he can have 
during the day, as the strict restraints of discipline, irksome at 
any time to young men, are doubly so when night and dark- 
ness give them an opportunity to escape surveillance. This is 
the time when cadets fall into most of their scrapes, by getting 
out of quarters, either during study hours, or more commonly 
after taps. In the case of Cadets Custer and Parker, these 
escapades and frolics were born of that irrepressible spirit of 
fun so common in the West, for Parker was a Missourian. 
There seems to be something peculiarly enticing to a high- 
spirited cadet in the idea of getting out of bounds, and when to 
that is added the attractions of " Benny Havens," the tempta- 
tions to the bold spirits were much greater than the cadets 
could resist. 

Benny Havens has been for many years a famous character 
at the Point. Long before the Mexican "War he was estab- 
lished within the lines, and under the guise of an honest seller 
of coffee and cakes, was wont to administer surreptitious egg- 
flip, when no officers w^ere round, to the thirsty cadets. Ex- 



CADET CUSTER. 31 

pelled for this cause, he established himself about a mile from 
the Point, in a little cabin under a cliff, which has ever since 
been the rendezvous of innumerable pilgrims from the barracks. 
The attractions of Benny Havens' cabin did not seem, then nor 
now, to lie so much in the fact of his selling liquor. In the case 
of young Custer, who very seldom, except as hereinafter re- 
ferred to, used spirits or tobacco, this could have been no temp- 
tation. But Benny has been so long at the Point, and seen so 
many generations of cadets, that he has become a perfect store- 
house of interesting legends, and these constitute the charm 
which draws so many to his little cabin from far away. 

Grey-headed general officers, distinguished in active service, 
come to-day to the Point, to revisit the scenes of their youth, 
and always pay a visit to Benny, and the old man knows them 
all, and can tell stories of the days when they were cadets. No 
wonder the cadets of all time have been fond of slipping out of 
quarters after taps, to visit Benny, to sit around his fire, to lis- 
ten to stories of the day when Grant, Sherman, and Thomas 
were wild boys at the Point, to dream as they listen of the days 
when they perhaps may rival the fame of those great leaders. 
Meantime, they eat Benny's buckwheat cakes, for which he is 
famous, and drink his old wine, while at intervals they join in the 
time-honored song of " Benny Havens, oh ! " This is one of 
the regular institutions at Benny's. The song was written by 
Lieutenant O'Brien, of the 8th Infantry, assisted by others, 
many years ago, and set to the tune of "Wearing of the Green." 
When O'Brien afterward died in Florida, stanzas were added to 
commemorate his death. A very few verses will give an idea 
of the song, which is quite long. Imagine a group of young 
cadets, who have stolen away after taps, gathered in Benny's 
little parlor, awaiting the coming of the celebrated buckwheats. 
One stands up and cries: 

" Come, fellows, fill your glasses and — 

{All join in.) 
Stand up in a row. 

For sentimental drinking, we're gomg lor to go. 



32 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

In the army there's sobriety, promotion's very slow, 

So we'll cheer our hearts with choruses at Benny Havens, oh 1 

Benny Havens, oh ! oh ! Benny Havens, oh 1 

We'll sing our reminiscences of Benny Havens, oh ! " 

Then the song proceeds to describe the features of army life 
in various verses, till the chief breaks out rapturously : — 

" To the ladies of our army, our cups shall ever flow, 
Companions of our exile, and our shield against all woe, 
May they see their husbands generals, with double pay also, 
And join us in our choruses at Benny Havens, oh ! 

Benny Havens, oh 1 etc. 

May the army be augmented, promotion be less slow, 
May our country in her hour of need, be ready for the foe, 
May we find a soldier's resting place beneath a soldier's blow, 
With space enough beside our graves for Benny Havens, oh 1 

Benny Havens, oh ! etc." 

Tear by year, as new generations of cadets have passed 
through the Academy, and former graduates attain fame, their 
names are embalmed in successive verses. In Custer's day the 
only heroes were Taylor and Scott, for the regular army, that 
within a few years was to produce so many distinguished 
names, was then sunk in the rust of peace, with little chance of 
distinction before it. It seems to us now, looking back at that 
indefinite period " before the war," as if a whole century had 
passed since then. The state of the army, its names and tradi- 
tions, its very dress and appearance, are so different now, that 
in a few years all memory of that old army will have faded. 

Quietly glided away the days and nights at West Point, in 
the monotonous round of duties that came to Cadet Custer and 
his room-mate, while in the fourth class; and the dreaded 
January examination came, when, if not successful, the Flebe 
would be "found deficient," and sent back to civil life. It was 
safely passed, however, and the spring wore on, bringing nearer 
and nearer the memorable June day that opened to Cadet Cus- 



CADET CUSTER. 33 

ter " third class encampment," when he ceased to be a Plebe, 
and became at one bound an " old cadet," no longer on proba- 
tion, but only liable to be put back a class if he failed in 
studies. 

Now came the real pleasures of camp, when visitors were 
present in crowds, when the evening balls were crowded with 
cadets on leave, when the new Plebes were to be drilled, and 
the old torments inflicted on a new generation. To join in 
these, voung Custer was too good-natured and jovial, but at 
the balls he was in his element. His remarkably handsome 
face and figure were wonderfully effective among the ladies, as 
they continued to be all his life, and attracted no little of the 
envy of his brother cadets. In those days, before the heavy 
blonde moustache had come to lend an air of sternness to his 
features, his bright locks gave him a girlish appearance, which, 
coupled with the remarkable fact of his sti'ictly temperate 
habits, procured him the nick-name of " Fanny." Boys always 
have good names for each other, indicative of character or per- 
sonal appearance, and the name " Fanny " stuck to Custer 
through his academic life and long after, when he met his for- 
mer classmates as enemies in the field. "That's just like 
Fanny," said one of them, when he received a note from Custer, 
left at a farm house, informing him politely that he had just 
whipped such an one (a former classmate) handsomely, and was 
coming next day to repeat the operation on the recipient of the 
letter. 

Camp wore its way out, and the Third Class went into bar; 
racks once again for the same routine, the studies being ad- 
vanced and much more severe than before, the principal recre- 
ation being mounted drill in the riding hall. Here it was that 
Cadet Custer developed that perfection in horsemanship M'hich 
distinguished him afterward, with the more ease as every 
"Western boy knows something of riding early in life. To 
those who do not, the riding school of West Point is a hard 
one, but very effective. The Third Class men take up riding 
3 



34 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

in November, and arc exercised by platoons of abont twenty at 
a time, the same old troop hoi-ses being used from year to year, 
in the riding hall. The floor is strewn with tanbark several 
inches in depth, so that there is no danger to life or limb in a 
fall, and the animals are caparisoned in full army rig at the 
close of the course. Usually the class commences on blankets 
alone, without stirrups, and when this is the case the lesson is 
comparatively easy ; but sometimes the riding master orders on 
saddles, and gives the command to the cadets " Cross-Stirrups ! " 
Those who have ever tried to ride in a large McClellan saddle 
withoTit stirrups, on a hard trotting horse, can imagine the tor- 
ments of the poor boys on strange animals. In the army a 
man gets used to his own steed and inured to his paces, but 
where rider and horse are frequently changed, as at West 
Point, it is a very different thing. The constant alterations 
spoil the horses' tempers, and most of them get to be hard- 
mouthed, unruly brutes, full of bad tricks, and always on the 
watch for a chance to unseat a rider. 

Put a lot of green riders on such animals, and make them 
cross stirrups, then let the platoon start at a walk, and all is 
well, but when the command is given " Trot — March ! " what 
a jolting and pounding ensues, the unlucky cadets trying to 
hold on with knees and thighs to a saddle flap that seems as 
slippery as glass ! And yet two-thirds of the practice in the 
riding hall is done at the same trot, and the unfeeling riding 
master sits on his horse in the centre, cool as a cucumber. 
His stirrups are not crossed, you may be sure, or he could not 
smile so sweetly over the miseries of the poor pupils, bumping 
about. One of the late cadets^a young fellow, too, promoted 
from the ranks of the army during the war, and who had served 
in battle with the volunteer cavalry before he came to West 
Point, says: "It is one of the most cruel things that can be 
thought of, to be obliged to ride without stirrups for the first 
time on such perfect devils as some of these horses are. There 
were upwards of thirty in my class who were thrown, though 



CADET CUSTER. 35 

only three or four of them were injured — none severely. One 
had his foot stepped on in a playful manner by one of the incar- 
nate fiends, mashing his big toe to a jelly ; but that was not of 
much consequence, as it has now recovered. Man}^ were 
severely bruised, but in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred it 
if impossible for a cadet to be hurt badly by being thrown in 
the riding hall. The only way is to ride right through and 
take the pounding and bruises, and get used to it. The 
remedy is a rough one, bnt the only one effectual." 

Throngh all the troubles of the riding hall passed Cadet 
Custer, as blithe and debonair as ever. His length of limb 
gave him great advantage, his rough Western life still more. 
A tall wiry built man has greater ease in riding than a sliorter 
aspirant; and it was not long before " Fanny" was known as 
one of the best riders at the Point, emulating the fame that 
belonged in by-gone times to Cadet Grant, whose famous leap 
on " Old York" is traditional to this day. 

The winter passed away and another spring, and then the 
airs of June were felt once more, blowing over " Second Class 
Camp " and — blessed news — furlough to see home for the first 
time in two years. 

Furlough lasts till the Second Class goes to work again in 
barracks, and there is no need to say how it was enjoyed by Cadet 
Custer at his home, nor how many of his buttons he exchanged 
for locks of hair and vows of affection. In this he was not pecu- 
liar. All cadets have done it from time immemorial, and Cadet 
Custer, nearly twenty, handsome as Apollo, was by no means 
behind the fashion. How he enjoyed his furlough, how he 
hated to go back, how his work during the winter seemed duller 
and harder than ever, all these things are understood. The 
dailj^ routine of his further life was a repetition of the past. 

But the time was coming, as Custer approached First Class 
and graduation, when a change passed over the spirit of West 
Point, such as it had never seen before and is never likely to 
see again. This it was which rendered the experiences of 



36 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Caster's classmates unique in the annals of the Academy, and 
from henceforth it is fitting that Custer himself should take up 
the storj, as he has done in the opening chapters of his War 
Memoirs, wherein he rapidly summarizes his Academic career, 
in the following fashion : 

The first official notification received by me of my appoint- 
ment to the Military Academy bore the signature of Jefferson 
Davis, then Secretary of War in the cabinet of President 
James Buchanan. Colonel Richard Delafield, one of the ablest 
and most accomplished officers of the Engineer Corps, occupied 
the position of superintendent of the Academy, and Lieutenant- 
Colonel William J. Hardee, of the cavalry, afterward lieuten- 
ant-general in the Confederate army, was the commandant of 
the Corps of Cadets. 

Among the noticeable feature of cadet life as then impressed 
upon me, and still present in my memor}^ were the sectional 
lines voluntarily established by the cadets themselves ; at first 
barely distinguishable, but in the later years immediately pre- 
ceding the war as clearly defined and strongly drawn as were 
the lines separating the extremes of the various sections in the 
national Congress. Nor was this fact a strange or remarkable 
one. As each Congressional district and territory of the United 
States had a representative in Congress, so each had its repre- 
sentatives at the Military Academy. 

In looking back over the few months and years passed at 
West Point immediately preceding the war, some strange inci- 
dents recur to ray mind. When the various State conventions 
were called by the different States of the South with a view to the 
adoption of the ordinance of secession, it became only a question 
of time as to the attempted withdrawal of the seceding States. 
And while there were those representing both sections in Con- 
gress who professed to believe that war would not necessarily 
or probably follow, this opinion was not shared in even by per- 
sons as young and inexperienced as the cadets. War was 
anticipated by them at that time, and discussed and looked for- 



CADET CUSTER. 37 

ward to as an event of the future, with as much certainty as if 
speaking of an approaching season. The cadets from the South 
were in constant receipt of letters from their friends at home, 
keeping them fully advised of the real situation and promising 
them suitable positions in the military force yet to be organized 
to defend the ordinance of secession. All this was a topic of 
daily if not hourly conversation. Particularly was this true 
when we assembled together at meal-time, when, grouped in 
squads of half-a-dozen or more, each usually found himself in 
the midst of his personal friends. 

1 remember a conversation held at the table at which I 
sat during the winter of '60-61. I was seated next to Cadet 
P. M. B, Young, a gallant young fellow from Georgia, a class- 
mate of mine, then and since the war an intimate and valued 
friend — a major-general in the Confederate forces during the 
war and a member of Congress from his native State at a later 
date. The approaching war was as usual the subject of conver- 
sation in which all participated, and in the freest and most 
friendly manner; the lads from the Korth discoursing earnestly 
upon the power and rectitude of the ISTational Government, the 
impulsive Southron holding up pictures of invaded rights and 
future independence. Finally, in a half jocular, half earnest 
manner, Young turned to me and delivered himself as follows: 
" Custer, my boy, we're going to have war. It's no use talking ; 
I see it coming. All the Crittenden compromises that can be 
patched up won't avert it. 'Now let me prophesy what will 
happen to you and me. You will go home, and your abolition 
Governor will probably make you colonel of a cavalry regiment. 
1 will go down to Georgia, and ask Governor Brown to give me 
a cavalry regiment. And who knows but we may move against 
each other during the war. You will probably get the advan- 
tage of us in the first few engagements, as your side will be rich 
and powerful, while we will be poor and weak. Your regi- 
ment will be armed with the best of weapons, the sharpest of 
sabres; mine will have only shot-guns and scythe blades; but 



38 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

for all that we'll get the best of the figlit in the end, because 
we will light for a principle, a cause, while you will fight only 
to perpetuate the abuse of power." Lightly as we both regarded 
this boyish prediction, it was destined to be fulfilled, in a 
remarkable degree. Early in the war I did apply, not to the 
abolition Governor of my native State, but to that of Michigan, 
for a cavalry regiment. I was refused, but afterward obtained 
the regiment I desired as a part of my command. Young was 
chosen to lead one of the Georgia cavalry regiments. Both of 
us rose to higher commands, and confronted each other on the 
battle-field. 

On December 20, 1860, South Carolina formally led the 
way by adopting the ordinance of secession ; an example which 
was followed within the next few weeks by Mississippi, Alabama, 
Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas, in the order named. 
As soon as it became evident that these States were determined 
to attempt secession, the cadets appointed therefrom, imitating 
the action of their Senators and representatives in Congress, and 
influenced by the appeals of friends at home, tendered their 
resignations, eager to return to their homes and take part in the 
organization of the volunteer forces which the increasing difii- 
culties and dangers of the situation rendered necessary. Besides, 
as the Confederate Congress was called to meet for the first time 
at Montgomery, Alabama, February 6, 1801, and would un- 
doubtedly authorize the appointment of a large number of 
officers in the formation of the Confedei"ate armies, it was im- 
portant that applicants for positions of this kind should be on 
the ground to properly present their claims. 

One by one the places occupied by the cadets from the se- 
ceding States became vacant ; it cost many a bitter pang to 
disrupt the intimate relations existing between the hot-blooded 
Southron and his more phlegmatic schoolmate from the North. 
No school-girls could have been more demonstrative in their 
afiectionate regard for each other than were some of the cadets 
about to separate for the last time, and under circumstances 



CADET CUSTER. 39 

which made it painful to contemplate a future coming together. 
Those leaving for the South were impatient, enthusiastic, and 
hopeful. Yisions filled their minds of a grand and glorious 
Confederacy, glittering with the pomp and pageantry which 
usually characterizes imperial power, and supported and sur- 
rounded by a mighty army, the officers of which would constitute 
a special aristocracy. 

Their comrades from the ITorth, whom they were leaving 
behind, were reserved almost to sullenness ; were grave almost 
to stoicism. The representatives of the two sections had each 
resolved upon their course of action ; and each in a manner 
characteristic of their widely diiferent temperaments, as different 
as the latitudes from which they hailed. Among the first of 
the cadets to leave "West Point and hasten to enroll themselves 
under the banner of the seceding States, were two of my class- 
mates, Kelley and Ball, of Alabama. Kelley became prominent 
in the war, and was killed in battle. Ball also attained a high 
rank, and is now a prominent official in one of the most exten- 
sive business enterprises in this country. They took their 
departure from the Academy on Saturday. I remember the 
date the more readily as I was engaged in — to adopt the cadet 
term — " walking an extra," which consisted in performing 
the tiresome duties of a sentinel during the unemployed hours 
of Saturday, hours usually given to recreation. On this occa- 
sion I was pacing back and forth on my post, which for the 
time being extended along the path leading from the cadets' 
chapel toward the academic building, when I saw a party of 
from fifteen to twenty cadets emerge from the open space be- 
tween the mess hall and the academic building, and direct their 
steps toward the steamboat landing below. That which partic- 
ularly attracted my attention was the bearing aloft upon the 
shoulders of their comrades of my two classmates Ball and 
Kelley, as they were being carried in triumph from the doors 
of the Academy to the steamboat landing. Too far off to ex- 
change verbal adieus, even if military discipline had permitted 



40 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

it, tliey caught siglit of me as, step by step, I reluctantly paid 
the penalty of offended regulations, and raised their hats in 
token of ferewell, to which, first casting my eyes about to see 
that no watchful superior was in view, I responded by bringing 
my musket to a " present." 

The comrades who escorted them were Southerners like 
themselves, and only awaiting the formal action of their respect- 
ive States on the adoption of the secession ordinance to follow 
their example. It was but a few weeks until there was scarcely 
a cadet remaining at the Academy from the Southern States. 
Many resigned from the border States without waiting to see 
whether their State would follow in the attempt at secession or 
not ; some resigned who had been appointed from States which 
never voted to leave the Union ; while an insignificant few, who 
had resolved to join the Confederate forces, but desired to 
obtain their diplomas from the academic faculty, remained until 
the date of their graduation. Some remained until the declara- 
tion and commencement of hostilities ; then, allowing the 
government to transport them to Washington, tendered their 
resignations, and were dismissed for doing so in the face of the 
enemy. Happily the number that pursued this questionable 
course did not exceed half a dozen. 

At no point in the loyal States were the exciting events of 
the spring of 1861 watched with more intense interest than at 
West Point. I And after the departure of the Southern cadets, 
the hearts of the people of no community, State, town, or vil- 
lage, beat with more patriotic impulse than did those of the 
young cadets at West Point. Casting aside all questions of 
personal ambition or promotion ; realizing only that the gov- 
ernment which they had sworn to defend, the principles the}' 
liad been taught from childhood, were in danger, and threatened 
by armed enemies, they would gladly have marched to battle as 
private soldiers, rather than remain idle spectators in the great 
conflict. 

As the time for the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln approached, 



CADET CUSTER. 41 

rumors prevailed, and obtained wide belief, to the effect that a 
plot was on foot by which the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln was 
to be made the occasion on the part of the enemies of the gov- 
ernment, of whom great numbers were known to be in "Wash- 
ington, for seizing or making away with the executive officers 
of the nation, and taking possession of the people's capital. 
Whether or not such a scheme was ever seriously contemplated, 
it was deemed prudent to provide against it. The available 
military resources of the government amounted to but little at 
that period. Lieutenant-General Scott, then Commander-in- 
Chief of the army, issued orders for the assembling at Washing- 
ton of as large a military force as circumstances would permit. 
Under this order it became necessary to make a demand upon 
the regular military forces then employed at West Point. A 
battery of artillery was hastily organized f]'om the war material 
kept at the Academy for the purpose of instruction to the 
cadets. The horses were supplied by taking those used by 
the cadets in their cavalry and artillery drills. The force thus 
organized hastened to Washington, where, under the command 
of Captain Griffin — afterward Major-General Griffin — it took 
part in the inaugural ceremonies. Then followed the firing upon 
Sumter, the intelligence of which waked the slumbering echoes 
of loyalty and patriotism in every home and hamlet throughout 
the North. 

It is doubtful if the people of the North were ever, or will 
ever be again, so united in thought and impulse as when the 
attack on Sumter was flashed upon them. Opponents in politics 
became friends in patriotism ; all differences of opinion vanished 
or were laid aside, and a single purpose filled and animated the 
breast of the people as of one man — a purpose unflinching and 
unrestrained — to rush to the rescue of the government, to beat 
down its opposers, come from whence they may. In addition 
to sharing the common interest and anxiety of the public in the 
attack upon Sumter, the cadets felt a special concern, from the 
fact that among the little band of officers shut up in that fort- 



42 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

ress were two, Lieutenants Snyder and Hall, who had been 
our comrades as cadets only a few months before. 

As already stated, the time of study and instruction at 
West Point at that period was five j-ears, in the determination 
and fixing of which no one had exercised greater influence than 
Jefferson Davis — first as Secretary of War, afterward as Uni- 
ted States Senator, and member of a special congressional com- 
mittee to consider the question as to whether the course should 
extend to fi.ve years or only include four. 

In the general demand in 1861, not only from the National 
Government, but from States, for competent and educated offi- 
cers to instruct and command the new levies of troops then 
being raised, in response to the call of the President, to oppose 
the rebellion, it was decided by the authorities at Washington 
to abandon the five years' course of instruction at the Military 
Academy, and re-establish that of four years. The effect of 
this was to give to the service in that year, two- classes of grad- 
uates for oflficers, instead of but one. By this change the class of 
which I was a member graduated, under the four years' system, 
in June, while the preceding class was graduated, under the five 
years' rule, onlj^ a couple of months in advance of us. The 
members of both classes, with but few exceptions, were at once 
ordered to Washington, where they were employed either in drill- 
ing raw volunteers, or serving on the staff's of general officers, 
engaged in organizing the new regiments into brigades and di- 
visions. I was one of the exceptions referred to, and the causes 
which led me in a different direction may be worthy of mention. 

My career as a cadet had but little to commend it to the 
study of those who came after me, unless as an example to 
be carefully avoided. The requirements of the academic regu- 
lations, a copy of which was placed in my hand the morning of 
my arrival at West Point, were not observed by me in such 
manner as at all times to commend me to the approval and 
good opinions of my instructors and superior officers. My 
offences against law and order were not great in enormity, but 



CADET CUSTER. 43 

what they lacked in magnitude they made up in number. The 
forbidden locality of Benny Havens possessed stronger attrac- 
tions than the study and demonstration of a problem in Euclid, 
or the prosy discussion of some abstract proposition of moral 
science. My class numbered, upon entering tlie Academy, about 
one hundred and twenty-five. Of this number, only thirty -four 
graduated, and of these thirty-three graduated above me. The 
resignation and departure of the Southern cadets took away 
from the Academy a few individuals who, had they remained, 
would probably have contested with me the debatable honor of 
bringing up the rear of the class. 

We had passed our last examination as cadets, had exchanged 
barrack for camp life, and were awaiting the receipt of orders 
from Washington assigning us to the particular branches of the 
service for which we had been individually recommended by 
the academic facult}'. The month of June had come, and we 
were full of impatience to hasten to the capital and join the 
forces preparing for the coming campaign. It is customary, or 
was then, to allow" each cadet, prior to his graduation, to perform 
at least one tour of duty as an officer of the guard, instead of 
the ordinary duties of a private soldier on guard. I had not only 
had the usual experience in the latter capacity, extending over 
a period of four years, but in addition had been compelled, as 
punishment for violations of the academic regulations, to per- 
form extra tours of guard duty on Saturdays — times which 
otherwise I should have been allowed for pleasure and recrea- 
tion. If my memory serves me right, I devoted sixt3^-six Satur- 
days to this method of vindicating outraged military law, du- 
ring my cadetship of four years. It so happened that it fell to 
my detail to perform the duties of officer of the guard in camp, 
at a time when the arrival of the order from Washington, offi- 
cially transforming us from cadets to officers, was daily expected. 
I began my tour at the usual hour in the morning, and eveiy- 
thing passed off satisfactorily in connection with the discharge 
of my new responsibilities, until, just at dusk, I heard a commo- 



44 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

tion near the guard tents. Upon hastening to the scene of the 
disturbance, which by the way was at a considerable distance 
from the main camp, I found two cadets engaged in a personal 
dispute wliich threatened to result in blows. Quite a group of 
cadets, as friends and spectators, had formed about the two 
bellicose disputants. I had hardly time to take in the situation, 
when the two principals of the group engaged in a regular set- 
to, and began belaboring each other vigorously with their fists. 
Some of their more prudent friends rushed forward and at- 
tempted to separate the two contestants. My duty as officer 
of the guard was plain and simple. I should have arrested the 
two combatants and sent them to the guard tents, for violating 
the peace and the regulations of the Academy. But the in- 
stincts of the boy prevailed over the obligation of the officer of 
the guard, I pushed my way through the surrounding line of 
cadets, dashed back those who were interfering in the struggle, 
and called out loudly, " Stand back, boys ; let's have a fair fight." 
I had occasion to remember, if not regret, the employment 
of these words. Scarcely had I uttered them when the crowd 
about me dispersed hurriedly, and fled to the concealment of 
their tents. Casting about me to ascertain the' cause of this 
sudden dispersion, I beheld, approaching at a short distance, 
two officers of the army. Lieutenants Hazen and Merrill (now 
Major-General Hazen and Colonel Merrill of the Engineer 
Corps). I sought tlie tent of the officer of the guards promptly, 
but the mischief had been done. Lieutenant Hazen happened 
to be oflScer of the day on that particular day, whose duty it 
was to take cognizance of violations of the regulations. 
Summoning me to his presence, near the scene of the unfor- 
tunate disturbance, he asked me in stern tones if I was not 
the officer of the guard ; to which I of course responded in the 
affirmative. He then overwhelmed me by inquiring in the 
same unrelenting voice, '' Why did you not suppress the riot 
which occurred here a few minutes ago ? " Now, it had 
never been suggested to me that the settlement of the personal 



CADET CUSTER. 45 

difficulty between two boys, even by the administering of blows, 
could be considered or described as a riot. The following 
morning I was required to report at the tent of the command- 
ant (Lieutenant-Colonel John F. Reynolds, afterward General 
Beynolds, killed at Gettysburg). Of course no explanation 
could satisfy' the requirements of militarj' justice. I was 
ordered to return to my tent in arrest. The facts in the case 
■were reported to "Washington, on formal charges and specifica- 
tions, and a court-martial asked for to determine the degree of 
my punishment. 

Within a few hours of my arrest the long-expected order 
came, relieving my class from further duty at West Point, and 
directing the members of it to proceed to "Washington and 
report to the Adjutant-General of the army for further orders. 
My name, however, did not appear in this list. I was to be 
detained, to await the application of the commandant for a 
pourt-martial to sit on my case. The application received 
approval at the War Department, and the court was assembled 
at West Point, composed principally of officers who had re- 
cently arrived from Texas, where they served under General 
Twiggs, until his surrender to the Confederate forces. The 
judge advocate of the court was Lieutenant Benet, now Briga- 
dier-General and Chief of the Ordnance Corps. I was arraigned 
with all the solemnity and gravity which might be looked for 
in a trial for high treason, the specification setting forth 
in stereotyped phraseology that " He, the said cadet Custer, did 
fail to suppress a riot or disturbance near the guard tent, and 
did fail to separate, etc., but, on the contrary, did cry out in a 
loud tone of voice, 'Stand back, boys; let's have a fair fight,' 
or words to that effect." 

To which accusations the accused pleaded " Guilty," as a 
matter of course, introducing as witnesses, by way of mitiga- 
tion, the two cadets, the cause of my difficulty, to prove that 
neither was seriously injured in the fray. One of them is now 
a promising young captain in the Engineer Corps. 



46 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

The trial was brief, scarcely occupying more time than did 
the primary difficulty. 

I dreaded the long detention which I feared I must undergo 
while awaiting not only the verdict, but the subsequent action' 
of the authorities at Washington, to whom the case must by 
law be submitted. 

My classmates who had preceded me to "Washington inter- 
ested themselves earnestly in my behalf to secure my release 
from further arrest at West Point, and an order for me to join 
them at the national capital. Fortunately some of them had 
influential friends there, and it was but a few days after my 
trial that the superintendent of the Academy received a tele- 
graphic order from Washington, directing him to release me at 
once, and order me to report to the Adjutant-General of the 
army for duty. This order practically rendered the action and 
proceedings of the court-martial in my case nugatory. The 
record, I presume, was forwarded to the War Department, 
where it probably lies safely stowed away in some pigeon-hole. 
What the proceeding of the court or their decision was, I have 
never learned. 



Thus ends the record of Cadet Custer's life at West Point 
as traced by his own hand. It shows him as he was, but, 
as usual with the author, tells far less of himself than we should 
like to know. We see the generous impulsive boy before us, 
always doing the first thing that came to his hand, and never 
recking of the consequences. There is something in this wild 
free character that seems utterly unsuited to the pedantic 
martinetry and restraint of the Point. " Let's have a fair 
fight " smacks of the old days of chivalry. It was to be the 
watchword of the young cadet's future career. It seems plain, 
although Custer did not say so, that in his heart he had long 
chafed against the arrogant superciliousness of the Southern 
members of his class, who in those days thought to monopolize 



CADET CUSTER. 47 

all the chivalry in America. As his first recorded escapade 
tells of the chivalrous spirit, so his early career was to be the 
very incarnation of chivalry, and he was fairly to eclipse the 
most romantic heroes of the Sonth in brilliancy and dash. But 
after all, this was only one phase of his character, overlying 
the sterling sense at the bottom of it, as will appear in its place. 
During his career at "West Point, Cnster kept up a strict corre- 
spondence with his sister Mrs. Eeed, and spent a large part of all 
his furloughs at her house in Monroe. He seems to have become 
much enamored of this sleepy little country town, with its broad 
streets planted with handsome trees, the brawling little river that 
runs through its midst, its old houses, and general air of quiet 
respectability. So fond was he of the place that he even per- 
suaded his parents to move there, which they did, remaining 
for about a year. Not liking the place, they concluded to return 
to New Rumley, but afterwards compromised the matter by 
moving to the vicinity of Toledo, taking a farm in "Wood 
County, near that of Mr. David Kirkpatrick, Mr. Custer's step- 
son. From his first entrance to Monroe, young Custer seems 
to have identified himself with it, to have been a "Monroe 
boy," to have loved all the " Monroe boys." Years after, 
we find his stafi'full of "Monroe boys," and right well they 
fought, too. 

What was the magnet that drew him to Monroe ? The place 
never did him any material good. He owed his cadetship to 
Ohio, and his parents lived there. Every thing seemed to point 
his way to his native state. Yet there was a little thing, a mere 
trifle in the world's eye, a secret vision locked in his own 
breast, which even his sister, who was his closest confidant in 
all else, never suspected : that was the magnet that drew him 
to Monroe. The vision of a little dark eyed maiden of only 
eight summers, swinging on a gate, and flinging him a careless 
salutation in very want of thought, then shyly fleeing into the 
house when she met his eye, and realized something strange 
and undefined in its glance. It was four, five, six, seven, eight 



48 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

years later, as he came borne on his several vacations, that he 
saw the little maid shooting np into a shj, modest young lady, 
guarded around so closely by parental care that he could rarely 
catch a glimpse of her. ISTo more salutations for him : she no 
longer recognized him. The innocent freedom of the child 
had been changed into the reserve and dignity of the young 
\2idj. She was either at home with her father, or at school in 
the Seminary (by this time a young lady's school), of which she 
was one of the most promising and pains-taking scholars. The 
gulf that divided the Judge's heiress from the penniless cadet 
seemed to grow wider and wider, and more impossible to leap, 
for as yet he had not even been introduced to the young lady. 

All the same, Custer bided his time in silence. He felt 
that time was coming, and meantime his " vision " was out of 
danger from any one else, hedged round with every safeguard. 
To pass away the time, a candid biographer is compelled to 
admit that he flirted with other girls considerably, even what 
strict church members would call outrageously, but it was all 
'only skin-deep. He was still, after all, only a boy. When we 
next come to him, it will be as a man among men. 




SECOND BOOK.— THE SUBALTERN. 

CHAPTER I. 

LIEUTENANT CUSTER, SECOND CAYALRY. 

THE introduction of the young officer to military life can 
hardly be told Ly any one so well as he has described it 
himself. It is unique. Probably no cadet ever experienced 
such a quick transition from school to active duty. Hear him- 
self. 

I left West Point on the 18th of July, 1861, for Wash- 
ington, delaying a few hours that afternoon on my arrival in 
New York to enable me to purchase, of the well-known mili- 
tary firm of Horstmanns, my lieutenant's outfit of sabre, revol- 
ver, sash, spurs, etc. Taking the evening train for Washington, 
I found the cars crowded with troops, officers and men, hasten- 
ing to the capital. 

At each station we passed on the road at which a halt was 
made, crowds of citizens were assembled, provided bountifully 
with refreshments, M^hicli they distributed in the most lavish 
manner among the troops. Their enthusiasm knew no bounds ; 
they received us with cheers and cheered us in parting. It was 
no unusual sight, on leaving a station surrounded by these loyal 
people, to see matrons and maidens embracing and kissing with 
patriotic fervor the men, entire strangers to them, whom they 
saw hastening to the defence of the nation. 

Arriving at Washington soon after daylight, Saturday 
morning, the 20th of July, I made my way to the Ebbit House, 
4 



50 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

where I expected to find some of my classmates domiciled. 
Among others whom I found there was Parker, appointed from 
Missouri, who had been my room and tent-mate at West Point 
for years. lie was one of the few members of my class who, 
while sympathizing with the iSoiith, had remained at the Acad- 
emy long enough to graduate and secure a diploma. Proceed 
ing to his room without going through the formality of announc- 
ing my arrival by sending up a card, I found him at that early 
hour still in bed. Briefly he responded to my anxious inquiry for 
news, that McDowell's army was confronting Beauregard's, and 
a general engagement was expected hourly. - My next inquiiy 
was as to his future plans and intentions, remembering his 
Southern sympathies. To this he replied by asking me to take 
from a table near by and read an official order to which he 
pointed. 

Upon opening the document refei'red to, I found it to be an 
order from the War Department dismissing from the rolls of 
the army Second Lieutenant James P. Parker, for having 
tendered his resignation in the face of the enemy. The names 
of two others of my class-mates appeared in the same order. 
Both the latter have since sought and obtained commissions in 
the Egyptian army under the Khedive. After an hour or more 
spent in discussing the dark probabilities of the future as partic- 
ularly affected by the clouds of impending war, I bade a fond 
farewell to my former friend and classmate, with whom I had 
lived on terms of closer intimacy and companionship than with 
any other being. We had eaten day by day at the same table, 
had struggled together in the effort to master the same problems 
of study ; we had marched by each other's side year after year, 
elbow to elbow, when engaged' in the duties of drill, parade, 
etc., and had shared our blankets with each other when learn- 
ing the requirements of camp life. Henceforth this was all to 
be thrust from our memory as far as possible, and our paths and 
aims in life were to run counter to each other in the future. 
We separated ; he to make his way, as he did immediately, to 



LIEUTENANT CUSTER, SECOND CAVALRY. 51 

the seat of the Confederate Government, and accept a commis- 
don under a flag raised in rebellion against the Government 
that had educated him, and that he had sworn to defend ; I to 
proceed to the office of the Adjutant-General of the army and 
report for such duty as might be assigned me in the great work 
which was then dearest and uppermost in the mind of every 
loyal citizen of the country. 

It was not until after two o'clock in the morning that I 
obtained an audience with the Adjutant-General of the army, 
and reported to him formally for orders, as ray instructions 
directed me to. do. I was greatly impressed by the number of 
officials I saw, and the numerous messengers to be seen flitting 
from room to room, bearing immense numbers of huge-looking 
envelopes. The entire department had an air of busy occu- 
pation which, taken in connection with the important military 
events then daily transpiring and hourly expected, and con- 
trasted with the hum-drnm life I had but lately led as a cadet, 
added to the bewilderment I naturally felt. 

Presenting my order of instructions to the officer who seemed 
to be in charge of the office, he glanced at it, and was about to 
give some directions to a subordinate near by to write out an 
order assigning me to some duty, when, turning to me, he said, 
" Perhaps you would like to be presented to General Scott, Mr. 
Custer ? " To wdiich of course I joyfully assented. I had 
often beheld the towering form of the venerable chieftain du- 
ring his summer visits to West Point, but that was the extent 
of my personal acquaintance with him. So strict was the dis- 
cipline at the Academy, that the gulf which separated cadets 
from commissioned officers seeiYied greater in practice than that 
which separated enlisted men from them. Hence it w^as rare 
indeed that a cadet ever had an opportunity to address or be 
addressed by officers, and it was still more rare to be brought 
into personal conversation with an officer above the grade of 
lieutenant or captain ; if w^e except the superintendent of the 
Academy and the commandant of the corps of cadets. The 



52 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

sight of a general officer, let alone the privilege of speaking to 
one, was an event to be recounted to one's friend. In those 
days, the title of general was not so familiar as to be encoun- 
tered on every hotel register. Besides, the renown of a long 
lifetime gallantly spent in his country's service, had gradually 
but justly placed General Scott far above all contemporary 
chieftains, in the admiration and hero worship of his fellow 
countrymen; and in the youthful minds of the West Point 
cadets of those days, Scott was looked up to as a leader whose 
military abilities were scarcely second to those of a Napoleon, 
and whose patriotism rivalled that of Washington. 

Following the lead of the officer to whom I had reported, I 
was conducted to the room in which General Scott received his 
official visitors. I found him seated at a table over which were 
spread maps and other documents, which plainly showed their 
military character. In the room, and seated near the table, 
were several members of Congress, of whom I remember Sena- 
tor Grimes, of Iowa, The topic of conversation was the ap- 
proaching battle in which General McDowelFs forces were 
about to engage. General Scott seemed to be explaining to 
the Congressmen the position, as shown by the map, of the con- 
tending armies. The Adjutant-General called General Scott's 
attention to me by saj'ing, " General, this is Lieutenant Custer, 
of the Second Cavalry ; he has just reported from West Point, 
and I did not know but that you miglit have some special 
orders to give him." Looking at me a moment, the General 
shook me cordially b}^ the hand, saying, " Well, my young 
friend, I am glad to welcome you to the service at this critical 
time. Our country has need of the strong arms of all her loyal 
sons in this emergency." Then, turning to tlie Adjutant-Gen- 
eral, lie inquired to what company I had been assigned. "To 
Company G, Second Cavalry, now under Major Innes Palmer, 
with General McDowell," was the reply. Then, addressing 
me, the General said, " We have had the assistance of quite a 
number of you young men from the Academy, drilling volun- 



LIEUTENANT CUSTER, SECOND CAVALRY. 53 

teersj etc. Now, what can I do for you ? "Would 3-ou prefer 
to be ordered to report to General Mansfield to aid in this 
work, or is 3'our desire for something more active ? " 

Although overwhelmed by such condescension on the part 
of one so far superior in rank to any officer with whom I had 
been brought in immediate contact, I ventured to stammer out 
that I earnestly desired to be ordered to at once join my com- 
pany, then with General McDowell, as I was anxious to see 
active service. " A very commendable resolution, young man," 
was the reply, then turning to the Adjutant-General, he added, 
"Make out Lieutenant Custer's orders directing him to proceed 
to his company at once " ; then, as if a different project had 
presented itself, he inquired of me if I had been able to provide 
myself with a mount for the field. I replied that I had not, 
but would set myself about doing so at once. " I fear you 
have a diflicult task before you, because, if rumor is correct, 
every serviceable horse in the city has been bought, borrowed, 
or begged by citizens who have gone or are going as spectators 
to witness the battle. I only hope Beauregard may capture 
some of them and teacli them a lesson. However, what I 
desire to say to you is, go and provide yourself witli a horse if 
possible, and call here at seven o'clock this evening. I desire 
to send some dispatches to General McDowell, and you can be 
the bearer of them. You are not afraid of a night ride, are 
you ? " Exchanging salutations, I left the presence of the 
General-in-Ohief, delighted at the prospect of being at once 
thrown into active service, perhaps participating in the great 
battle which every one there knew was on the eve of occurring ; 
but more than this my pride as a soldier was not a little height- 
ened by the fact that almost upon my first entering the service 
I was to be the bearer of important official dispatches from the 
General-in-Chief to the General commanding the principal army 
in the field. 

I had yet a diflicult task before me, in procuring a mount. 
I visited all the prominent livery stables, but received almost 



54 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

the same answer from each, the substance of which was, that I 
was too late ; all the disposable horses had been let or engaged. 
I was almost in despair at the idea that I was not to be able to 
take advantage of the splendid opportunity for distinction 
opened before me, and was at a loss what to do, or to whom to 
apply for advice, when I met on Pennsylvania avenue a 
soldier in uniform, whom I at once recognized as one of the 
detachment formerly stationed at West Point, who left with 
those ordered suddenly to the defence of Washington at the 
time of Mr. Lincoln's inauguration, when it was feared that an 
attempt would be made to assassinate the President elect. Glad 
to encounter any one I had ever seen before, I approached and 
asked him what he was doing in AVashington. He answered 
that he belonged to Griffin's battery, which was then with 
McDowell's forces at the front, and had returned to Washing- 
ton, by Captain Griffin's order, to obtain and take back with 
him an extra horse left by the battery on its departure from 
the capital. Here then was my opportunity, and I at once 
availed myself of it." It was the intention of this man to set 
out on his return at once ; but at my earnest solicitation he 
consented to defer his depai-ture until after seven o'clock, agree- 
ing also to have the extra horse saddled and in readiness for me. 

Promptly at seven o'clock I reported at the Adjutant-Gener- 
al's office, obtained my dispatches, and with no baggage or extra 
clothing to weight down my horse, save what I carried on ray 
person, I repaired to the point at which I was to find my horse 
and companion for the night. Upon arriving there I was both 
surprised and delighted to discover that the horse which acci- 
dent seemed to have provided for me was a favorite one ridden 
by me often -when learning the cavalry exercises at West Point. 
Those who were cadets just before the war will probably recall 
him to mind when I give the name, " Wellington," by which 
he was then known. 

Crossing Long bridge about night-fall, and taking the Fairfax 
C. H. road for Centre ville, the hours of night fiew quickly past, 



LIEUTENANT CUSTER, SECOND CAVALRY. 55 

engrossed as my mind was with the excitement and serious nov- 
elty of the occasion, as well as occasionally diverted by the conver- 
sation of my companion. I was particularly interested with his 
description, given as we rode in the silent darkness, of a skir- 
mish which had taken place only two days before at Blackburn's 
Ford, between the forces of the enemy stationed there, and a 
reconnoitring detachment sent from General McDowell's army ; 
especially when I learned that my company had borne an hon- 
orable part in the affair. 

It was between two and three o'clock in the morning when 
we reached the ami}'- near Centreville. The men had already 
breakfasted, and many of the regiments had been formed in col- 
umn in the roads ready to resume the mai-ch ; but owing to 
delays in starting, most of the men were lying on the ground, 
endeavoring to catch a few minutes more of sleep; others were 
sitting or standing in small groups, smoking and chatting. So 
filled did I find the road with soldiers that it was with difficulty 
my horse could pick his way among the sljeping bodies with- 
out disturbing them. But for my companion 1 should have 
had considerable difficulty in finding my way to headquarters ; 
but he seemed familiar with the localities even in the darkness, 
and soon conducted me to a group of tents near which a large 
log fire was blazing, throwing a bright light over the entire 
scene for some distance around. As I approached, the sound of 
my horse's hoofs brought an officer from one of the tents near- 
est to where I halted. Advancing toward me, he inquired who 
I wished to see. I informed him that I was bearer of dis- 
patches from General Scott to General McDowell. "I will 
relieve you of them," was his reply ; but seeing me hesitate to 
deliver them, he added, "I am Major "Wadsworth of General 
McDowell's staff." While I had hoped from ambitious pride 
to have an opportunity to deliver the dispatches in person to 
General McDowell, I could not decline longer, so placed the 
documents in Major Wadsworth's hands, who took them to a 
tent a few paces distant, where, through its half-open folds, I 



50 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

saw him hand them to a largo, portly officer, whom I at once 
rightly conceived to be General McDowell. Then, returning 
to where I still sat on my horse. Major "Wadsworth (afterward 
General Wadsworth) asked of mo the latest news in the capi- 
tal, and when I replied that every person at Washington was 
looking to the army for news, he added, " Well, I guess they will 
not have to wait much longer. The entire army is under arms, 
and moving to attack the enemy to-day." 

After inquiring at what hour I left Washington, and remark- 
ing that I must be tired. Major Wadsworth asked me to dis- 
mount and have some breakfast, as it would be difficult to say 
when another opportunity would occur. I was very hungry, 
and rest would not have been unacceptable, but in my inexperi- 
ence I partly imagined, particularly while in the presence of the 
white-haired officer who gave the invitation, that hunger and 
fatigue were conditions of feeling which a soldier, especially a 
young one, should not acknowledge. Therefore, with an appe- 
tite almost craving, I declined the kind proffer of the Major. 
But when he suggested that I dismount and allow my horse to 
be fed, I gladly assented. While Major Wadsworth was kindly 
interesting himself in the welfare of my horse, I had the good 
fortune to discover in an officer at headquarters, one of my recent 
West Point friends, Lieutenant Kingsbury, aide-de-camp to 
General McDowell, He repeated the invitation just given by 
Major Wadsworth in regard to breakfast, and I did not have the 
perseverance to again refuse. Near the log-lire already men- 
tioned, were some servants busily engaged in removing the 
remains of breakfast. A word from Kingsbury, and they soon 
prepared for me a cup of coffee, a steak, and some Virginia corn 
bread, to which I did ample justice. Had I known, however, 
that I was not to have an opportunity to taste food during the 
next thirty hoiirs, I should have appreciated the opportunity I 
then enjoyed evtti more highl3^ 

As I sat on the ground sipping my coffee, and heartily en- 
joying my first breakfast in the field, Kingsbury (afterward 



LIEUTENANT CUSTER, SECOND CAVALRY. 57 

Colonel Kingsbury, killed at the battle of Antietam) informed 
me of the general movement then begun by the army, and of 
the attack which was to be made on Beauregard's forces that 
day. Three days before I had quitted school at "West Point. 
I was about to witness the first grand struggle in open battle 
between the Union and secession armies ; a struggle in which, 
fortunately for the nation, the Union forces were to suffer de- 
feat, while the cause for which they fought was to derive from 
it renewed strength and encouragement. 



So closes the record of the young officer's first tour of duty. 
As long as we can let us follow him, for no one else can tell his 
story so well as himself. 

In the whole of his story of this period there is great fresh- 
ness, and its only fault in the eyes of the general public, is that 
it tells so little of Lieutenant Custer, the real point of interest. 
In this, as all through his published memoirs, noticeably so in 
his " Life on the Plains," written at a later period of his life, 
when he was a public character, Custer always exhibits this 
modesty of self-reference, a characteristic of the true knightly 
soldier. Whenever he mentions Custer, it is only to make the 
story realistic, and never to boast of his own deeds. He never 
seems to have got over the fear that a personal story must be a 
bore to the general public. In a general sense he was quite 
right, for personal stories of adventure from commonplace peo- 
ple are very apt to be uninteresting. In the case of men like 
Custer, centres of popuhir favor, and of whom little is certainl}^ 
known, the more particulars given us the better, and the more 
complete our knowledge of them, the more we are satisfied. 

Very luckily for the success of his biographer, young Custer 
soon after became quite a constant and voluminous correspond- 
ent with his family at home, and did not make the same mistake 
with them. There^ he was quite sure where the interest lay. 
The gentle loving women at home did not care a pin for de- 



58 



GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 



tails of battles and campaigns, which they hardly comprehend- 
ed, but they did care very tnuoli for what Lieutenant Custer, 
or rather their dear hoy Armstrong was doing, and in his let- 
ters he tells them this freely, without any mock modesty. At 
a little later period we shall see a good deal of these letters : 
for the present it is thought better to go no further in our re- 
searches than Custer himself has indicated that he wishes us to 
go. We shall therefore follow him to Bull Kun and to the 
Peninsula, taking up the parable ourselves only when he stops. 
The personal interest of these letters is great, and their read- 
ing is much more racy than the published narratives of Custer 
himself. They reveal the real natural Custer, full of life and 
spirits, generous and ardent, so clearly, that it is like talking 
with a famous actor off the stage, far more interesting than see- 
ing him act. Unlike most actors, however, Custer is better 
company off the stage than on it, and we hope that these let- 
ters, when they come, will aid in undeceiving the world as to 
his character, and free him from one veiy unjust charge, that 
of vanity. From this vice no man was freer, and his most pri- 
vate letters show as much real modesty as his most studied 
published memoirs. 




CHAPTER II. 

BULL RUK. 

THE battle of Bull Run has been often discussed, and was 
once the occasion of the fiercest controversies. At the 
time it was fought, and for at least a year thereafter, it was 
almost impossible to form a clear idea of anything, except for a 
general impression that a great panic had taken place, that Mr. 
Russell, of the London Times, had abused the great Yankee 
nation in the most outrageous way, and that some one was to 
blame — it was hard to say who. McDowell and Scott went 
down at once under the popular storm, and the former has per- 
haps never entirely recovered from the hasty verdict then 
passed on him. 

The preliminary reflections of General Custer on this re- 
markable battle, the first in which he was engaged, are so appo- 
site that they well deserve quotation. He says truly that no 
battle of the war startled and convulsed the entire countiy, 
Korth and South, as did the first battle of Bull Run, although 
many succeeding it, both in the East and in the West, were 
more notable from the fact that greatly superior numbers were 
engaged, more prominent or experienced chieftains arrayed 
upon either side, and greater results obtained upon the battle- 
field. Nor is this difiicult to explain. The countr}^, after the 
enjoyment of long years of peace and prosperity, was unused 
to the conditions and chances of war. The people of neither 
section had fully realized as yet the huge proportions of the 
struggle into which they had been plunged. This is shown 
not only by the opinions of the people as shadowed forth in 



60 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

the press, but by the authoritative acts and utterances of the 
highest officials of the land ; for example, the proclamation of 
President Lincoln as late as April 15, 1861, after Fort Sumter 
had been fired upon and had been surrendered. In this procla- 
mation, calling for 75,000 troops, or rather in the call sent to 
the lojal Governors of the States, the period of service was 
limited to three months. To this can be added Mr. Seward's 
well-known " ninety days " prediction, all tending to incline the 
people to believe the war was destined to be brief, perhaps to be 
terminated by a single engagement; Then again, war was not 
regarded by the masses as a dreadful alternative, to be avoided 
to the last, but rather as an enterprise offering some pleasure 
and some excitement, with perhaps a little danger and suffer- 
ing. Last of all, the people of the two contending sections 
had, through the false teachings of their leaders, formed such 
unjust and incorrect notions in regard to the military prowess 
and resolution of their opponents, that it required the wager of 
actual battle to dispel these erroneous ideas. 

How true these sayings of Custer are, we can remember. 
The awakening from delusion was marked by much of the same 
unpractical extravagance of feeling which dictated the previous 
blind confidence. It was the childish and passionate resentment 
of those who knew nothing of war save from unprofessional 
books. The United States had seen no real serious war from its 
foundation, the influence of the brief invasion of 1812-14 being 
so partial and slight that the distresses of campaigning were 
practically unknown . The Mexican War was but a brilliant 
memory of a holiday excursion to the vast masses of the 
country, and its veterans were even then fast dropping off the 
list into superannuation. In the first flush of bitter mortifica- 
tion and anger at the unexpected reverse, the general run of 
nortliern people were as feverishly unreasonable as the French 
Republicans of the year '93, and every man turned at once 
into a volunteer spy on his neighbor, if the latter were suspected 
of sympathy for the victorious South. 



BULL RUN. QX 

A somewhat ludicrous instance of this occurred within the 
knowledge of the writer, having been witnessed by a personal 
friend. It M'ill give a very fair idea of the state of gloom and 
acrimony of feeling engendered in the North by the news of 
Bull Run. It took place, moreover, close to New York city, 
then and thereafter the place in the whole Union where South- 
ern sympathizers were most common and outspoken, a place 
not to be compared in ardor of sectional feeling to the country 
towns. 

Crossing on the Brooklyn ferry boat, tlie day after the news 
of Bull Run had electritied the country, the passengers seemed 
gloomy and preoccupied. A single exception was found in a 
foreign gentleman who was conversing with a friend, and who 
finally broke into a loud laugh where he sat. Instantly a man 
on the other side of the cabin, who had been regarding him with 
great disfavor since his entrance, rose, stalked over to him, and 
struck him a violent blow on the face, crying, " How dare you 
laugh, sir, when the country is in danger ? " 

It seems hardly credible now, and yet the fact is undoubted, 
and it appears that the action attracted no sympathy for the 
sufferer, who had run counter to the intensity of popular feel- 
ing. At that time, it must be remembered that the sympathy 
of most foreigners was, actively or passively, for the South ; and 
the news of the Southern victory determined many waverers 
against the General Government. Looking back now, after 
the practical test of actual warfare, in which success depends so 
little on ardor of feeling, so much on dogged determination, 
these outbursts of feeling appear in their true light, as childish 
ebullitions, unworthy of earnest men, conscious of their strength. 
The real trouble then was, tliat the people were not conscious 
of their strength, but exaggerated their temporary weakness as 
they had their primary resources. 

Such as it was, the battle of Bull Run had several curious 
points about it, which we will endeavor to elucidate for the 
general reader, assisted partly by General Custer himself, and 



62 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

partly by the narrative of the Confederate commander, General 
Joseph E. Johnston. 

The Confederate forces were thus disposed, according to the 
first : " Beauregard's headquarters were at or near Manassas, 
distant from Ceutreville, where General McDowell was located 
in the midst of his army, about seven miles. The stream which 
gave its name to the battle runs in a south-east direction be- 
tween Centreville and Manassas, somewhat nearer to the former 
place than to the latter. The Confederate army was posted in 
position along the right bank of Bull Run, their right resting 
near Union Mill, the point at which the Orange and Alexandria 
railroad crosses the stream, their centre at Blackburn's Ford, 
while their left was opposite the Stone bridge, or crossing of 
the Warrenton pike, at the same time holding a small ford 
about one mile above the Stone bridge." 

It consisted, according to the order of General Beauregard 
prescribing the march to the battle field, (quoted in full in the 
Appendix to Johnston's Narrative) of seven brigades of the 
" Army of the Potomac," Beauregard's force proper, with forty- 
two guns and twelve companies of cavalry. These brigades 
were those of Ewell, D. R. Jones, Longstreet and Bonham in 
the first line, stretching in the order named from Union Mills 
on the right to Mitchell's Ford on the left, facing northeast. 
Supporting them in the second line were those of Holmes and 
Early. The last brigade. Colonel Cock's, was four miles further 
to the left, guarding the fords. The cavalry was split up into 
squadrons of two companies, one to each of the first four divis- 
ions, which were composed of two brigades each or one with 
some additional forces. They were commanded respectively by 
Ewell, Jones, Longstreet and Bonham. Jackson's brigade, of the 
Army of the Shenandoah, with two regiments of another bri- 
gade, were also present from Johnston's forces in the valley, and 
later in the day, Elzey's brigade of that army arrived just in time 
to turn defeat into victory. The two extra regiments from the 
valley were hastily consolidated with two others of Beauregard's 



BULL RUN. 63 

armj, early in the day, and constituted Bee's brigade, which 
suffered worst of all. All the troops from the valley ca.me from 
the left, and were put in on the left. 

It had been Beauregard's intention before Johnston arrived, 
to strengthen his right, and attack the Federal left, so as to turn 
it and push it towards the valley, into the clutches of Johnston, 
who would take it in rear. This disposition was changed by 
the arrival of Johnston, about noon. It was then found that 
McDowell's plan was exactly the reverse of Beauregard's. He 
intended to attack with his right, nnder the impression that 
Johnston would be detained in the valley. If he succeeded, he 
would drive Beauregard into the sea, but his plan was entirely 
predicated on the absence of Johnston. If the latter came in 
during the battle, he was certain to strike the Federal right 
wing square in the rear. As it happened, that is just what 
Johnston's last brigade did. 

McDowell's forces were otherwise disposed. They were 
organized into four divisions, led by Brig. General Tyler, (Con- 
necticut Volunteers) and Colonels Hunter, Ileintzelman, and 
Miles, of the Regular Army. Tyler's division was to threaten 
Cocke's brigade on the Confederate left, while Hunter and 
Heintzelman were to move still further up, and cross the stream 
above, so as to turn the Confederates. Miles was to be in re- 
serve near Centreville, to frustrate any attempt made by Beau- 
regard to attack on that side. One of Tyler's brigades was to 
assist Miles, and keep the enemy amused by cannonading his 
centre at Blackburn's Ford. McDowell had a fifth division, 
Runyon's, back on the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, guard- 
ing communications. It was not engaged. 

Thus it will be seen that Hunter's and Heintzelman's divis- 
ions were to do all the fighting. Tyler and Miles were to keep 
the enemy amused. The only fault of the disposition, outside 
of the Johnston possibility, was that Bull Run separated half 
the army from the other half. From henceforth, let us permit 
the story to be taken up by Custer himself. It is so freshly, 



64 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

graphically and elearl}' told by him that it cannot be improved. 
He takes up the description from where we left him, eating his 
hasty breakfast at McDowell's headquarters, in the grey morn- 
ing, and continues : — 

In the preceding chapter I described my night ride from 
Washington to the camp of General McDowell's army, at and 
about Centreville. After delivering my dispatches and con- 
eluding my business at headquarters, I remounted my horse, 
and having been directed in the darkness the way to the ground 
occupied by Palmer's seven companies of cavalry, I set out to 
find my company for the first time, and report to the command- 
ing officer for duty before the column should begin the march 
to the battle-ground. As previously informed by a staff officer 
at headquarters, I found it only necessary to ride a few hundred 
yards, when suddenly I came upon a column of cavalry already 
mounted, and in readiness to move. It was still so dark that I 
could see but a few lengths of mj' horse in any direction. I 
accosted one of the troopers nearest to me, and inquired, 
"What cavalry is this?" "Major Palmer's," was the brief 
reply. I followed up my interrogations by asking, " Can you 
tell me where Company G, Second Cavalry, is ? " the company 
to which I had been assigned, but as yet had not seen. "At 
the head of the column," came in response. Making my way 
along the column in the darkness, I soon reached the head, 
where I found several horsemen seated upon their horses, but 
not formed regularly in the column. There was not sufficient 
light to distinguish emblems of rank, or to recognize the officer 
from the private soldier. With some hesitation I addressed 
the group, numbering perhaps a half-dozen or more individuals, 
and asked if the commanding officer of my company, giving 
its designation by letter and regiment, was present. " Here he 
is," promptly answered a voice, as one of the mounted figures 
rode toward me, expecting no doubt I was a staff officer, bear- 
ing orders requiring his attention. 

I introduced myself by saying, " I am Lieutenant Custer, 



BULL RUN. 65 

and in accordance with orders from the War Department, I 
report for duty Avith my company, sir." " Ah, glad to meet 
you, Mr. Custer. AVe liave been expecting you, as we saw in 
the list of assignments of the graduating class from "West Point, 
that you had been marked down to us. T am Lieutenant 
Drummond. Allow me to introduce you to some of your 
brother officers." Then turning his horse toward the group of 
officers, he added, " Gentlemen, permit me to introduce to you 
Lieutenant Custer, who has just reported for duty with his 
company." We bowed to each other, although we could see 
but little more than the dim outlines of horses and riders as we 
chatted and awaited the order to move " forward." This was 
my introduction to service, and my first greeting from officers 
and comrades with whom the future fortune of war was to cast 
me. Lieutenant Drummond, afterward captain, to whom I had 
just made myself known, fell mortally wounded, and died gal- 
lantly on the field, at the battle of Five Forks, nearly four 
years afterward. 

The cavalry, on the Federal side, consisting of only seven 
companies of regulars under Major Palmer, were not employed 
to any considerable extent during the battle, except as supports 
to batteries of artillery. One charge was made in the early 
part of the battle, near the Warrenton turnpike, by Colburn's 
squadron. Li advancing to the attack in the. morning, Palmer's 
companies accompanied Hunter's division in the long and tedi- 
ous movement through an immense forest by which Bull Run 
was crossed at one of the upper fords, and the left flank of the 
Confederates successfully turned. 

After arriving at Sudley Springs, the cavalry halted for half 
an hour or more. AVe could hear the battle raging a short dis- 
tance in our front. Soon a staff officer of General McDowell's 
came galloping down to where the cavalry was waiting, saying 
that the General desired ns to move across the stream and up 
the ridge beyond, where we were to support a battery. The 
order was promptly obeyed, and as we ascended the crest I saw 



66 GENERAL GEORGE A.' CUSTER. 

GrifBn with his battery galloping into position. The enemy 
had discovered him, and their artillery had opened fire upon 
him, but the shots were aimed so high the balls passed overhead. 
Following the battery, we also marched within plain hearing of 
each sliot as it passed over Griffin's men. I remember well the 
strange hissing and exceedingly vicious sound of the first can- 
non shot I heard as it whirled through tlie air. Of course I had 
often heard the sound made by cannon balls while passing 
through the air during my artillery practice at West Point, but 
a man listens with changed interest when the direction of the 
balls is toward instead of away from him. They seemed to 
utter a different language when fired in angry battle from that 
put forth in the tamer practice of drill. The battery whose 
support we were, having reached its position on an advanced 
crest near the right of the line, the cavalry was massed near the 
foot of the crest, and sheltered by it from the enemy's fire. 
Once the report came that the enemy was moving to the attack 
of the battery which we were specially sent to guard. The 
order was at once given for the cavalry to advance from the 
base to the crest of the hill and repel the enemy's assault. We 
were formed in column of companies, and were given to under- 
stand that upon reaching the crest of the hill we would probably 
be ordered to charge the enemy. When it is remembered that 
•but three days before I had quitted West Point as a school-boy, 
and as yet had never ridden at anything more dangerous or ter- 
rible than a three-foot hurdle, or tried my sabre upon anything 
more animated or combative than a leather-head stuffed with tan 
bark, it may be imagined that my mind was more or less given 
to anxious thoughts as we ascended the slope of the hill in front 
of us. At the same time I realized that I was in front of a 
company of old and experienced soldiers, all of whom would 
have an eye upon their new lieutenant to see how he comported 
himself when under fire. My pride received an additional 
incentive from the fact that while I was on duty with troops 
for the first time in my life, and was the junior ofiicer of all 



BULL RUN. 67 

present with the cavahy, there was temporarily assigned to duty 
with my company another officer of the same rank, who was 
senior to me by a few days, and who, having been appointed 
from civil life, was totally without military experience except 
such as he had acquired during the past few days. My brief 
acquaintance with him showed me that h6 was disposed to 
attach no little importance to the fact that I was fresh from 
West Point and supposed to know all that was valuable or 
worth knowing in regard to the art of war. In this common 
delusion I was not disposed to disturb him. 1 soon found that 
he was inclined to defer to me in opinion, and I recall now, as 
I have often done when in his company during later years of 
the war, the difficulty we had in deciding exactly what weapon 
we would nse in the charge to which we believed ourselves 
advancing. As we rode forward from the foot of the hill, he in 
front of his platoon and I abreast of him, in front of mine, 
Walker (afterward captain) inquired in the most solemn tones, 
" Custer, what weapon are you going to use in the charge ? " 
From my earliest notions of the true cavalryman I had always 
pictured him in the charge bearing aloft his curved sabre, and 
cleaving the skulls of all with whom he came in contact. We 
had but two weapons to choose from : each of ns carried a sabre 
and one revolver in our belt. I promptly replied, " The 
sabre;" and suiting the action to the word, I flashed my bright 
new blade from its scabbard, and rode forward as if totally 
unconcerned. Walker, yielding no doubt to what he believed 
was " the way we do it at West Point," imitated my motion, 
and forth came his sabre. I may have seemed to him uncon- 
cerned, because 1 aimed at this, but I was far from enjoying 
that feeling. As we rode at a deliberate walk up the hill, I 
began arguing in my own mind as to the comparative merits of 
the sabre and revolver as a weapon of attack. If I remember 
correctly, I reasoned j?;'^ and con about as follows: "Now the 
sabre is a beautiful weapon ; it produces an ugly wound ; the 
term ' sabre charge ' sounds well ; and above all the sabre is sure ; 



68 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER 

it never misses fire. It has this drawback, however : in order 
to be made effective, it is indispensable that you approach very 
close to your adversary — so close that if you do not unhorse or 
disable him, he will most likely render that service to you. So 
much for the sabre. Now as to the revolver, it has this ad^^-^n- 
tage over the sabre: one is not compelled to range himself 
alongside his adversary before beginning his attack, but may 
select his own time and distance. To be sure one may miss his 
aim, but there are six chambers to empty, and if one, two, or 
three miss, there are still three shots left to fire at close quarters. 
As this is my first battle, had I not better defer the use of the 
sabre until after I have acquired a little more experience?" 
The result was that I returned my sabre to its scabbard, and 
without uttering a word drew m^^ revolver and poised it oppo- 
site mj shoulder. Walker, as if following me in my mental dis- 
cussion, no srooner observed my change of weapon than he did 
likewise. With my revolver in my hand I put it upon trial 
mentally. First, I realized that in the rush and excitement of 
the charge it would be difiicult to take anything like accurate 
aim. Then, might not every shot be fired, and without result ? 
by which time in all probability we would be in the midst of 
our enemies, and slashing right and left at each other; in which 
case a sabre would be of much greater value and service than an 
empty revolver. This seemed convincing ; so much so that my 
revolver found its way again to its holster, and the sabre was 
again at my shoulder. Again did Walker, as if in pantomime, 
follow my example. How often these changes of purpose and 
weapons might have been made I know not, had the cavalry 
not reached the crest meanwhile, and after being exposed to a 
hot artillery fire, and finding that no direct attack upon our 
battery was meditated by the enemy, returned to a sheltered 
piece of ground. 

A little incident occurred as we were about to move for- 
ward to the expected charge, which is perhaps worth recording. 
'Next to the company with which I was serving was one which 



BULL RUN. 69 

I noticed as being in most excellent order and equipment. 
The officer in command of it was of striking appearance, tall, 
well formed, and handsome, and possessing withal a most sol- 
dierly air. I did not then know his name ; but being so near 
to him and to his command, I could not but observe him. 
When the order came for ns to move forward np the hill, and 
to be prepared to (tharge the moment the crest M-as reached, 
I saw the officer referred to ride gallantly in front of his com- 
mand, and jnst as the signal forward was given, I heard him 
say, "Now, men, do your duty." I was attracted by his sol- 
dierly words and bearing ; and yet within a few days after the 
battle he tendered his resignation, and in a short time was serv- 
ing under the Confederate flag as a general officer. 

With the exception of a little tardiness in execution, some- 
thing to be expected perhaps in raw troops, the plan of battle 
marked out by General McDowell was carried out with remark- 
able precision up till about half past three p. m. The Confed- 
erate left wing had been gradually forced back from Bull Run 
until the Federals gained entire possession of the Warrent jn 
turnpike leading from the Stone bridge. It is known now that 
Beauregard's army had become broken and routed, and that 
both himself and General Johnston felt called upon to place 
themselves at the head of their defeated commands, including 
their last reserves, in their effort to restore confidence and 
order ; General Johnston at one critical moment charging to 
the front with the colors of the Fourth Alabama. Had the fate 
of the battle been left to the decision of those who were present 
and fought up till half-past three in the afternoon, the Union 
troops would have been entitled to score a victory with scarcely 
a serious reverse. But at this critical moment, with their 
enemies in front giving way in disorder and flight, a new and 
to the Federals an unexpected force appeared suddenly' upon 
the scene. From a piece of timber almost directly in rear of 
McDowell's right a column of several thousand fresh troops of 
the enemy burst almost upon the backs of the half victorious 



70 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Federals. I was standing with a friend and classmate at that 
moment on a high ridge near our advancing line. We were 
congratulating ourselves upon the glorious victory which al- 
ready seemed to have been won, as the Confederates were 
everywhere giving way, when our attention was attracted by a 
long line of troops suddenly appearing behind us upon the edge 
of the timber already mentioned. It never occurred to either of 
us that the troops we then saw could be any but some of our 
reinforcements making their way to the front. Before doubts 
could arise we saw the Confederate flag floating over a portion 
of the line just emerging from the timber ; the next moment 
the entire line levelled their muskets and poured a volley into 
the backs of our advancing regiments on the right. At the 
same time a battery which had also arrived unseen opened fire, 
and with a cry of " We're flanked ! We're flanked ! " passed 
from rank to rank, the Union lines, but a moment before so 
successful and triumphant, threw down their arms, were seized 
by a panic, and began a most disordered flight. All this occurred 
almost in an instant of time. No jDen or description can give 
anything like a correct idea of the rout and demoralization that 
followed. Ofiicers and men joined in one vast crowd, aban- 
doning, except in isolated instances, all attempts to preserve 
their organizations. A moderate force of good cavalry at that 
moment could have secured to the Confederates nearly every 
man and gun that crossed Bull Run in the earl}^ morning. 
Fortunately the Confederate army was so badly demoralized by 
its earlier reverses, that it was in no mood or condition to 
make pursuit, and reap the full fruits of victory. The troops 
that had arrived upon the battle-field so unexpectedly to the 
Federals, and which had wrought such disaster upon the Union 
arms, were Elzey's brigade of infantry and Beckham's battery 
of artillery, the whole under command of Brigadier-General E. 
Kirby Smith, being a detachment belonging to Johnston's 
army of the Shenandoah, just arrived from the valley. Had 
this command reached the battle-field a few minutes later, the 



BULL RUN. 71 

rout of Beauregard's army would liave been assured, as his 
forces seemed powerless to check the advance of the Union 
ti-oops. 

General McDowell and his staff, as did many of the higher 
officers, exerted themselves to the utmost to stay the retreating 
Federals, but all appeals to the courage and patriotism of the 
latter fell as upon dumb animals. One who has never wit- 
nessed the conduct of large numbers of men when seized by a 
panic such as that was, cannot realize how utterly senseless and 
without apparent reason men will act. And yet the same men 
ma}^ have exhibited great gallantry and intelligence but a mo- 
ment before. 

The value of discipline was clearly shown in this crisis by 
observing the manner of the few regular troops, as contrasted 
with the raw and undisciplined three months' men. The 
regular soldiers never for a moment ceased to look to their 
officers for orders and instructions, and in retiring from the 
field, even amid the greatest disorder and confusion of the 
organizations near them, they preserved their formation, and 
marched only as they were directed to do. 

The long lines of Union soldiery, which a few minutes 
before had been bravely confronting and driving the enemy, 
suddenly lost their cohesion and became one immense mass of 
fleeing, frightened creatures. Artillery horses were cut from 
their traces, and it was no unusual sight to see three men, per- 
haps belonging to different regiments, riding the same horse, 
and making their way to the rear as fast as the dense mass of 
men moving with them would permit. The direction of the 
retreat was toward Centreville, by way of the Stone bridge 
crossing, and other fords above that point. An occasional shot 
from the enemy's artillery, or the cry that the Black Horse 
cavalry, so dreaded in the first months of the war in Virginia, 
were coming, kept the fleeing crowd of soldiers at their best 
speed. Arms were thrown away as being no longer of service 
in warding off the enemy. Here and there the State colors of 



72 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

a regiment, or perhaps the national standard, would be seen 
lying on the ground along the line of retreat, no one venturing 
to reclaim or preserve them, while more than one full set of 
band instruments could be observed, dropped under the shade 
of some tree in rear of the line of battle, and where their late 
owners had probably been resting from the fatigues of the fight 
when the panic seized them and forced them to join their com- 
rades in flight. One good steady regiment composed of such 
sterling material as made up the regiments of either side at the 
termination of the war, could have checked the pursuit before 
reaching Bull Eun, and could have saved much of the artillery 
and many of the prisoners that as it was fell into the enemy's 
hands simply for want of owners. The rout continued until 
Centreville was reached; then the reserves posted under Mills 
gave some little confidence to the retreating masses, and after 
the latter had passed the reserves, comparative order began in a 
slight degree to be restored. General McDowell at first decided 
to halt and make a stand on the heights near Centreville, but 
this was soon discovered to be nnadvisable, if not impracticable, 
so large a portion of the army having continued their flight 
toward Washington. Orders were then given the various com- 
manders to conduct their forces back to their former camps 
near Arlington, opposite Washington, where they arrived the 
following day. 

When the retreat began my company and one other of cav- 
alry, and a section of artillery, commanded by Captain Arnold, 
came under the personal direction and control of Colonel 
Heintzlcman, with whom we moved toward Centreville. Col- 
onel Heintzleman, although suffering from a painful wound, 
continued to exercise command, and maintained his seat in the 
saddle. The two companies of cavalry and the section of 
Arnold's battery moved off the battle-field in good order, and 
were the last organized bodies of Union troops to retire across 
Bull Knn. When within about two miles of Centreville, at 
the bridge across Cub Kun, the crossing was found to be com- 



BULL RUN. 73 

pletely blocked up by broken wagons and ambulances. There 
being no other crossing available, and the enemy having opened 
with artillery from a position a short distance below the bridge, 
and commanding the latter, Captain Arnold was forced to 
abandon his guns. The cavalry found a passable ford for their 
purpose, and from this point no further molestation was en- 
countered from the enemy. After halting a few hours in some 
old camps near Centreville, it now being dark, the march was 
resumed, and kept up until Arlington was reached, during the 
forenoon of the 22d. I little imagined when making my night 
ride from Washington to Centreville, the night of the 20th, 
that the following night would find me returning with a de- 
feated and demoralized army. It was with the greatest diffi- 
culty that many of the regiments could be halted on the Arling- 
ton side of Long bridge, so determined were they to seek safety 
and rest under the very walls of the capitol. Some of the regi- 
ments lost more men after the battle and retreat had ended, 
than had been killed, wounded, and captured by the enemy. 
Three-fourths of one regiment, known as the Zouaves, disap- 
peared in this way. Many of the soldiers continued their 
flight until they reached New York. 

Here ends the vivid personal narrative of the young officer, 
placed so suddenly in the midst of the first great battle of the 
war. The reader will have noticed ere this, the frank and can- 
did naivete of his style, and the real modesty which pervades 
the account, the way in which he tells a story against himself, 
as to his first charge, and the perfect greenness to which he 
confesses, in spite of his West Point education. The reflec- 
tions with which he closes his story of Bull Run, are as just and 
sober, as the narrative is fresh and picturesque, and equally 
worthy of quotation. Besides this, they have the further ad- 
vantage of being true to the letter. 

He says : — 

While the result of the battle of Bull Run startled and 
aroused the entire country, from the St. Lawrence to the Rio 



74: GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Grande, the effect upon the people of the Korth, and that upon 
those of the revolted States was widely different. 

The press and people of the South accepted the result of 
the battle as forecasting if not already assuring the ultimate 
success of their cause, and marking, as they expressed it, the 
birth of a nation ; and while this temporary advantage may have 
excited and inspired their enthusiasm, and increased their 
faith as well as their numbei-s, by drawing or driving into 
their ranks the lukewarm, and those inclined to remain loj^al, 
yet it was a source of weakness as well, from the fact that the 
people of the South were in a measure confirmed in the very 
prevalent belief which had long existed in the Southern States 
regarding the great superiority in battle of the Southron over 
his fellow-countryman of colder climes. This impression main- 
tained its hold upon the minds of the people of the South, and 
upon the Southern soldiery, until eradicated by months and 
years of determined battle. The loyal Korth accepted its 
defeat in the most commendable manner, and this remark is 
true, whether applied to the high officials of the States and 
General Government or to the people at large. There was no 
indulging in vain or idle regrets ; there was no flinching from 
the support and defence of the Union ; there was least of all 
hesitation as to the proper course to pursue. If the idea of 
compromise had been vainly cherished by any portion of the 
people, it had vanished, and but one sentiment, one purpose 
actuated the men of the North, as if acting under a single will. 
Men were hurried forward from all the loyal States ; more 
offered their services than the government was prepared to 
accept. The defeat of the Union arms forced the North to 
coolly calculate the immense task before it in attempting to 
overthrow the military strength of the insurgent States. Had 
Bull Run resulted otherwise than it did, had the North instead 
of the South been the victor, there would have been danger of 
a feeling of false security pervading the minds of the people of 
the North. Their patriotism would not have been awakened 



BULL RUN. 75 

by success as it was by disaster ; they would not have felt called 
upon to abandon the farm, the workshop, the counting-room, 
and the pulpit, in order to save a government tottering almost 
upon the brink of destruction. 

It only remains to follow the soldier-author in his analysis 
of the subsequent careers of the officers present on both sides 
in this famous tight, and the story of Bull Eun will be 
complete. 

It is interesting, says Custer, to note the names of officers 
of both contending armies who were present at the battle 
of Bull Run, and who afterward achieved more or less distinc- 
tion, and exercised important commands in later years of the 
war. On the Union side there were McDowell, Hunter, Heint- 
zelman, Burnside, Howard, Keyes, Franklin, Schenck, Wilcox, 
Gorman, Blenker, Ward, Richardson, Andrew Porter, Terry, 
Slocum, Wadsworth, Sykes, Barry, Hunt, Fry, Averill, Innes 
Palmer, "Wheaton, Barnard, Abbot, Webb, Griffin, Ricketts, 
Ayres, Baird, Wright, Whipple, and Richard Arnold. 

Of those officers who were present at the battle of Bull 
Run, McDowell was the only one who held a rank above that of 
field officer, he being a brigadier-general. Sixteen held the 
rank of colonel, one that of lieutenant-colonel, six that of major, 
five that of captain, and eight the rank of lieutenant. Nearly 
all were advanced in time to the rank of major-general ; more 
than half the number were appointed subsequently to the com- 
mand of armies, corps, or departments, while but few held 
positions below that of division commander. Among the colo- 
nels of regiments at Bull Run was W. T. Sherman, now Gen- 
eral of the Army of the United States. Of the present three 
major-generals of the regular army, one was the commander of 
the Union forces on that day ; and of the six brigadier-generals 
now in the line of the regular army, two, Howard and Terry, 
were colonels of voluntere regiments at the battle of July 21. 

" Upon the side of the Confederates there was Johnston, 
Beauregard, Jackson (who obtained at this battle the sobriquet of 



76 



GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 



Stonewall), E. Kirbj Smith, Longstreet, J. E. E. Stnart, Hamp- 
ton, D, R Jones, A. P. Hill, Ewell, Early, Kershaw, Elzey, 
Echolis, Hunton, Cooke, Pendleton, Holmes, S. Jones, Barks- 
dale, Jordan, and Evans. The great majority of these became 
prominent generals, and as commanders of armies or of large 
bodies of troops in several of the decisive battles and campaigns 
of the war, displayed great ability and gallantry, and won last- 
ing renown by their prowess and military skill." 




l^JM 



CHAPTER III. 

©RGANIZING AN ARMY. 

FOLLOWING our original design, we shall utilize, in de- 
scribing the period immediately following the battle of 
Bull Run, the scanty memoirs left by General Custer, wherever 
they relate to personal adventures. We are convinced that they 
possess an interest and value to the public, especially since the 
early death of their author, to which a more elaborate narrative 
from another hand could not aspire. The matter most to be 
deplored is that they are so very short that we shall soon be 
compelled to drop them, and that the last part was written 
in such exceeding haste, in the midst of camp life and even ou 
the march against the Indians, as not fairly to represent the 
author. Had General Custer been spared another year, enjoy- 
ing the advantages of leisure under which he wrote his " Life 
on the Plains," his contributions to the early history of the war 
must have proved of exceeding value. As it is, let us continue 
with him on his journey as far as he goes with us. 

In selecting from his memoirs, we consider it due to the 
public, however, to omit those purely personal estimates of the 
character of the various officers who at an early period of the 
war, fell, justly or unjustly, under popular or political censure, 
with which the early chapters of the memoirs abound. The 
proper place for such estimates is to be found in the future 
history of the war so often dreamed about, and some day, 
possibly, to be written. In the personal history of a single 
officer, other than that of the commander-in-chief, such estimates 
are only provocative of controversy, and needless for the eluci- 



78 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

dation of truth. Where they aifect only the private character of 
the ilkistrious dead, whose peculiarities are matter of public 
interest, as in the case of Kearny, we quote them in full, 
especially where they illustrate the keen eye for character pos- 
sessed by Custer himself. Accordingly we will let him take 
up the narrative of events immediately following the battle of 
Bull Run in his own language. 

When McDowell saw the victory which he had planned so 
ably to achieve swept from his grasp almost at the moment 
when he deemed it secure, and beheld his forces, which but 
a moment before were driving their adversaries in disorder 
before them, now turn and abandon the field they had fought 
so gallantly to win, his first idea was to retire his army behind 
its reserves at Centreville, re-form the disordered regiments, and 
renew the advance from that point. But when he reached 
Centreville he saw that all efforts to stop or rally the flying 
Federals must prove unavailing, many of the regiments having 
without instructions continued their flight in the direction 
of Washington. Orders were therefore given for the entire 
army to flill back to its old camps near Arlington, opposite the 
capital. The retreat was continued all night, and by. noon 
of the following day the Federal army could be said to be 
safely back in its old camps near the capital. While the losses 
in the battle had been severe, they would have been almost 
unprecedented had all the absentees from the Union regiments, 
upon the arrival of the latter at Arlington, been chargeable 
to the legitimate losses of battle. The truth was that hundreds 
of men belonging to some of the regiments had not pretended 
to halt at their old camps, but had rushed across the Long bridge 
over the Potomac, which separated their camps from the capital, 
and, continuing their flight, made no halt until they had placed 
hundreds of miles between themselves and the scene of their 
late disaster. Hundreds of these fugitives, including among 
their numbers a few oflicers, were seen in the streets of New 
York within forty-eight hours after the arrival of the routed 



ORGANIZING AN ARMY. 7^ 

army at Arlington. One regiment, the Second ]N'ew York 
militia, reported one hundred and forty men missing after the 
battle, yet the regiment had not crossed Bull Eun during the 
engagement. 

The company of cavalry to which I belonged, and one other, 
with a section of Arnold's battery, as already stated, were the 
last organized bodies of troops to leave the battle-field, which 
they did under the immediate command of Colonel Heintzel- 
man. The guns had to be abandoned upon our arrival at Cub 
Kun, owing to the passageway becoming blocked with broken 
vehicles. I had ridden nearly all the night preceding the bat- 
tle, to enable me to join the army and participate in the strug- 
gle. When the battle reached its disastrous termination, and 
night spread its mantle over our defeated and demoralized 
troops, I found myself hastening with the fleeing, frightened 
soldiery back toward that capital which I had left but a few 
hours before. To add to the discomforts and delays of the 
retreat, the rain fell in torrents, rendering the road almost im- 
passable. Eeaching Arlington Heights early in the forenoon, I 
scarcely waited for my company to be assigned to its camp, 
before I was stretched at full length under a tree, where, from 
fatigue, hunger, and exhaustion, I soon fell asleep, despite the 
rain and mud, and slept for hours without awakening. When 
1 finally awoke, and attempted to take a retrospect of my late 
introduction to actual service, I could find but little to console 
or flatter me, and still less to encourage a hopeful view of the 
success of the Union cause in the future ; and yet while I do 
not now recall, even among the many dark and trying days 
passed through at later periods of the war, any event which 
brought with it more despondency and discouragement than 
the defeat at Bull Run, neither then nor at any subsequent pe- 
riod did I ever lose or lessen my faith, my firm belief and con- 
viction, that the cause of the Union was destined in the end to 
triumph over all obstacles and opposition. 

General McDowell at once set himself to the immense work 



80 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

of restoring order and establishing discipline among his badly- 
shattered columns. The President himself drove in an open 
carriage through the camps of the volunteers, occasionally 
halting and addressing a few words of comfort and encourage- 
ment to the groups of dispirited soldiery, as the latter formed 
about his carriage. But something more substantial than 
speech-making was speedily resolved upon. As the firing upon 
Sumter had been immediately followed by a call from the Presi- 
dent for 75,000 men to serve for a period of three months, so 
was the disaster at Bull Eun made the occasion for issuing a 
second call for a much greater number of men to serve for 
three years, or during the war. 

The harsh and unjust criticisms which were showered from 
all parts of the land upon General McDowell for the unfortu- 
nate termination of the battle of Bull Run, decided the gov- 
ernment to call to the active command of the forces then 
assembled, and about to assemble at "Washington, a new chief. 
In making the selection for this important position, the opinion 
of the government officials chai'ged with this dut}^, and that 
of the people as indicated by the public press, seemed to centre 
upon a single personage as the one best fitted to restore confi- 
dence to the troops, and to inspire the country with hopes of 
success iu the future. General McClellan, on the breaking- 
out of the war, had been appointed by Governor Dennison, 
of Ohio, to the grade of major-general of the State troops, 
and charged with the duty of organizing and equipping the 
immense force of volunteers furnished by that State, under 
the call for three months' men. Afterward assigned to the 
command of the military department of West Virginia, con- 
taining at that time a considerable number of troops in the 
field, opposed to which was a Confederate armj^ under command 
of educated leaders, McClellan devised and put in execution a 
plan of operation which, after a series of rapid and most bril- 
liant victories, resulted in the capture or overthrow of all the 
forces of the enemy operating in his department. So decisive 



ORGANIZING AN ARMY. 81 

and gratifying were these victories, coming as they did ahnost 
simultaneously with the disaster and disappointment of Bull 
Run, and the operations of the Shenandoah, that all eyes had 
singled out the youthful victor in the West Virginia battles as 
the one destined to lead the armies of the republic to future 
victory. 

On the 25th of July, four days after the defeat at Bull Bun, 
McClellan, having turned over his command in West Virginia 
to General Rosecrans, the next in rank, was assigned to the 
command of a geographical division, which included the de- 
partments of Washington and Northeastern Virginia, with 
headquarters at Washington. No appointment to high com- 
mand during the war received higher commendation or more 
universal approval from the people and the army, not even 
excepting that of General Grant in 1864. It can also be truth- 
fully said, that no officer of either side ever developed or gave 
evidence of the possession of that high order of military ability 
which at that peculiar and particular time was so greatly de- 
manded in the Federal commander, and which General 
McClellan brought to the discharge of his duties as the reor- 
ganizer and commander of a defeated and demoralized force, 
and to the formation of a new army composed almost entirely 
of new levies fresh from the counting-house, the farm, and the 
workshop. Subsequent events and results of the war, did much 
to detract from, and cover up, the real merit and worth of 
McClellan's achievements in this respect, but to him alone 
belongs the credit of that system of organization, discipline, and 
supply by which the Army of the Potomac was created, and 
owing to which that army was unlike as well as superior to any 
other army of the republic, in all the acquired elements which 
tend to make a powerful and efficient force." 

After some personal estimates of the causes of McClellan's 
failure, Custer proceeds : 

After remaining at Arlington a few days, the company to 
which I belonged was ordered to Alexandria, at which point it 
6 



82 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

only remained a brief period, being moved still further to the 
front, thus twice going beyond the Alexandria Seminary, where 
we were destined to remain some weeks. While at this point 
General Philip Kearny, who had just been appointed Brigadier- 
general U. S. Volunteers, arrived and assumed command of a 
brigade of volunteers composed of four regiments of New Jer- 
sey troops, afterward known and distinguished as the Jersey 
Brigade. To this brigade my company was temporarily 
attached, thus bringing us under the command of Kearny. 
When he arrived from Washington with his commission as 
Brigadier-general, and with orders to organize the Jersey Bri- 
gade, he was not provided with a single staff officer, and, being 
unacquainted with the younger ofKcers of the brigade, was 
unable to select the necessary officers for his staff. In this 
dilemma he asked the officer commanding my compan}' (Lieu- 
tenant Drummond) if, having three officers present for duty, he 
could not dispense Avith my services, I being the junior, to 
enable me to do duty upon the brigade staff. To this proposi- 
tion Drummond assented ; whereupon Kearny, by a formal 
order, detailed me first as aide-de-camp, afterward as assistant 
adjutant-general, I being the first staff officer detailed by Kearny. 
I found the change from subaltern in a company to a responsi- 
ble position on the staff of a most active and enterprising offi- 
cer both agreeable and beneficial. 

Kearny was a very peculiar, withal a very gallant leader. 
Formerly an officer of the regular service, he had enjoyed rare 
and unusual opportunities for perfecting his knowledge and 
experience in all matters relating to the military profession. 
He had while an officer of the army been detailed by the gov- 
ernment as one of three officers to be sent to Europe, particu- 
larly to France, to study the military art and customs of service 
as prevailing in that country. While abroad on this mission he 
had opportunities to seethe French army in actual service; and. 
as results of his observation, made some interesting and valuable 
reports to the government at Washington. He participated in 



ORGANIZING AN ARMY. 83 

onr war with Mexico as a cavalry officei', losing an arm while 
leading a charge of cavalry which was characterized by its great 
boldness, if not by its success. After the war with Mexico 
Kearny resigned his commission in the regular army, and being 
possessed of great wealth and a love for foreign travel and ad- 
venture, he spent several years abroad, during a portion of which 
he entered the French service under ISTapoleon III., and by his 
gallantry and conspicuous conduct won the marked commenda- 
tion of the French military authorities. He returned to his 
native country as soon as he learned of the threatened outbreak 
between the North and South, and promptly sought to obtain 
a command which would enable him to fight in defence of the 
Union. In this he was at first unsuccessful, and was forced to see 
other and inferior men appointed to commands which he would 
gladly have accepted. Finally successful in obtaining a com- 
mission, he at once formed his brigade, and began devoting 
himself to the discipline and organization of that splendid 
body of men afterward destined to become so famous as 
Kearny's or the Jersey Brigade. 

Of the many officers of high rank with whom I have served, 
Kearny was the strictest disciplinarian. So strict was he in 
this respect that were it not for the grander qualities he subse- 
quently displayed he might well have been considered as simply 
a military martinet. His severity of discipline was usuallj' vis- 
ited upon the higher officers, the colonels and field-officers, 
rather than upon the subaltern and enlisted men. Once aroused 
by some departure, however slight, from the established regu- 
lation or order, and the unfortunate victim of Kearny's dis- 
pleasure became the object and recipient of such a torrent of 
violent invectives, such varied and expressive epithets, that the 
limit of language seemed for once to have been reached ; and 
luckless offenders have more than once tendered their resigna- 
tions rather than subject themselves a second time to such an 
ordeal. 

Kearny was a man of violent passions, quick and determined 



84 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

impulses, haughty demean£)r, largely the result of his military 
training and life, brave as the bravest of men can be, possessed 
of unusually great activity, both mental and physical, patriotic 
as well as ambitious, impatient under all delay, extremely sen- 
sitive in regard to the claims of his command as well as his 
own. Distrustful of all those who differed with him in opinion 
or action, capable as a leader of men, and possessed of that neces- 
sary attribute which endeared him to his followers despite his 
severity, he presented a combination which is rarely encoun- 
tered. He constantly chafed under the restraint and inactivity 
of camp life, and was never so contented and happy as when 
moving to the attack. And whether it was the attack of a 
picket-post or the storming of the enemy's breastworks, Kearny 
was always to be found where the danger was greatest. xTot- 
withstanding the fame he achieved as an infantry commander, 
he never felt that he was in his proper place, but always longed 
to command immense bodies of cavalry, believing that with that 
arm he would find service more in keeping with his restless, 
impulsive temperament. Brave in battle, imperious in com- 
mand, and at times domineering toward those beneath him, no 
one could wear a more courtly manner than Kearny, unless he 
willed to do otherwise. 

During my brief but agreeable tour of duty with Kearny 
as a staff officer, I found him ever engaged in some scheme 
either looking to the improvement of his command or the dis- 
comfiture of his enemy. The pickets of the Confederates were 
stationed along a line but four or five miles distant from Kear- 
ny's headquarters. He determined, with the approval of 
higher authority, to organize a small expedition and effect the 
capture of what was believed to be one of the principal picket 
posts of the Confederates. In fact it was believed that on a 
particular night there were to be assembled at the house near 
which the picket reserve was located several Confederate officers 
of importance, wJio were reported to be reconnoitei'ing the 
ground between the two hostile forces. Kearny fixed the 



ORGANIZING AN ARMY. 85 

night in question as the one upon which the attempt to effect 
the capture should be made. Three hundred picked men from 
the Jersey Brigade were nam(3d for this duty. Lieutenant- 
Colonel Buck was assigned to the command. Kearny directed 
me to accompany the expedition as a representative from head- 
quarters.- It must be remembered that officers and men were 
at that time totally lacking in the actual experience of war. 
Those who fought at Bull Kun had been discharged, and raw, 
inexperienced regiments had taken their places. 

The night chosen for the undertaking proved to be a 
lovely moonlight one. The troops assembled near Kearny's 
headquarters about nine o'clock in the evening, and leaving all 
impediments in the way of blankets, overcoats, and unnecessary 
accoutrements behind, we soon began our silent march to the 
front. It was known that the Confederate pickets were posted 
four or five miles in advance, but before marching half that 
distance a halt was ordered, and additional precautions adopted 
to preserve secrecy in our movements. From that point we 
pursued our way as quietly as possible, no one being allowed 
to speak above a whisper. Sometimes, instead of following the 
road, we made our way through paths in the forest, feeling our 
way as cautiously as if masked batteries, then the tete noire of 
the average volunteer, were bristling from beyond every bush. 
The cracking of a twig in the distance, or the stumbling of one 
of the leading files over a concealed log, was sufficient to cause 
the entire column to halt, and with bated breath peer into the 
darkness of the forest in vain endeavor to discover a foe whose 
presence at that particular time and place was not desired. 

In this manner we continued our course, at each step the 
tension on our nerves, to describe it by no other name, becom- 
ing greater and greater, until we resembled in enlarged form 
some ludicrous stage picture in which the alarmed family, 
aroused from their beds by noise of imaginary burglars, come 
stealthily, timidly into the room, staring in all directions to dis- 
cover the disturber of the household, and ready to drop all 



bb GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

weapons of defence and seek safety in flight at the first real 
cause of alarm. So it was with us. Inexperienced, magnifying 
the strength and terrible character of our unseen foes, dreading 
surprise, we had worked ourselves up to so excitable a condi- 
tion, that all that was necessary to terminate our anxiet}' as well 
as the expedition, was to confront us with an undoubted enemy. 
We were not to undergo much longer delay. The house about 
which the picket was posted, and which was to be the object of 
our attack — a surprise if possible — was located at one end of a 
long lane, at the foot of which we now found ourselves. A 
brief halt was made, final instructions fi'om our leaders were 
whispered from ear to ear, and again we moved forward. 
Owing to clouds we could only receive partial benefit from the 
moon ; sufiicient, however, to discern in the distance at the 
head of the lane a clump of trees within which the house was 
said to be located. 

As we silently made our way up the lane, moving in column 
of fours, with not a skirmisher or advance guard thrown to the 
front, every isolated tree or even the farmer's herd grazing in 
the fields near by, were sufiicient to make us halt and determine 
whether or not we were being ' flanked.' Frequent discoveries of 
our errors in this respect might have inspired us with some little 
confidence, but at that moment we surely heard human voices 
up the lane in the vicinity of the house. Of course we halted. 
It did not impress me that we were engaged in a military 
undertaking ; on the contrary, it struck me as resembling upon 
a large scale some boyhood scheme involving a movement upon 
a neighboring orchard or a melon patch, and the time had 
arrived just before crossing the fence, when the impression 
prevails that the owner of the orchard and his dog are on the 
lookout. Halting to listen and distinguish the voices again, 
a few moments' silence ensued, during which the clouds cleared 
away, permitting the moon to shine forth and light up the 
whole scene, and enabling the enemy's pickets to take in at 
a glance who and what we were. 



ORGANIZING AN ARMT. 87 

'Who comes there?' rang out on the still night air, and 
without waiting for an answer, bang, bang, bang, went tliree 
muskets. It was a sorrowful waste of ammunition to fire three 
muskets when one would have answered as well. I am sure 
that while we may all have been facing toward the house when 
the first shot was fired, we were not only facing but moving 
in the opposite direction before the sound of the last one 
reached our ears. I presume too that the fellows who fired 
the shots ran in the opposite direction, faster than we did; 
that is, if they were disposed to be active. But all chance 
to efifect a surprise having been lost, our party did not propose 
to expend either time or ammunition in furtherance of the 
object of the expedition. We beat a hasty if not precipitate 
retreat, and returned to our camp in less than half the time 
it had required to march from there. The same officers and 
men who participated in this little affair, if charged with the 
same duty one year later, at a time when they had become 
more familiar with the operations of war, would have in all 
probability succeeded in capturing and bringing away as 
prisoners the entire picket guard and its immediate reserves. 

I remained on Kearny's staft' as aide until an order was 
issued prohibiting officers of the regular army from serving 
on the stafi's of officers holding commissions as volunteers. 
Early in the fall of 1S61 the principal portion of the cavalry, 
both regular and volunteer, was formed into one organization 
and collected near Washington, under the command of Briga- 
dier-General Philip St. George Cooke, an officer who had 
rendered valuable service as a cavalry officer on the plains, and 
who had more recently attracted attention in military circles as the 
author of a system of cavalry tactics based upon the single rank 
formation, the principles of which, under another name, have 
been largely adopted by the government for all arms of its 
service. Brigadier-General Stoneman, another cavalry officer, 
was announced as chief of cavalry on the staff" of General McClel- 
lan. To Stoneman was assigned the task of organizino; and 



88 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

equipping the cavalry forces which were to operate in the field 
with the Army of the Potomac. The concentration of the 
cavalry near Washington transferred my company from its 
camp with Kearny's Brigade, below Alexandria, to Cliffburn, 
about two miles east of the capital. The fall and winter were 
passed in perfecting, as for as possible, the preparations for the 
spring campaign. 

During the fall of 1861 Lieutenant Custer was ordered 
home on sick leave in October, and remained there till Febru- 
ary, 1862, when he rejoined the Army of the Potomac, being 
assigned to the Fifth Cavalry. 

This period of leave brings us to a time in Custer's career, 
which witnessed the final formation of his moral character, and 
changed him in many respects from a wild and reckless boy 
into a self-respecting man. In regarding his character as testi- 
fied to by others, we have hitherto found everything to admire 
and little to censure, his uncommon goodness in youth being 
remarkable. This, his first army leave, was distinguished by 
his solitary lapse from exemplary life, but it was marked 
also by his sudden and permanent reform and awakening to 
principle. 

We have said in an early chapter that Custer never at any 
time drank intoxicating liquors, nor smoked. This statement 
must now be qualified. In his early life, and while at West 
Point, he never did. The influence of a pure and virtuous 
home life, of a family of exemplary piety, saved him from all 
such dangers. It was not till he entered the army, and lived 
around Washington, that he learned what temptation was, and 
then it came on him with resistless force. It must be remem- 
bered that at that time the Army of the Potomac had gathered 
to itself, along with many good men, many worthless, dissipated 
scamps, even among the highest ofiicers. The amount of hard 
drinking that was done by all, from general to lieutenant, was 
frightful, and the language in common use was of the vilest 
description. While all this at first made a pure-minded country 



ORGANIZING AN ARMY. 89 

boy disgusted and ashamed, he found, like all others, that 
familiarity blunted his senses, and finally he yielded to the pre- 
vailing habits. Poor lad, how could he help it ! He saw his 
general, Kearny, whom he admired and respected as a model 
soldier, given over to both, swearing with an elaboration of 
blasphemy that shocked him at first, amused him later, and 
finally almost compelled his imitation, from unconscious habit. 
Every one drank deep, and there seemed to be no escape from 
the habit. Briefly, this period was the one little spot in Cus- 
ter's career, the one fault in a perfect life. He fell in with the 
prevailing habits, drank as deep and swore as hard as any man 
in the army. With these habits he went home, and paid a 
long visit to Monroe. While there, he at once became some- 
what of a pet. In those days every soldier was a favorite, and 
Lieutenant Custer " of the Regular Army " was a very differ- 
ent person from the schoolboy " Armstrong," who used to 
wrestle with the boys and run the streets in old times. He 
was becoming a man of mark, and was one of those who were 
" making history." 

The public characters of the little town began to notice him, 
and among others Judge Bacon recognized him publicly and 
praised his conduct. The Judge was an original Old Line Whig, 
and therefore almost of necessity an ardent Republican and 
firm supporter of the Union under Lincoln. He was an en- 
thusiastic admirer of the soldiers, and during the early part of 
the war lived much in public, frequently addressed Union 
meetings, and used all of his great influence to forward the 
cause he loved. It was quite natural therefore that he should 
look on the rising young officer, who had been on Kearny's 
staff, with great favor, and he did so. The Judge, however, 
was one of those men of firm and unbending rectitude and fas- 
tidious social sense, who make a great distinction between pub- 
lic and private life. While his acquaintance with young Custer 
in public life was quite cordial, he never (at that time) offered 
to introduce him into his private family. There was a certain 



90 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

gulf still existing between the chief personage of Monroe and 
the young officer, which might have been overlooked elsewhere, 
but not in a place where the distinctions of circles are so marked 
as in a small country town like Monroe. Still, the Judge was 
much interested in young Custer, and frequently spoke of him 
to his daughter, now a young lady of sixteen, and approaching 
her graduation at the Seminary. But with the natural perversity 
of the female sex, the more the Judge spoke in praise of the 
young man, the less did the daughter seem inclined to like him. 
She remembered him as one of a crowd of " boys," and like 
almost every young girl brought up at home and under strict 
religious teachings, she looked on " boys " as a sort of wild 
beasts, with whom she could have no feelings in common. 

Affairs were in this state, young Custer on a long visit to 
Mrs. Eeed, when he fell in one day with a number of old school 
cronies, and started on a grand spree. Custer had always been 
of a peculiarly nervous and excitable temperament, and liquor 
made him a perfect maniac, no matter how little he took. The 
result was that, towards sunset, the young officer and one of his 
old schoolmates were seen coming up Monroe Street past the 
Judge's house, going towards Mrs. Reed's, and Custer was tak- 
ing the whole sidewalk to himself, in a peculiarly free and easj'' 
state. As luck would have it, the Judge's daughter was at the 
window; she saw him, and her dislike was intensified at once. 
Custer went home to Mrs. Reed's, and there too his sister saw 
him, for the first time in his life, as far as she knew, plainly 
under the influence of liquor, if not decidedly drunk. That 
night was the turning point of young Custer's life, and the 
country is to-day indebted for all the beauty and nobility of his 
subsequent career to the earnest will, love, and piety of one of 
the best Christian women that ever breathed. 

Mrs. Reed saw him. Surprised, shocked, and grieved as 
she was, that good creature never hesitated. She went straight 
to him, wild as he was in looks, and told him she wished to 
speak to him alone. His companion left, feeling somewhat 



ORGANIZING AN ARMY. 91 

ashamed of himself, Custer throwing him a gay promise to 
meet him down town. Then as the door closed, Lieutenant 
Custer of the army found himself undergoing a strange trans- 
formation back to quiet docile Armstrong, before the grieved and 
steady gaze of his sister. She led him to her room in silence, 
locked the door on both, and then asked him " what he had been 
doing." The proud young soldier sobered in a moment, 
crimsoned like a girl, and felt horribly ashamed of himself. 

What passed at that interview between the anxious loving 
sister and the impulsive erring boy, already repenting of his de- 
gradation and error, will never be fully known till the last day. 
Far be it from us to strive to lift the veil. It was a season of 
tears, prayers, and earnest pleading on one side, overcoming 
all resistance on the other. The result was that George Arm- 
strong Custer then and there, in the presence of God, gave his 
sister a solemn pledge that never henceforth to the day of his 
death should a drop of intoxicating liquor pass his lips. That 
pledge he kept in letter and spirit to the last. His first excess 
in Monroe was his last anywhere, and henceforth he was a free 
man. 

It may be asked perhaps why we have related this incident 
of Custer's career, the only painful one that mars an otherwise 
perfect life. We have done so because it was really the turning 
point for Custer, and for the purpose of reimpressing on the 
world the nature of those home influences, so sweet and pure, 
which ended in moulding a character of perfect knighthood. 
Mother, sister, and finally wife, three noble women aided to 
mould that character. True, the material was noble and plastic, 
but at that early period how easy it would have been to have 
made thereof a fierce type of destroying power, devoid of moral 
beauty. From all the errors of such a sombre figure of valor 
and unhappiness, Custer was saved by the iufiuence of a Chris- 
tian sister. Honor to her for it ! 

His punishment for the brief lapse was yet to come, but it 
found him prepared with strength of purpose and principle to 



92 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

live down the past and conquer his future. His error was pub- 
lic, and the one woman of all others whose opinion he valued 
had seen him degraded. How should he ever now attain her 
love ? The gulf widened to an almost immeasurable distance 
at once. To most men it would have seemed hopelessly wide. 
"Was it to him ? We shall see further on. For the present let 
us turn from his private to his public life. 




CHAPTER IV. 
THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. 

WHEN Cnster returned to his post in February he found 
that a marv^elous transformation of affairs had taken 
place. Washington was securely girdled with fortifications, 
and, what was of more importance, the Army of the Potomac 
was created. The question of the best method of advance was 
even then in progress of hot discussion between McClellan and 
the President ; and this discussion consumed most of the month. 
Into the merits of the controversy it is not the purpose of Gen- 
eral Custer's biographer to enter, further than to state its 
nature, and chronicle its result. 

The President wished McClellan to advance on the Confed- 
erate forces at Manassas, and fight a second battle of Bull Kun. 
McClellan wished to transfer the army by water to the Penin- 
sula and operate on Richmond from thence. The difference 
of opinion caused a long correspondence between the two, 
which ended in McClellan gaining his point ; and the transports 
were accordingly gathered in the Chesapeake, to transfer the 
army to Fortress Monroe. General Custer, in his last pub- 
lished papers, enters warmly into the controversy in favor of 
McClellan, for whom he entertained a most sincere admiration. 
Without following him into the vexed region, we shall again 
quote from him in all that pertains to the record of facts affect- 
ing himself. On the eighth of March, 1862, the President 
issued his " War Order No. 2," dividing the Army of the Poto- 
mac into four corps, under Generals McDowell, Sumner, Heintz- 
elman and Keyes. 

On the 9th of March, continues Custer, McClellan re- 



94 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

ceived inforination that the enemy was evacuating his position 
at Manassas, a move, as was afterward ascertained, decided 
upon when an idea was gained upon the part of the enemy in 
regard to the transfer of the Army of the Potomac to a new. base. 
This was the effect foreseen by McClellan, but the bad condition 
of the roads between Washington and Manassas prevented him 
from embarrassing the enemy in his retirement. 

As the transports could not be ready for some time to 
move the army to its new base, McClellan decided to march it 
to Manassas and back, in order to give the troops some prelimi- 
nary experience in marching and the rigors of actual service. 
Orders were issued during the 9th for a general movement of 
the army the next morning toward Centreville and Manassas. 
At noon on the 10th, the cavalry advanced under Averill, 
reached the enemy's lines at Centreville, and found them aban- 
doned, the enemy having burned a considerable amount of mili- 
tary stores and other valuable property. 

On the 13th of March McClellan called a council of war 
at his headquarters in the field of Fairfax Court House, the 
council consisting of the four corps commanders, McDowell, 
Sumner, Keyes, and Heintzelman, at which it was decided 'that 
the enemy having retreated from Manassas to Gordonsville, 
behind the Rappahannock and Rapidan, it is the opinion of 
generals commanding corps that the operations to be carried on 
will be best undertaken from Old Point Comfort, between the 
York and James Rivers. 

" Operating against Richmond from Fortress Monroe as a 
base, it would be desirable to use both the James and York 
Rivers as lines of communication and supply ; but the appear- 
ance on the 8th of March, of the Confederate iron-clad Merri- 
mac off Fortress Monroe, and the havoc created in the Fede- 
ral fleet, imperilled the adoption of the peninsular plan of cam- 
paign ; but on the 9th of March, the Monitor, as invented by 
Ericsson, engaged the Merrimac near Fortress Monroe, and so. 
clearly established its superiority over the latter, as to remove 



THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. 95 

considerable of the apprehension entertained in regard to the 
Merrimac's ab^ity to embarrass operations. Even if the James 
River remained closed, the line of the Tork and its tributaries 
was open. 

While the army was being marched toward Manassas, I 
obtained my first experience with cavalry advance guards. 
General Stoneman. chief of cavalry, was directed to push a 
large force of cavalry along the hne of the Orange and Alexan- 
dria railroad to determine the position of the enemy, and if pos- 
sible drive him across the Rappahannock. Upon arriving at 
Catlett's Station, near Cedar Run, the enemy's pickets were dis- 
cerned in considerable force on a hill about one mile in our 
front. The Fifth United States Cavalry, to whicli I then 
belonged, was in advance. Upon discerning the pickets, a halt 
was ordered, and intelligence of the enemy's presence sent to 
General Stoneman. An order was soon received from that offi- 
cer directing that the pickets of the enemy be driven back across 
Cedar Run. When this order reached us, the officers of the regi- 
ment were generally assembled in a group at the head of the col- 
umn. Major Charles J. Whiting in command. I at once asked 
permission to take my company, the command of M-hich I acci- 
dentally held, owing to the absence of the captain and first lieu- 
tenant, and perform the duty of driving in the pickets. Per- 
mission being accorded, I marched the company to the front, 
formed line, and advanced toward the pickets, then plainly in 
view, and interested observers of our movements. 

Advancing without opposition to the base of the hill upon 
which the pickets were posted, when within convenient dis- 
tance I gave the command ' Charge ' for the first time. My 
company responded gallantly, and a^-ay we M^ent. Our adver- 
saries did not wait to receive us, but retreated hurriedly and 
crossed the bridge over Cedar Run, setting fire to it immedi- 
ately after. We pursued them to the bank of the run, and 
then exchanged several shots with the enemy, now safely posted 
on the opposite side. Being unable to advance across the stream, 



96 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

and exposed to a serious lire from small arms, I ordered mj 
command to retire, which it did in excellent order, but not 
until one man, private John "W". Brjaud, had been shot in the 
head, fortunately not seriously, and one horse wounded. Bat- 
tles and skirmishes at that time were unfamiliar events to the 
men composing the Army of the Potomac, and the little epi- 
sode just recorded, furnished a topic for general discussion and 
comment. The company that had been engaged in the affair 
was praised by its companions, while it was a question whether 
private Bryaud suffered most from his wound or the numerous 
and inquiring visits of the enterprising representatives of the 
press, each anxious and determined to gather and record for his 
particular journal, all the details connected with the shedding 
of the first blood by the Army of the Potomac. 

Such was the first introduction of the young officer to actual 
fighting, for at Bull Pun he must be considered merely as a 
spectator. "When the great enterprise and moral force of the 
rebel cavalry at that time is considered, it is interesting to note 
how, even then, they always shrunk from the cold steel of a 
charge. The only American cavalry at that date, capable of a 
mounted charge in real earnest, was the small force of regulars, 
and the superiority of that method of fighting cavalry over the 
"shooting business," indulged in b}^ the enemy, was first illus- 
trated in Yirginia by Custer — it was symptomatic of the future 
of the young officer, for almost all his subsequent successes, 
were obtained in the same manner, by rapid mounted charges. 

Continuing his narrative of facts, we quote now from the 
last paper ever furnished by Custer to his publishers. It was 
written while on his march toward the foe that slew him, and 
was not received till some days after the news of his death. 

In endeavoring, says Custer, to quiet the anxious fears 
of President Lincoln in regard to a movement of the Confed- 
erate army at Manassas against Washington after the transfer to 
the Peninsula of the Army of the Potomac, McClellan assured 
him that the latter movement would of itself be the surest and 



THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. 97 

quickest method as well as the one involving the least loss of 
life by which the enemy would be forced to abandon his fortified 
positions at Centreville and Manassas, and thus free Washington 
from the menace of attack. 

This opinion was promptly verified by the course adopted 
by the Confederate leader, General Joseph E. Johnston. ISTo 
sooner did he learn of the contemplated transfer of the Army 
of the Potomac to the Lower Chesapeake, than he evacuated 
every fortified position in front of Washington, and retired 
toward Richmond ; and McClellan truly remarked afterward 
that at no former period was southern Virginia so completely 
in our possession, and the vicinity of Washington free from the 
presence of the enemy. The ground so gained was not lost, 
nor Washington again put in danger until the enemy learned 
that orders had been sent to the Army of the Potomac to evac- 
uate the Peninsula, and thus leave them free to move directly 
toward Washington, which they did at once, and again seriously 
menaced the national capital. 

Fort Monroe having been selected as the base of operations 
of the Army of the Potomac by the council of war assembled 
March 13, and that selection having been acquiesced in by the 
President, the next step was to transfer the Army of the Poto- 
mac from Washington to the Peninsula. 

The first plan for the transfer of the army to its new base 
involved the embarkation of McDowell's corps first ; the inten- 
tion being to land it either at a point termed the Sandbox, on 
the right bank of York River, about four miles below Yorktown, 
and thus turn the works of the enemy supposed to be at Ship 
Point, Howard's Bridge, and Big Bethel, or to land it on the 
Gloucester side of Y'ork River, and move from there to West 
Point. This plan was subsequently changed, and the most con- 
venient divisions were embarked first, and moved direct to Fort- 
ress Monroe. McDowell's corps, by the new arrangement, was 
to embark last, and as an entire corps moved to such point on 
York River as might afterward be decided upon. The first 
7 



98 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

division to embark was that of General Hamilton, of Ileintzel- 
man's corps, which left Alexandria March 17. On the 22d of 
March Fitz John Porter's division of the same corps embarked 
from the same point accompanied by General Heintzelman, the 
corps commander. McClellan, with his entire headquarters, 
embarked on the steamer^ Commodore on the 1st of April, the 
day after he had been informed by the President that Blenker's 
division, ten thousand strong, was to be taken from his com- 
mand. He arrived at Fortress Monroe the afternoon of the 
following day, and at once began giving his personal attention 
to the disposition of his troops as they arrived and disembarked. 
"When the enemy's batteries controlled or threatened the naviga- 
tion of the Potomac, it had been arranged to embark the troops 
from Annapolis, Maryland, but upon the abandonment of these 
batteries by the enemy, it was no longer convenient or desirable 
to embark from Annapolis. Alexandria, Virginia, was there- 
fore, chosen as the point of embarkation, and orders given for 
the chartering and assembling of the necessary water transport- 
ation. Omitting the details of what in itself was a stupendous 
undertaking, the transfer to a new and distant base, of an im- 
mense army with all its material and accompaniments, it will 
be sufficient at present simply to record that in thirty-seven 
days from the time the order was given to secure the transport- 
ation necessary for so extensive a movement, the transfer of 
the Army of the Potomac was effected from Washington to Fort 
Monroe. This transfer involved the shipment of 121,500 men, 
14,592 animals, 1,150 wagons, forty-four batteries, seventj'-four 
ambulances, besides pontoon bridges, materials for telegraph 
lines, and other miscellaneous matter. No accident or loss oc- 
curred to mar the success of this achievement, save the loss of 
less than a score of mules. 

The vessels required to effect this transfer were as 
follows : 

One hundred and thirteen steamers, at two hundred and 
fifteen dollars and ten cents per day. One hundred and eigh- 



THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. 99 

teen schooners, at twenty -four dollars and forty-five cents per 
day. Eighty-eight barges, at one thousand four hundred and 
twenty-seven dollars per day. 

" Nine of the latter drifted ashore during a severe gale, but 
their cargoes were saved. The troops were ordered to take up 
the line of march from Fortress Monroe up the Peninsula, the 
second day succeeding McClellan's arrival. This was the 4th. 
The troops moved in two columns; that on the right, under 
Heintzelman, by the Big Bethel and Yorktown road, that on 
the left, under Keyes, by the Jaraes River and "Warwick Court 
House road. On the afternoon of the 5th, both columns were 
brought to a halt. Heintzelman's on the right, found itself in 
front of the enemy's earthworks at Yorktown, that of Keyes, 
consisting of Baldy Smith's division, came unexpectedly upon 
a heavy force of the enemy intrenched near Lee's Mills, at the 
crossing of Warwick River. The enemy opened upon Smith's 
troops with artillery and musketry. The Warwick River is a 
diminutive stream, undeserving the name of river, and in itself 
does not constitute a military obstacle, but the Confederates, by 
a series of dams, constructed at convenient points, the latter, 
protected by batteries and rifle pits, had enlarged Warwick 
River until it had become an almost impassable barrier to the 
advance of troops, unless the tire from the protecting batteries 
and rifle pits could be silenced. So formidable were the defen- 
sive arrangements of the enemy that General Keyes found it 
impracticable to execute the order which McClellan had given 
him, which was to carry the enemy's position by assault. By 
this system of dams, with their protecting batteries and rifle pits, 
the Warwick River which heads within rifle shot of Yorktown, 
and flows across the narrow peninsula to the James, became an 
excellent line of defence for the enemy, and a most serious ob- 
struction to the advance of the Union forces. 

" On the 16th of April, however, it was determined to push 
a strong reconnoissance against what was supposed to be the 
weakest point in the enemy's line, intending, if successful, to 



LOO GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

support the movement and make it general. The point selected 
was a short distance above Lee's Mills, and opposite that portion 
of the Federal line held by Smith's division. General Smith 
directed the attack, the brunt of which was borne by the Ver- 
mont brigade. The attacking party reached the first line of 
the enemy's works after wading to the armpits across the 
marshy Warwick, but only to find their position commanded 
by other lines of intrenchments. The movement was a failure, 
except so far as it developed the strength of the enemy's posi- 
tion. The Union troops were driven back with heavy loss. 

" The slow operations of the siege continued. Batteries of 
heavy guns were brought up and placed in position. Each day 
marked a step toward the completion of the preliminary prep- 
arations. It was about this time that I received an order which 
greatly changed the character of my duties. I had left Alex- 
andria, Yirginia, with m.y company of the Fifth U. S. Cavalry 
as second lieutenant of the company, and was among the first 
to arrive at Fortress Monroe. I served with my company 
during the march from Fortress Monroe to the Warwick. 
When it was decided to commence a siege there was a demand 
for young officers competent to serve as subordinates to the 
engineer officers in superintending working parties engaged in 
making fascines and gabions and in laying out and erecting field 
works, a practical knowledge of which was supposed to belong 
to all recent graduates. It was my good fortune to be one of 
the young officers selected for this duty, and I was ordered to 
report as assistant to Lieutenant Nicholas Bowen of the Topo- 
graphical Engineers, at that time Chief Engineer on the staff 
of General W. F. Smith (Baldy). I served in this capacity- 
obtaining a most invaluable experience — until the army found 
its advance to Richmond obstructed by the treacherous and 
tortuous windings of the Chickahominy River, a stream which, 
however chargeable with some of the misfortunes of the Army 
of the Potomac, was almost literally a stepping-stone for my 
personal advancement." 



THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. 101 

Here ends the record of Custer's military life; as written by 
his own hand, and the closing sentence brings ns to the first 
important event of his career, whereby he was brought to the 
notice of the commander of the army, and earned his promo- 
tion to the grade of a captain. 

Note. — Since the publication of his last article, written while 
on his last iexpedition, and forwarded from his last camp, and 
since the writing of the above paragraph, another manuscript has 
come to light among General Ouster's papers, which covers this 
period of his life up to the close of the battle of Williamsburg. 
This manuscript was written after a triumphant Indian campaign, 
and was one of the general's first efforts at authorship. It begins 
almost the same as his Galaxy " War Memoirs," and traverses 
the same ground, with similar peculiarities of style, but with much 
superior freshness and raciness of detail. At the end of the bat- 
tle of Williamsburg, it stops abruptly, the author having been 
discouraged from its continuance by a notion that it Avas unequal to 
the subject, and feeling, more keenly than the world gives him 
credit for, his own deficiencies in that mechanical education of a 
writer on which so much stress is laid novv-a-days. This last arti- 
cle was published in the Galaxy for November, 1876, but its con- 
tents do not add any very important information as to the life of 
Lieutenant Custer at the time, save those details which are always 
of interest as concerning him. 

From this paper it appears that Custer, while at the siege of 
Yorktown, was engaged with a Avorking party in throwing up by 
night a line of rifle pits, the nearest to the enemy of any pushed 
out during the siege, so near that the working party was compelled 
to shovel the sandy soil in stealthy silence, while they could hear 
all the conversation of their enemies, within a very short distance. 
Besides this duty, Custer was also detailed for a large part of the 
time on balloon reconnaissances, and he gives a graphic descrip- 
tion of his first ascent, and of his subsequent observations of the 
enemy's line at different periods. He was one of the first, while 
np in the balloon, to detect the fact of Johnston's evacuation, and 
hastened to General " Baldy " Smith's headquarters, to report the 
fact. He was met there by the same information, come in from 
two different headquarters ; one of them a negro who had escaped 
through the lines ; and so the credit of being the first to announce 
the evacuation Avas evenly divided. 



102 



GENERAL GEORGE A. OUSTER. 



This i^aper also makes it clear how Custer came to be at the 
rifle pit, and afterwards at the battle of Williamsburg with Han- 
cock's brigade. The rifle pit was in front of General " Baldy" 
Smith's command, to which Custer was attached as assistant en- 
gineer, and Hancock's brigade was part of the same division. 
Custer therefore had a sort of roving commission to go anywhere 
he could to acquire information, that would aid him in his maps 
and sketches, and his idea of the duties of an engineer officer as 
laid down in that paper are exacting enough to fill the role of a 
general officer. There were not many such engineers as Custer. 





O 

K 
<! 



CHAPTER V. 
WINNING THE BARS. 

OK the 3d of May, 1862, General Joseph E. Johnston, who 
had been appointed to the command of the Confederate 
forces in the Peninsula, found that his position before York- 
town was no longer tenable. McClellan had pushed his siege 
works close to Yorktown, his army was all landed and his breach- 
ing batteries were ready to open. The Federal gunboats in 
the York Eiver were moreover ready to move up the river as 
soon as the fire of Yorktown should be overcome ; and that 
place once passed, there was nothing to prevent the landing of 
a heav}' force in Johnston's rear. His army, as we learn from 
the ' Narrative,' then amounted to 53,000 men, while McClel- 
lan's forces, as stated by his own morning report, were 112,000 
men. By the aid of heavy works Johnston had held him back 
so far, just as Lee subsequently did to Grant at Petersburg, 
but there was this important difference in McClellan's favor 
against Johnston, that the latter's flanks were only covered by 
M-ater, and that Federal gun-boats controlled that water. It 
was inevitable that Yorktown should be evacuated as soon as 
it was seriously attacked. Johnston had done all that could be 
hoped for, when he detained McClellan a whole month in front 
of his works. 

On the night of Saturday, the Confederates stole away 
from the lines of Yorktown in the darkness, and moved up the 
Peninsula towards Richmond. Johnston's army consisted of 
four strong divisions of infantry, those of Magruder, Longstreet, 
D. H. Hill and G. W. Smith. Magruder and Smith took the 
lead, then came the baggage, and Longstreet and D. H. Hill 



lOi GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

followed, Longstreet forming the infantiy rear guard. Stuart's 
cavalry brigade, then inconsiderable in numbers, staid at York- 
town to the last, and followed the infantry leisurely. 

At 2 A. M. May 4th, McClellan's army discovered the fact 
of the evacuation, and began preparations for a move. The 
small cavalry force of the Army of the Potomac, with a battery, 
started out in the morning, and followed Stuart with excessive 
caution, under command of General Stoneman. They struck 
Stuart about 4 p. m. near Williamsburg, drove hira in, and pen- 
etrated to a redoubt called Fort Magruder, one of the works 
prepared by the providence of the first Confederate commander, 
as a good point to stay the advance of the enemy. 

Longstreet sent back Kershaw's and Semmes's brigades of 
foot to Stuart's help, drove off Stoneman, and took one of his 
guns, which was found abandoned. That night Longstreet's 
division halted near Williamsburg, and his rear-guard occupied 
Fort Magruder and six redoubts on a line with it. It began to 
rain before morning, and the mud was soon very heavy, a fore- 
taste of future Virginia campaigning. 

'Next day the Federal advance, consisting of Hooker's divis- 
ion, struck Fort Magruder, and fought all the morning, so 
hard that Hill's division of Confederates had to be sent back to 
Longstreet's help. On the Federal side, four more divisions 
came up, but did not join Hooker, who was left to light his 
battle almost alone till later in the day, when the pressure ot 
the enemy compelled Peck's brigade and some of " Baldy " 
Smith's division to be put in. Finally, Kearney's division, in 
the same corps as Hooker's, came up from the rear, having 
been the last to leave Yorktown, and went in beside Hooker 
who had suifered severely. The assistance, however, did not 
come in time to prevent the loss of seventeen hundred men, in 
killed, wounded, and missing, from Hooker's division, witli 
ten colors taken and five guns carried off, besides five more 
injured and abandoned. In the mean time, however, Hancock's 
brigade, on the Federal side, had crossed a little run to the 



WINNING THE BARS. 105 

right of Fort Magruder, and occupied two of the chain of 
redoubts on the line of the fort, thus turning Longstreet's left. 

With this brigade, Lieutenant Custer made his appearance, 
and behaved with his usual dash and vigor. He does not seem 
to have had any particular business to call him there, but his 
restless nature took him always to the extreme advance, where 
there was any duty to be done, and he seems early to have 
discovered that with Hancock's command was about as good a 
place as could be found for that sort of service. Very fre- 
quently afterwards during the campaign, he found himself 
with the same brigade. It is noticeable too, that at Williams- 
burg, his military eye led him to prefer Hancock's position 
to Hooker's. There was much harder fighting in front of 
Hooker, but it was early evident that it was a perfectly hope- 
less struggle for that single division to attempt to carry the 
Confederate works in front. It was a mere useless slaughter 
of brave men. In Hancock's direction, a success promised 
something. It turned Longstreet's flank ; and had it been 
supported by other of the numerous troops that lay idly look- 
ing on, might easily have resulted in the capture of the greater 
part of Johnston's rear guard. 

As it was, Hancock's single brigade caused Longstreet the 
only serious alarm he suffered during the day, according to 
the admissions made in "Johnston's Narrative." It did all 
that so small a force could be expected to do, occupied the 
redoubts, driving out the enemy's skirmishers, held its own all 
day ; and when Early's brigade, towards evening, advanced to 
dislodge it, went in on the charge, and thrashed Early's brig- 
ade most handsomely, the only decided success of the day. 

The part taken by Custer in the affair is characteristic, and 
is thus mentioned in Hancock's report: "I now placed the 
artillery in battery on the crest of the hill in front of the 
enemy's work at short range, deployed skirmishers on the 
right and left of the road, and sent the Fifth Wisconsin, pre- 
ceded by skirmishers under command of Major Larrabee, and 



106 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

followed by the Sixth Maine in column of assault across the dam 
and into the work, Lieutenant Custer, Fifth Regular Cavalry, 
volunteering and leading the way on horseback." The little run 
mentioned had been turned into a millpond in former times, 
and the troops crossed on the dam. 

A queer figure Custer then was, according to the accounts 
of eye-witnesses. One officer took him for a dashing newspa- 
per correspondent, out to see the fun. He wore an old slouch 
hat and a cavalry jacket, with no marks of rank, the jacket 
flying open, while his muddy boots did not look worth more 
than a dollar. His hair was beginning to grow long, and aided 
his careless dress to give him a slouchy appearance, but even 
then there was something peculiar about him that made people 
ask, "Who is that young fellow ? " It was not for more than 
a year after, that he came out as a dandy. 

In the charge on Early's brigade, which cost Early four hun- 
dred men, this careless looking young oflicer was around as usual, 
waving his shocking bad hat, and cheering on the men in the 
style afterwards so famous. Few knew him, but his cheery 
ways, and the habit he had of laughing and joking in action, 
helped on the green troops as nothing else would. In a first 
fight, the best drilled soldiers are always nervous. When they 
come on an enemy and deliver their own volley they are all 
right, but when the counter volley strikes them, and they see 
their friends cut down all along the line, the faint hearted 
begin to drop out, with the peculiar suddenness that distin- 
guishes the " skulker." Then the bravest feel discouraged, as 
if they were being left all alone, and they too are ready to fall 
back. If at that moment up comes a mounted ofiicer, laughing 
and cheery, with his " Stand fast, boys, we'll beat them ! 
Give 'em another volley now ! " it is wonderful how those men 
will cheer up and load and fire. It comes to a test of who 
can take most punishment, and at Williamsburg, Hancock's 
brigade showed they could, and ended by sweeping Early 
from the field. 



WINNING THE BARS. 107 

At tlie close of the battle of Williamsburg, Johnston with- 
drew during the night, and the next month was occupied by 
McClellan's slow advance up the Peninsula, feeling his way to 
West Point, whence he turned to the left, and bore down on 
Kichmond from the northeast, following the line of the railroad 
into Kichmond. How slow and cautious was his advance, may 
be judged from the fact that it was not till the 22d of May, 
seventeen days after the battle of Williamsburg, that his 
advance reached the Chickahomiuy River. 

In order to understand the subsequent movements, and 
what is called the " Seven Days Fight," a short account of the 
Virginia Peninsula, and the localities around Richmond is here 
necessary, for those readers not familiar with the ground. 

The City of Richniond, the objective point of the campaign 
of 1862, lies at the very head of the Peninsula, on the north 
bank of the James River, a large, navigable stream there and 
below it. About sixteen miles north of Richmond, runs the 
Pamunkey River, a deep black stream, nearly parallel with the 
James. It is crossed by the West Point railroad at White- 
house landing, where it is deep enough for gunboats and 
schooners. The railroad then goes on and takes a curve to the 
east, avoiding the seven bends which the Pamunkey there takes, 
inside of ten miles, and terminates at West Point, on the other 
bank of the Pamunkey. Here the river receives a tributary 
from the north, and becomes an estuary two miles wide, called 
the York River. Between the Pamunkey and James Rivers, 
lies the Peninsula. It stretches out to sea for some seventy 
miles, to Fortress Monroe. Yorktown is on the north side, more 
than half-way down. Williamsburg is in the middle of the 
Peninsula, some ten miles from Y'orktown. All of the lower 
part was unoccupied by either side after Williamsburg. The 
subsequent fighting was up in the very neck of the Peninsula, 
to the north of Richmond. Here arises a collection of little 
streams, which join together and constitute the Chickahomiuy. 
It splits the Peninsula in half. The whole Peninsula is low 



108 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

ground, formed bj the accumulated mud of the two rivers, 
stopped and deposited for ages by the ocean tides. TheChicka- 
hominy steals along through swamps, and it is hard to tell 
which is river and which is swamp. 

On the 22d of May, McClellan's army had arrived at the 
banks of the Chickahominy, only six or eight miles north of 
Kichmond. The different corps came on various roads, or 
across country on each side the West Point railroad, and stopped 
on the north side of the stream. It lay in the bottom, fringed 
with timber and swamp. On each side was a very gentle open 
slope, about a mile wide, the crest covered with timber. The 
Federal pickets were on the north side, the enemy on the oppo- 
site crest. No one knew anything of the depth of the river. 
Two country roads crossed it by bridges. One was a mile 
below the railroad ; it was called Bottom Bridge ; the other 
was about eight miles above the railroad; it was called New 
Bridge. Meadow Bridge was two miles further up still. All 
these were broken down, and left with the bare piles stick- 
ing up. 

On the 22d May, McClellan established his headquarters 
at Coal Harbor, about a mile from the Chickahominy ; and 
General Barnard, the chief engineer of the army, at once started 
off to reconnoitre. The previous day he had been down to Bot- 
tom Bridge, eight miles below, and found no enemy there, while 
the stream was fordable on horseback. Barnard judged tliat it 
must be even shallower in all probability higher up, and if it 
could be crossed there the position would be better to cover the 
railroad to West Point, by which the army drew its supplies 
from the seacoast. 

Custer, being on staff duty, happened to be around, and 
Barnard beckoned him to come with him, not knowing who he 
was at the time. Both passed through the picket line, and 
went down to the river. The Federal outside pickets were 
in the clear ground, perhaps two hundred yards from the edge 
of the swampy bank. The general and the lieutenant went on 




i ^i 



WINNING THE BARS. Ill 

past the pickets but were warned not to enter the timber, as it 
was full of the enemy's pickets. General Barnard heard them, but 
as no picket shooting had taken place from them, and as his own 
experience at Bottom's Bridge made him doubt it, he passed on 
with Custer, reached the swamp, penetrated it, and finally the 
two found themselves alone on the margin of the stream, the 
dark flow of which gave no revelation of its depths, nor of the 
nature of its bottom. Turning to his young subordinate. Gen- 
eral Barnard said, "jump in." There might have been a pass- 
ing look of surprise, but the order was instantly obeyed, and 
Custer forded the stream (finding firm bottom) and ascended 
the opposite bank. The young officer waded the stream, in the 
momentary expectation of being fired at by the enemy's pickets 
ou the other bank. All around him was quite unknown. 
There was every reason to suppose that riflemen were in the 
bushes beyond, and Custer was in the open river, perfectly ex- 
posed. He had drawn his revolver, and held it up above the 
water, which rose to his armpits in the middle of the stream ; 
and his feet sunk several inches into the soft, sticky, black mud 
of the bottom. General Barnard, in his report, calls it " firm 
bottom," but it will be noticed that the general did not wade it 
himself, and therefore his ideas of the bottom must be regarded 
as slightly formal and technical However, it was not a quick- 
sand. 

Arrived at the other side, Custer peered through the bushes 
and cautiously ascended the bank, being rewarded for his ex- 
plorations by a distinct view of the enemy's picket fires, some 
distance oflT, and by the sight of their nearest sentry, lazily 
pacing his post, quite unconscious of the proximity of any foe. 
By this time, Barnard was becoming a little nervous for Custer's 
and his own safety, and began to make silent signals to 9im to 
come back, but the young fellow never heeded them till he had 
carefully examined the whole of the enemy's position, and had 
found that their main picket post was so situated in the midst 
of a bend of the river that it might be easily cut off" by a bold 



112 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

dash from a point either higher up or lower down. ISTottill he 
had settled this in his mind did Custer return. Then he waded 
his way back to Barnard, and briefly reported the stream as be- 
ing " fordable." The old engineer was not much given to 
compliments, but even he expressed a certain grim approval of 
the deed, and told Custer to follow him back to General Mc- 
Clellan. 

At that time army headquarters were some half a mile from 
the river, on the other side of the northern ridge of the valley, 
at the Widow Gaines' house. The general and his young subor- 
dinate mounted and rode up to the house, where they found 
McClellan about to ride out with his staff, to visit the different 
positions. Here Custer fell back w^hile Barnard went on. In 
these army matters, the reader must remember the credit assigned 
to an officer or soldier is almost always in proportion to his 
rank. The soldiers fight the battle, and the officer gets the 
credit. In this case, Custer had made the risky reconnoissance, 
but as Barnard was the chief engineer, it would all go to Bar- 
nard's credit. So the boy thought, at least. He was yet 
only a humble second lieutenant, and the riotous life he had led 
at "Washington the previous winter, with the sudden shock of 
revelation and repentance produced b}^ his sister's solemn warn- 
ings and prayers, had tended to sober and subdue him greatly. 
There are evidences at this time in his private correspondence 
that he felt at times depressed in mind to some extent, and 
thought that he had led an unusually wicked life. This ten- 
derness of conscience was natural to him. Moreover, he had 
spent most of his money, was hard up, shabby in his dress, and 
at that moment was all covered with the black mud of the 
Chickahominy. He felt very keenly the contrast between his 
own forlorn appearance and that of the neat and handsome staff 
of McClellan, M'here every officer M-as well brushed and shaved 
and glittering with bright buttons. In short, Custer hung back 
out of sight, and dropped to the rear of the staff as they rode 
on. General Barnard rode by McClellan's side on the way to 



WINNING HIS BARS. 113 

the other positions, and made his report of the state of the river, 
so many feet of water, such a bottom, etc. The commander 
listened, asked a few questions, and finally it came out that the 
general had not gone himself, but had sent in some young 
officer, really could not say who — had seen him lounging near 
headquarters — guessed he was somewhere near — would the 
general like to see him ? 

Certainly the general would like to see him — wanted to see 
him at once — very important — where was he ? Word was 
passed that " General McClellan wanted to see the officer who 
had been down to. the river with General Barnard." It passed 
from a stately chief of staff, covered wuth buttons, through a 
still more gorgeous aid-de-camp, thence to another and another, 
till it reached the smart orderlies, and every body wanted to 
know where was " the officer that went with General Barnard." 
At last he was found, and brought up, dirty and muddy, with 
unkempt hair, coat not brushed, but all creased from being slept 
in, trousers far from guiltless of rags (fruit of hard riding), 
boots more russet than black, with red reflections, cap once 
blue, now purple from many rains and suns. Such was the 
figure that presented itself before McClellan — general, as aU 
ways, neat as a pin — boy's fiice as red as fire with shame at his 
own carelessness. 

But McClellan knew how to conquer Tnauvaise honte as 
few other men could. He pretended not to notice Custer's 
confusion, told the lad to ride with him, that he " wanted to 
hear all about this crossing of the river and what was on the 
other side." 

By a few brief questions he set the boy at his ease, drew him 
on to talk, and, once talking, Custer was always a remarkably 
vivid and correct narrator. Before he knew how it happened, 
he found himself telling all about the position of the enemy's 
pickets, and how easily they might be attacked, forgetting 
all mention of himself, and treating his own exploit as nothing 
worthy of notice. The tables were turned now. Custer was 



114: GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

doing all the talking; McClellan listening. Suddenly tlio 
3'oung officer recollected /mnself Rgam, grew silent and bashful, 
touched his cap stiffly, and said, " That's all, sir." 

Then it was that McClellan broke the silence abruptly. 
" Do you know, you're just the young man I've been looking 
for, Mr. Custer. How would you hke to come on my 
staff?" 

Custer made no answer. For a moment he could make 
none. He paled and flushed, perfectly overcome. He could 
not believe his good fortune. 

" You don't — really — mean it — general ? " was all he could 
stammer out. 

'' I do," said the general, kindly. " How say you ? "Will 
you accept ? " 

"How did you feel when the general spoke to you?" 
asked a friend of Custer's, long, long after. 

His reply was brief, as his eyes filled with tears. " I felt 
J could have died for him." 

That was the commencement, for Custer, of a life-long ado- 
ration of McClellan, which nothing after ever served to weaken. 
McClellan was the first man whom he found to lend him a 
helping hand in his course through life, and he never forgot 
the fact. Hitherto he had been alone, helpless and friendless, 
all his gallant deeds apparently wasted. It was to no purpose 
that he had led the first charge in the Army of the Potomac, 
and piloted the way to victory for Hancock's brigade at Wil- 
lianisburg. He was still a mere second lieutenant of cavalry, 
while other subalterns of the regular army, all round him, were 
entering the volunteer service as captains, majors, colonels, 
according to the strength of their friends and influence. He 
had no friends but humble ones, no influence at all. Now on a 
sudden, to find himself offered a conspicuous position, which 
almost certainly promised further advancement, seemed to the 
young officer like a gift from heaven, and he fell down and 



WINNING HIS BARS. 115 

worshipped the giver forthwith. The feeling with which Cus- 
ter, then and after, regarded McClellan, was such as he never 
gave to any subsequent general, not even Sheridan. It was a 
compound of respect, gratitude, and love amounting to adora- 
tion, which remained with him to the last. While his cooler 
military sense must have recognized, later in life, the undoubted 
faults of McClellan as a commander, he never would admit 
them, even to himself. He seemed to feel it a point of honor 
with him to defend his old commander and first friend against 
all assaults. When he commenced his War Memoirs in the 
" Galaxy," fourteen years after the events in which he then took 
a part, McClellan's reputation was regarded as settled by the 
fact of his ill success, and his apologists occupied a decidedly 
weak position, as well as an unpopular one. It is a character- 
istic of Custer's loyalty of heart and gratitude for benefits re- 
ceived, that he should have deliberately embraced the unpopular 
side of McClellan's defence, and have worked so hard and 
faithfully as he did. He never forgot his early friend, and no 
one else ever held the same place in his heart. 

Custer, having gratefully accepted the offer, took leave of 
the general and returned to his quarters, where he soon received 
the following missive : 

War Department, Washington, June 5th, 1862. 

Sir — You are hereby informed that the President of the United 
States has appointed you Additional aide-de-camp on the staff of 
Major-General George B. McClellan with the rank of captain in 
the service of the United States, to rank as such from the fifth 
day of June, 1862. 

Immediately on receipt hereof, please to communicate to this 
department, through the Adjutant-General's Office, your accept- 
ance or non-acceptance of said appointment; and with your 
letter of acceptance, return to the Adjutant-General of the Army 
the oath herewith enclosed, properly filled up, subscribed and 
attested, reporting at the same time your age, residence, when 
appointed, and the State in which you were born. 

Should you accept, you will at once report in person, for 



116 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

orders, to Major-General George B. McClellan, IT. S. Vols. This 
appointment to continue in force during the pleasure of the Pres- 
ident of the United States. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. 
Captain George A. Custer, Addl. Aide-de-Camp. 



It is needless to saj that the joung officer filled out the oath 
and sent it back post haste, while he reported at McClellan's 
headquarters. The appointment he sent by mail to his sister 
Mrs. Reed, for safe keeping, and she retains it to-day. Even 
before this appointment came, however, Custer had justified 
McClellan's faith in his dash and energy. He had begged to be 
permitted to take over some troops and capture the picket post 
on the other side of the river. McClellan consented, and a de- 
tail was ordered to report to " Captain Custer," (as he was already 
called, before his appointment,) for detached service. The 
detail consisted of two companies of cavalry and one of infantry, 
and the attack was to be made at dawn. In the meantime 
Custer had taken the pains to wade the middle of the river, for 
nearly a mile up and down, finding it favorable everywhere. 
At the appointed time, in the grey of the morning, he found 
his detail waiting, and rode down to the river. The cavalry 
was to follow the infantry as a support, in the wrong-headed 
fashion of those days. 

The young officer was absorbed in thought and anxiety 
about this, his first serious expedition, and consequently did 
not take much notice of the troops with him, till they came to 
the ford. Then, as the light was growing stronger, he heard a 
voice say " I want to know ! If that ain't Armstrong ! " Custer 
started and looked at the dingy blue-grey crowd of soldiers, and 
was greeted in a moment by animated cries. " Why, it's Arm- 
strong." " How are ye, Armstrong." " Give us your fist, 
A.rmstrong." 

He had, by a strange chance, fallen into the midst of Com- 
pany A., Fourth Michigan Infantry, a company raised in Mon- 



WINNING HIS BARS. 117 

roe, and composed almost entirely of his old school friends and 
playmates. With tlie peculiarly'refreshing republicanism of the 
western and all American country volunteers, the boys recognized 
no barrier of rank between them and their old playmate. Here 
Custer's tact and knowledge of human nature enabled him to 
maintain discipline where another might have failed. 

Instead of putting on cold and distant airs, he hastily grasped 
the proffered hands nearest, laughing, and said : 

" Well, boys, I'm glad to see you, you don't know how 
glad ; but I tell you I'm very busy now, too busy to talk, 
except to say this — All Monroe boys, follow me ; stick to me, 
and I'll stick to you ! Come ! " 

And he rode into the water, followed by cries of " That's 
us, Armstrong." " You bet we'll follow." 

And they did. To make a long story short, they forded the 
river, and came down in rear of the enemy's pickets entirely 
unperceived, exactly as Custer had planned. Just before sun- 
rise they opened fire on the surprised post of the enemy, part of 
the Louisiana tigers, shot several and stampeded the rest, driv- 
ing them down toward the river, and taking arms, prisoners, and 
one color, the first ever taken by the Army of the Potomac, 
captured by Custer himself. 

Well had he justified the choice of his chief. 

In this fight Custer was associated with Lieutenant Bowen, 
who was still his nominal chief. Had they been supported by 
the cavalry that was with them, they intended to have charged 
much further. Custer came raging back to the river bank, 
waving a rebel sabre which he had captured, and urging, 
entreating, storming at the cavalry commander to come over, 
that a grand chance awaited them. The officer refused to be 
persuaded. He could see that the firing had drawn out a whole 
brigade of the enemy, and that if he went over a general en- 
gagement must follow. For this the army was not then pre- 
pared, so that Custer, alone and unsupported, with his Monroe 
boys, had the undivided credit of this affair. 



118 



GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 



Note. — From information received since the above was written 
it appears that the whole of the Fourth Michigan regiment was 
detailed for this service, but that the greater part was kept in 
reserve with the cavalry, so that the brunt of the fighting fell on 
Custer. One great reason for the hesitation of the commander 
was the black and formidable looking stream, which he hesitated 
to cross for fear of entangling his horses in some hidden quick- 
sand. His conduct was decidedly prudent, but it must be remem- 
bered that in those early days of the war, dash was frowned down 
and prudence extolled. The Bull Run disaster had ended in exag- 
gerating the caution natural to all beginners, and every one 
seemed to be afraid to do anything dashing, for fear of an ambush 
or a masked battery. 




THIRD BOOK.— THE CAPTAIN. 

CHAPTER I. 
FEOM EIOHMOND TO MALVEKN HILL. 

CUSTER'S new won rank was not yet fairly settled, 
when the prestige of McClellan received a sudden check. 
After Ij'ing behind the Chickahominy for nearly a week, he 
had pushed out his left wing far in advance of the rest, Casey's 
division being at Fairoaks Station, on the railroad, while the 
rest of the army was nearly four miles away. Casey was in 
full view of Richmond, and his troops were the nearest of any 
force of infantry that reached there, for three long years after. 

More than half of McClellan's army remained on the other 
bank of the Chickahominy, and Johnston saw that he had a 
good chance to annihilate that part which was so imprudently 
advanced. By this time he had accumulated 7G,000 men, and 
felt able to move. He made his plans to strike Casey on the 
31st June, and was much assisted by the fact that a heavy rain 
on the 30th had so swelled the Chickahominy that it became 
for the moment unfordable. 

On the 31st Johnston struck Casey, nearly surrounded him, 
and drove him in confusion, beat back Kearny, who came to 
his support, and completely defeated that wing of the Federal 
Army. It was only saved from ruin by the coming of Sumner's 
corps over the trestle bridges that had been placed on the Chicka- 
hominy ; Sumner partially restored the fight, but McClellan's 
advance was checked. 

He experienced, however, a slight benefit of fortune in spite 



120 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

of the defeat. Johnston was so severely wounded as to be 
taken from the field, and this circumstance paralyzed the attack 
at nightfall. Next day G. W. Smith, who was next in Confed- 
erate command, proved totally unable to carry on the battle, 
and a lull ensued for some weeks, till Lee was appointed Gen- 
eral-in-chief. The lull was a deceitful one for McClellan. It 
encouraged him in the belief that he could take Richmond by 
a regular siege, and he progressed slowly, just as he had done 
at Yorktown. 

At last, just as he was ready to begin the bombardment, and 
had telegraphed the President to that effect, Lee, who had 
gathered together from all quarters an army of about 110,000 
men, attacked him in flank and rear, on the side opposite, to 
that which marked Johnston's attack, and at once broke his 
-communications with "West Point. Then followed the terrible 
slaughter of the " Seven Days Fight." The Arm}' of the Poto- 
mac was driven from the railroad and the north side of the 
Peninsula, and compelled to take refuge on the south side, with 
a new base at Harrison's Landing on the James River, covered 
by gunboats. 

In all these battles, Custer and Bowen, who seem to have 
been inseparable, were seen together, carrying orders from one 
part of the field to another, cheerful in spite of the disaster. 
One of the most remarkable features indeed of all the seven 
days' fight was this wonderful constancy of the whole army 
under misfortune. The first day's battle at Gaines' Mills, on 
the north bank of the Chickahominy, was a blow that would 
have paral^yzed almost any army. Thirty-five thousand men, 
separated from their comrades by a river, were attacked by Lee 
with at least seventy thousand, surrounded, crushed, almost 
annihilated, the whole army found itself driven from its base, 
out-generaled and flanked; and yet fought on day by day, in 
fractions, covering the retreat of the rest, and repulsing every 
subsequent assault with terrible loss. The last battle at Malvern 
Hill, near Harrison's Landing, was the fiercest of all, and ended 



FROM RICHMOND TO MALVERN HILL. 121 

in the complete overthrow of Lee's army, which was mowed 
down by thousands as it urged its desperate assaults against a 
superior force of artillery, splendidly posted. A Confederate 
officer who afterwards wrote an account of the battle for the 
Cologne Gazette^ which attracted great attention all over Europe, 
notices the fact that in the last battles, the Union troops 
advanced to meet them, attacked in their turn, and uttered loud 
cries of " On to Richmond." 

Most of the corps and division commanders were indeed 
eager, after Malvern Hill, to advance once more on Richmond ; 
but McClellan refused to move. He was too thoroughly con- 
vinced of the dangers of the way, and resolved to await rein- 
forcements, as the safest, if not the most brilliant method of 
procedure. 

It was at Malvern Hill that Custer and Bowen once more 
came to the front, in one of their gallant dashes. Always in 
the advance and reconnoitring, the pair of friends, accompa- 
nied by two orderlies, took a gallop outside of the lines, that 
morning, to explore a certain thicket in plain view of the army. 
Just as they came up to it, out dashed six or seven of the ene- 
my's cavalry, and charged for them with loud yells and pistol 
shots. For a few moments, the two officers were demoralized, 
and fled towards their own army. Then, seeing by how few 
they were followed, for their pursuers had strung out consider- 
ably, Bowen called to their orderlies, who were regulars, turned, 
and charged the over impetuous foe, taking each man almost 
alone, and actually compelling the surrender of the whole party. 
The advancing enemy's lines were however so near that they 
could not bring back their prisoners, but they compelled them 
to give up their arms, and a great shout of laughter greeted the 
two mad-caps, as they returned, each carrying an armful of sa- 
bres, revolvers, carbines and belts, captured in fair sight of both 
armies. It was a foretaste of the future career of one of them. 

Not very long after Malvern Hill, Custer alone enjoyed 
another dash of exceptional brilliancy into the enemy's Hues. 



122 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

In those days as a young officer he was not so reticent about 
himself in his letters home as he afterward became, and he thus 
tells the story of his adventure in a letter to his sister, Mrs. 
Eeed, who was then his chief confidant : 

Headquarters Army of the Potomac, Aug. 8th, 1863. 
Dear Brother and Sister : — I received your letter of the 
30th in due time, and found it quite interesting. I received it in 
the evening about dark, and would have answered it at once, but 
my horse was saddled and standing in front of my tent ready for 
me to mount. I had returned the preceding day from a success- 
ful expedition across the river, and was about to start upon 
another. My regiment formed a part of the troops that were to 
go. As we were to start at two o'clock in the morning, I deemed it 
best to join the regiment in the evening, and be ready to accom- 
pany them in the morning. Our force was not a large one, con- 
sisting of about three hundred cavalry and four guns (horse 
artillery) under the command of Colonel Averill. Our object was 
to go about twenty miles to " White Oak Swamp " and surprise a 
regiment of cavalry stationed there. We arrived in sight of the 
enemy about eleven o'clock. I was the first to discover them. Our 
cavalry at once prepared to charge them, and away we went, 
whooping and yelling with all our might. The rebels broke and 
scattered in all directions, we following as fast as our horses could 
go. As soon as we came close enough, we began firing at them 
with our revolvers. Quite a number of them surrendered when 
they saw that their escape was cut off ; others, who had good 
horses, were not of this way of thinking, but continued the race. 
I was mounted on my " black " who seemed to enjoy the sport as 
well as his master. During the chase I became separated from all 
the command except a bugler boy of my company, who was at a 
short distance from me, but concealed from my view by bushes. I 
heard him call out *' Captain ! Captain !" I could not see him but 
called to him, asking what was the matter. He replied, " licre are 
two secesh after me.'''' I put spurs to my horse and started in the 
direction of his voice. I found him with his carbine in his hand, 
trying to keep off two secesh cavalry who were trying to capture 
or kill him. I drew my revolver and dashed at one of them, tell- 
ing the bugler to manage the other. They both clapped spurs to 
their horses as soon as they saw me. I followed one, the bugler 
the other, and away Ave went down the hill. My horse was the 



FROM RICHMOND TO MALVERN HILL. 123 

fastest. I kept gaining on him until I was witliin ten steps, when 
I called out for him to surrender. He paid no attention to me, 
so I fired twice at him with my revolver. This brought him to a 
halt. I again pointed my revolver at him, and told him if he did 
not " surrender at once, I would kill him." He had a short rifle in 
his hand, and hesitated a moment whether to surrender or fire at 
me. He chose the former, and handed me his gun. I then made 
him ride in front of me until I placed him in charge of a guard. 
Lieutenant Byrnes, of my regiment, myself and about ten men, 
then started out again. We had not gone far until we saw an offi- 
cer and fifteen or twenty men riding toward us with the intention 
of cutting their way through and joining their main body. When 
they saw us coming toward them however, they wheeled sud- 
denly to the left, and attempted to gallop around us. Byrnes 
called out, '•' Custer, you take the right hand and I'll take the left," 
which we did, and then followed the most exciting sport I 
ever engaged in. My pistol was fresh loaded. I recognized the 
rebel officer by his uniform. He rode in front of his men, and was 
mounted on a splendid horse. I selected him as my game, and 
gave my black the spur and rein. If I had been compelled to follow 
behind him I could never have overtaken him, but instead of doing 
so, I turned off with the intention of heading him. By this means 
I came very close to him. I could have fired at him then, but see- 
ing a stout rail fence in front of him, I concluded to try him at 
it. I reasoned that he might attempt to leap it and be thrown, 
or if he could clear it so could I. The chase was now exciting in 
the extreme. I saw as he neared the fence that he was preparing 
for a leap, and what was more, I soon saw that the confidence he 
had in his horse was not misplaced, for he cleared the fence 
handsomely. Now came my turn. I saw him look around just as 
I reached the fence, but he certainly derived no satisfaction by so 
doing, as my black seemed determined not to be outdone by a 
rebel, and cleared the fence as well as I could wish. By avoiding 
some soft ground which I saw was retarding him, I was enabled 
to get close upon him when I called to him to surrender, or I 
would shoot him. He paid no attention and I fired, taking as 
good aim as was possible on horseback. If I struck him he gave no 
indication of it, but pushed on. I again called to him to surrender, 
but received no reply. I took deliberate aim at his body and fired. 
He sat for a moment in his saddle, reeled and fell to the ground, 
his horse ran on and mine also. I stopped as soon as possible, 
but by this time Byrnes and his party were around me firing right 



124 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

and left. I joined with them and captured another rebel who had 
leaped from his horse and endeavored to escape in the woods. We 
were now some distance from the main body; the colonel became 
alarmed for our safety, and caused the bugler to sound the " rally " 
when we were all compelled to join the main body. Before the 
"rally " was sounded, however, I saw the horse of the ofiBcer I had 
shot, but a short distance from me. I recognized him by a red 
morocco breast strap which I had noticed during the chase. Four 
other riderless horses were with him. I rode up to them, and 
selecting him from the rest, led him off, while the others were taken 
possession of by others of the party. He is a blooded horse, as is 
evident by his appearance. I have him yet and intend to keep him. 
The saddle, Avhich I also retain, is a splendid one, covered with 
black morocco and ornamented with silver nails. The sword of the 
oflBcer was fastened to the saddle, so that altogether it was a 
splendid trophy. Owing to the confusion and excitement of such 
an occurrence, I was not able to see the oJSicer after he fell from 
his horse, but Lieutenant Byrnes told me that he saw him after 
he fell, and that he rose to his feet, turned around, threw up his 
hands and fell to the ground with a stream of blood gushing from 
his mouth. I had either shot him in the neck or body; in either 
case the wound must have been mortal. It was his own fault; I 
told him twice to surrender, but was compelled to shoot him. 
Our party then started to return home, as we were twenty miles 
from camp, and liable to be attacked at any moment. We did not 
lose a man of the party; two horses were killed by the rebels; we 
took about thirty prisoners, and killed and wounded quite a num- 
ber besides. My horse is a perfect beauty, a bright bay, and as 
fleet as a deer. I also captured a splendid double barreled shot- 
gun, with which quite a number of the rebels are armed. I intend 
to send the shot-gun home to Bos.* You may expect to hear 
"something" from me before long, perhaps we will move our 
headquarters. 

Write soon. Your affectionate Brother, 

Armstrong. 

* His brother, Boston Custer, then a young boy, afterwards killed along 
with Custer, at the Big Horn. 



CHAPTER II. 

McCLELLAN'S EEMOVAL. 

THE disasters of the Seven Days Fight were followed by a 
long period of repose, McClellan lying within his circle 
of entrenchments at Harrison's Landing, and Lee refitting his 
exhausted army for fresh work. At last Mr. Lincoln thought 
tit to recall the Army of the Potomac to Washington, and Lee 
started off across the interior of Yirginia, found Banks and 
Pope, and beat them one after the other, the Army of the Poto- 
mac getting to the scene of action just in time to share in the 
defeat of the second Manassas. 

Thence Lee pushed off toward Harper's Ferry, took it, and 
raided into Maryland. McClellan, who had been suspended 
from command pending Pope's battle, was reinstated after the 
latter's defeat, and commenced the Maryland campaign, ending 
in Antietam. During this campaign, as during the Seven 
Days, Captain Custer oflBciated as personal aide to McClellan, 
accompanying him wherever he went, and being dispatched to 
the front, whenever the advance struck the enemy. 

There was not much work for him to do. It seems that he 
had an especially pleasant time, judging from what he wrote 
home about it. The letter was, as usual in those days, written 
to his old confidant, Mrs. Reed, and we quote it fully. 

General McClellan's Headquarters, 
Sharpsburg, Maryland, Sunday, Sept. 21st, 1863. 

My Darling Sister, — You are perhaps, in doubt whether I 
am still among the living or numbered with the dead. These few 



126 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

lines will show you that I belong to the former. I am well aware 
that I deserve severe punishment for my long silence and neglect 
in writing. I have really no excuse, although I have been unusu- 
ally busy since I last wrote to you, yet I could have found time to 
drop you a few lines. I will candidly acknowledge my offence 
and ask your pardon. I was certainly not partial, as I have writ- 
ten to no one since I left Harrison's Landing, except two letters 
which I wrote to a person in "Washington, since the first of the 
month. I have so many things to write about, that I am at a 
loss to know where to begin. I left Harrison's Landing with 
General McClellan and travelled by easy marches to Williamsburg. 
The General remained at this place one day and two nights. You 
remember that it was at the battle of Williamsburg that my 
classmate, L., was wounded and taken prisoner by our forces. I 
had heard that he had been allowed to go from Fortress Monroe 
to Williamsburg to visit some friends, he giving his parole of 
honor not to escape. As soon as we reached Williamsburg on our 
return, I began making inquiries of the citizens concerning L. 
I soon learned that he was in town staying at the house of a 
friend. I immediately visited him and was rejoiced to find him 
almost recovered from the effects of his wound. He was surprised 
and glad to meet me. I was covered with dust from travelling, 
but he insisted upon my entering the house of his friend and 
being introduced to his friends. I did so and met a cordial re- 
ception although the entire family were strong " secesh." After a 
few hours pleasantly spent in conversation, I left them to return 
to camp, but not until I had jDromised to return and spend the 
night at their house. I returned to camp, received permission 
from the General to be absent, changed my dress and again visited 
L. After partaking of a good supper we withdrew to the par- 
lor where we listened to some very line music (secesh). There 
were two beautiful young ladies in the house who I supposed were 
sisters. I soon learned that I was mistaken. L. called me to one 
side and in an undertone asked me what I thought of the two 
young ladies who were, then, sitting upon a sofa on the opposite 
side of the room. I remarked that they were very beautiful to 
say the least. He then informed me that he was engaged to the 
elder of the two and that they were to be married the coming 
week. I rcongatulated him on the wisdom of his choice and 
wished him every imaginable success. He was anxious that I 
should be present at his marriage ; I replied that I would like to 
do so but feared I could not remain so long ; after consulting all 



McCLELLAN'S REMOVAL. 127 

the parties concerned, it was decided that the ceremony shonld 
be performed the next evening in order that I might be present. 
No strangers were to be there but myself. The other young lady, 
who I at first thought was a sister, but who proved to be a cousin 
from Kichmond, was selected as bridesmaid, and I was to have 
the honor of ''standing up" with her. I passed the night and 
most of the next day with L., going to camp just long enough 
to dress for the wedding, which was to take place at nine o'clock 
in the evening. I was at the residence of the bride long before 
the appointed time. 

Both were dressed in pure white, with a simple wreath of flow- 
ers upon their heads. I never saw two prettier girls. L. was 
dressed in a bright new (rebel) uniform, which he had had made 
for the occasion. It was made of fine grey cloth trimmed with 
gold lace. I wore my full uniform of blue. It was a strange wed- 
ding. I certainly never heard of one like it. L. and I had met 
under strange circumstances after the battle of Williamsburg, he 
an officer in one army, and I in an opposing one. We had been 
warm friends at West Point, and now he was about to be married 
and I was to be present at the ceremony. We were both struck by 
the strange fortune which had thrown us together again, and under 
such remarkable circumstances. His marriage from beginning 
to end was certainly a romantic one. He was, as you know, badly 
wounded at the battle of Williamsburg. I had taken all the care 
I could of him while we remained near that place, but upon leav- 
ing, he and hundreds of others were left in barns and other out- 
houses. He had never met his destined wife until after the battle. 
She with her mother went one day in their carriage to carry nour- 
ishment to the wounded of both armies. In visiting the different 
places containing the wounded, they for the first time met L. She 
had him carried to her home, took care of him, etc., etc., and he 
fell in love with her, courted and married her. I never heard nor 
even read of a wedding so romantic throughout. The appointed 
hour was nearly at hand ; the young ladies were in their own room, 
L. and I were in the parlor. He seemed perfectly happy and 
resigned to his fate. The minister soon arrived, and at nine pre- 
cisely we took our places upon the floor. The ceremony was per- 
formed according to the Episcopal form. L. made the responses 
in a clear and distinct tone. The bride made no response whatever 
except to the first question. She was evidently confused and ex- 
cited, though she afterward said (laugliing) that she neglected to 
respond purposely, so as to be free from any obligation. As soon 



128 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

as the ceremony was over we all wished them happiness, etc. I was 
the first person to address the bride by her new title of Mrs. L. 
Every one seemed happy except the young lady who had been my 
partner on the floor. She kissed the bride and sat down crying. L, 
observed this and said : " Why, Cousin Maggie, what are you crying 
for ; there is nothing to cry about. Oh [ know. You are crying 
because you are not married ; well, here is the minister and here 
is Captain Custer, who I know would be glad to carry ofE such a 
pretty bride from the Southern Confederacy." She managed to 
reply, ''Captain L. you are just as mean as you can be." After 
congratulations had all ceased supper was announced. Mrs. L. took 
her husband's arm, while I had the pleasure of escorting '' Cousin 
Maggie." I told her that I could not see how so strong a seces- 
sionist as she could consent to take the arm of a Union officer." 
She replied ^^ you ought to le in our army." I asked her what 
she would give me if I would resign in the Northern army and 
join the Southern. She said, " You are not in earnest, are you ? " 
The supper was excellent and passed off very pleasantly. The next 
morning I returned to camp, but found that the general had 
started for Yorktown. I afterwards sent a telegram to him, and 
obtained permission to remain in Williamsburg as long as I chose. 
I remained with L. or rather at his father-in-law's house for nearly 
two weeks. I would have staid even longer but the near approach 
of the rebels to Williamsburg and the departure of our own 
army rendered a longer stay dangerous {in more senses than one). 
I never had so pleasant a visit among strangers. L.'s friends did 
all in their power to render my visit pleasant. " Cousin Maggie " 
would regale me by singing and playing on the piano, '' My Mary- 
land" "Dixie" (Southern) "For Southern rights hurrah," or 
" Bonnie Blue Flag," etc., etc. Every evening was spent in the 
parlor. We were all fond of cards and took great interest in play- 
ing. "Muggins" and "Independence" were the usual games, 
sometimes euchre. We would play for the Southern Confederacy. 
When doing so L. and I were the only players, while the ladies 
were spectators. He won every time when playing for the Confed- 
eracy, he representing the South, I the North. 

L. has been exchanged, and is now in tlie rebel army, fight- 
ing for what he supjyoses is his right. I left Williamsburg for 
Yorktown at dark, and arrived at the latter place about one o'clock 
P. M. General McClellan was then at Alexandria. I took a boat 
from Yorktown for Fortress Monroe, at which place I spent one 
day. I then took a boat for Baltimore, having with me " Eose," (his 



McCLELLAN'S REMOVAL. 129 

dog. Ed.) my two horses and servant. From Baltimore I went to 
Washington by railroad. Here I learned that General McClellan 
would establish his headquarters in Washington in three or four 
days, and concluded to await his arrival rather than to meet him 
at Alexandria. After staying in Washington about two weeks we 
set out upon the present campaign, which has lasted about fifteen 
days, during which time more has been accomplished than during 
any previous period of the same length. We have fought three 
battles, one of which was the greatest battle ever fought on this 
continent, and in all were victorious. General McClellan, after 
quietly submitting to the cowardly attacks of his enemies, has by 
his last campaign in Maryland, placed it beyond the power of his 
lying enemies to injure him, but what is remarkable, his enemies 
are all to be found among those who from lack of patriotism, or 
from cowardice, and in some cases from both causes combined, 
have remained at home instead of coming forward and fight- 
ing for their country. The New York is among the most 

prominent of the vile sheets that have assailed General McClellan. 
His enemies dwindle down in importance until they reach such 
insignificant and lying personages as the editor of the Monroe 

.* I do not at present remember his name, but I think 

he could devote the columns of his paper to a more worthy pur- 
pose than by defaming and basely slandering those of his fellow 
countrymen who have gone forth to battle in defence of a common 
country, while he, like a mean, cowardly liar, as he is, remains at 
home. If I could meet him I would horsewhip him. 

Your Affectionate Brother, 

Armstron"g. 

It will be observed that Custer mentions no more fighting 
adventures in this campaign, for which indeed there was little 
opportunity. Pope's misfortune had proved McClellan's bone- 
fit, enabling him to have his own way at last and giving him 
command of an enormous array by the junction of his own to the 
forces of Pope, Banks and McDowell. The numerical superiority 

* We could not resist inserting this letter entire, not to hurt the feelings 
of the brethren of the pastepot and scissors, but because it shows tlie gener- 
ous, hot-headed boy so perfectly, as he wrote in a white heat of indignation, 
in defence of his beloved general. Both editors mentioned have gone to their 
long home, years ago. 



130 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

of the Federals was indeed so great as to render the campaign 
really the most brilliant and snccessful that Lee ever fought, es- 
caping annihilation as he did. 

After the battle of Antietam, when McClellan had allowed 
his enemy to cross the river and get away safely, a long period 
of inaction followed, which was varied by Stuart's daring raid 
on Chambersburg, the Confederate cavalier marching all round 
his cautious foe, and getting off safely. The small Union cav- 
alry force, under Pleasonton, started after Stuart just an hour 
too late, and had the pleasure of coming to the Potomac at the 
end of the chase, just the same time behind him. 

At last, under the pressure of positive orders, the Union 
General started from Harper's Ferry, and taking the route east 
of the Blue Kidge, marched across country for Richmond once 
more, this time via "Warrenton. On his way there, while at 
Warrenton, he was suddenly dismissed from his command, and 
General Burnside placed in his stead, J!*Toveraber 7th, 1862. 

Very few measures during the war provoked such strong 
controversy at the time, both at home and in the army, as the 
removal of McClellan. ISTo commander who ever subsequently 
handled it, was able to acquire to so great a degree its love and 
affection, and the amount of ill-feeling and luke-warraness pro- 
duced among the higher officers of the army by the removal 
of their beloved chief, afterward produced many disasters. 
Under McClellan the corps commanders always worked cheer- 
fully, and generally did more than they were ordered. The 
only malcontents were the restless and ambitious ones, who 
thought their chief too slow. After McClellan's removal, all 
this was changed. Corps commanders not only did not exceed 
their orders, but got into the habit of disputing them, and from 
highest to lowest, the army was full of grumblers. The evil 
effects did not wear away till the battle of Gettysburg, after 
which more harmony was perceptible, but even then the habit 
of criticising orders continued, till the accession of the iron- 
willed Grant and Sheridan to the reins of practical power. 



McCLELLAN'S REMOVAL. 131 

Without entering into the question of the rights and wrongs of 
the McClellan matter, there is no question that the moral effect 
of the removal, at the time it was made, was perfectly disastrous 
to the Army of the Potomac, and very nearly excited a mutiny. 
Nothing but the real and sober patriotism of the great mass of 
rank and tile, who in their hearts acknowledged that the law 
must be obeyed, right or wrong, saved the country at that 
moment from such a violent military revolution as used to take 
place in the later days of the Roman republic, when the con- 
quering generals dictated to the senate, and finally created out 
of the simple name " Imperator," * a title that has been since 
held to be superior to that of king. 

The tumult at army headquarters was especially great, for 
of course the first to hear the news were the officers of McClel- 
lan's staff. They were almost, without exception, furiously 
excited. Had McClellan been removed at Harrison's Landing, 
while the army was in the first despondency of defeat, it is 
probable that little would have been said against the change. 
An unfortunate general seldom has friends. But since that 
time. Pope had suffered an equally crushing disaster, one 
accompanied by more humiliations, and the government had 
been compelled to ])lace McClellan in command. Under his 
orders, which were cheerfully obeyed, everything had gone on 
smoothly, up to the battle of Antietam, and at that battle the 
Federal forces had fought well. While actually a drawn bat- 
tle, Lee's subsequent retreat had given it the prestige of a 
Union victory, and no serious disaster had since taken place. 
During the long period of idleness that elapsed after Antietam, 
the contest between McClellan and the government as to fur- 
ther movements had endeared the General to his army. Re- 
vealed in all the newspapers, he appeared in the light of a wise, 
humane chief, standing up for the interests of his men, who 
needed clothes and shoes, against a clique of ignorant civilians, 
who wished him to march on, regardless of the sufferings of 
* General or Commander. 



132 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

his army. Everything had tended to make him the soldier's 
idol, and — more than anything — their own real inexperience. 
In the Peninsula, up to the Seven Days, the Federals had only 
seen the soft side of war, such as prevailed in the days of Louis 
the Fourteenth of France, a system of slow movements, bril- 
liant little picket fights, enormous armaments, imposing prepa- 
rations, plenty of food and forage, and little danger. The 
brief fury of the Seven Days was now forgotten, or lingered 
only as a memory of tremendous and glorious fights, in which 
the army had finally beaten oflT its foes. The Maryland cam- 
paign had been pleasantly exciting, with the same characteristics 
of scientific warfare which distinguished the Peninsular opera- 
tions. After a month's pleasant picnic life around Harper's 
Ferry, in glorious fall weather, when military life wore its 
brightest aspect, the march to the Rappahannock had com- 
menced by easy stages ; and now, in the midst of this move- 
ment, when every one was hoping for a triumph, McClellan 
was suddenly removed. 

It was no wonder that the army was excited, and still less 
that the officers of McClellan's stafi^' were furious. They espe- 
cially idolized their chief for his kindness of heart, and verily 
believed that all the military knowledge of the army was gath- 
ered in his head. Under his command, a future full of glory 
was opened to their delighted imaginations, and now they 
found themselves suddenly discrowned, and sent back to rust 
in peace. No wonder they were excited. Especially was 
this the case with the personal and volunteer aids, of whom 
McClellan possessed such a number, amongst them young 
Custer. 

An eye-witness who was present at headquarters on that 
night of sorrow, describes the excitement as intense. Some of 
the officers raved, and wanted McClellan to march to Washing- 
ton, dispossess the government, proclaim himself dictator, and 
then return and beat the enemy. There was plenty of wild 
talk going on ; and Custer, young and rash as he was, only a 



McCLELLAN'S REMOVAL. 133 

boy of twenty-two, adoring the commander who had given him 
such early distinction, joined in with the rest. Boy-like, he 
was wild with indignation. The presence of whiskey in large 
quantities accounted for much of the excitement of those around 
hira, but in his case it was nothing but the natural, generous 
impetuosity of his character that put him off his balance, for he 
never smoked or drank. In the midst of all the turmoil, the 
deposed general walked out of his tent, and a hush fell on 
the scene. 

There was the group of young officers, inflamed with pas- 
sion and bad whiskey, grouped around Custer, whose fair curls 
were tossed back, his eyes bright with anger at the injustice 
his chief had suffered. McClellan's appearance produced im- 
mediate silence, and the narrator proceeds to describe how the 
fallen general began to speak to his unruly staff. 

In a low and sad tone he commenced. He told them how 
surprised and grieved he was to hear such sentiments from 
men who had served with the Army of the Potomac. He 
reminded them that he and they were soldiers, alike with the 
private in the ranks, and bound to obey the nation they served, 
whatever its orders might be. He pointed out in a few words 
what would be the terrible consequence of such a course as 
they counselled, in the midst of a rebellion which threatened 
the nation's life ; how it would result in certain anarchy ; how 
every army and state would feel at liberty to repeat the opera- 
tion; and how then indeed secession must triumph. He spoke 
to them, as described by this eye-witness, as a sensible and 
patriotic man should, and silenced them all. It is the last 
glimpse that we have during the war of the quiet figure of the 
unfortunate McClellan, and it is in keeping with his whole 
career. 

Excellent and competent for almost any subordinate position, 
he had failed in the highest of all commands, partly from the 
lack of experience, and partly from the want of energy, induced 
in a naturally cautious nature by the slow methods of his early 



134 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

training and his long practice as an engineer. A safe and 
cautious commander generally, his only serious mistake was 
made in the exposure of his right flank at Eichmond, which 
cost him the Seven Days Fight. He departed into private 
life amid the regrets of his whole army ; and with him went 
Custer. It seemed perhaps to the boy captain, as if his work 
was done, and he permanently laid on the shelf beside his com- 
mander. The personal staff of McClellan, by which is under- 
stood only his aide-de-camps, departed with their general. Their 
appointments were not commissions, and only lasted during 
" the pleasure of the President." McClellan was put on " wait- 
ing orders ; " and as the status of his aides depended on him, 
they also went home on "waiting orders." In the case of 
Custer, his commander's recommendation had procured him 
a more substantial benefit than the mere temporary appoint- 
ment, in the shape of a promotion to First Lieutenant in the Fifth 
U. S. Cavalry. At the time of his commission, all the cavalry 
regiments were raised to twelve companies, and Custer was 
assigned to an original vacancy in Company M. of the Fifth. 
This was a substantial commission, and reached him one month 
later than his appointment as an aide, namely, in July, 1862. 
Until the staff appointment was revoked, however, Custer had 
no work to do. He might go home, or stay with his general, 
who was ordered to Trenton, Kew Jersey, his own home. 
McClellan told him to go to Monroe and see his people, and 
accordingly, to Monroe went Custer. It was to him a sad 
return, and he felt very much embittered. The fact of his 
father being a staunch old democrat, and he himself the same, 
by imitation, prejudice and affection, added to the measure of his 
bitterness against the President, who belonged to the opposite 
party, who had humiliated his beloved general, and thrown him, 
Custer, to all appearance, out of the path of success. He was, 
as far as his military career went, thoroughlj^ miserable that^ 
winter. He felt like a fish out of water, and longed to be back 
sharinoj the danglers of his comrades in the arm v. 



McCLELLAN'S REMOVAL. 135 

A certain gloomy satisfaction of the " I told yon so " kind 
assailed him, as it did all the strong " McClellan men," at the 
successive disasters of Burnside. In those days they did not wait 
to examine how much of those disasters were attributable to 
grumbling and mutinous corps commanders, but all joined 
in the chorus of the popular song, " Give us back our old com- 
mander," — none so earnestly as Custer. 

While his military life was so bitter during this winter, he 
yet enjoyed plenty of opportunity for fun in a civil capacity. 
Partly to drive away care, and partly from the natural physical 
buoyancy of youth, that would not be denied, he plunged into 
all the nnld little dissipations of Monroe society with great zest 
tliat winter, sleighriding, flirting, dancing, enjoying all the 
pleasures of a holiday, during November and December, 1862, 
and part of January, 1863. 

One more step in social life had been granted him, with 
many misgivings and much grudging, by the " upper ten " of 
Monroe. Cadet Custer had been a step above young " Arm 
strong;" Lieutenant Custer "of the Regulars" had been a 
little higher still ; but that last unfortunate spree, so small really, 
had been magnified by scandal into habitual orgies of alarming 
f)-equency, and Mrs. Grundy held up her hands in holy horror 
over the " dissipations of that young man, my dear." But 
Captain Custer "of General McClellan's staff," was a very 
different personage — the habitual associate on duty of two real 
live French princes, who were on the same staff. Mrs. Grundy 
smoothed the ruffled plumes of indignant virtue, and welcomed 
the rising sun, especially with a view to hearing something 
definite about " those princes." 

Eeally, Monroe was beginning to think there M-as " some- 
thing in that young Custer, after all, although we must allow, 
my dear, that his antecedents are not quite the thing, you know." 

The said "antecedents" were that he had worked for his 
education, that his father before him had worked for his, that 
he had been compelled to climb the ladder from the bottom 



136 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

step, alone and unassisted. The world has always found the 
union of honesty and labor very hard to tolerate, but nothing 
sncceeds with it like two or three successes. Monroe was be- 
ginning to forgive " Captain " Custer for not being born with a 
silver spoon in his mouth. 

This winter witnessed the throwing of a single bridge, nar- 
row and insecure, but still a tangible bridge, over a very wide 
gulf, which had hitherto parted Custer from one great object of 
his life. The little maid of his vision, she with the arch dark 
eyes and merry smile, had shot up into a full fledged young 
lady of seventeen, ready to " graduate," full of all sorts of 
knowledge, beginning to go into " society," and — he met her at 
last, that winter. 

Yes, it was actually so, he was introduced to her, formally 
and fully, at last, by her most particular friend, a 3'oung lady 
who afterwards became the close coniidant of the pair of lovers, 
during the whole of a long and romantic courtship. It was in 
this courtship that Custer first plainly showed the possession of 
that quality of invincible determination which was the real cause 
of all the success of his after life. Hitherto this had not shone 
out so conspicuously as it afterwards did. He had worked hard 
and faithfully, but had not been compelled so far to face active and 
obstinate opposition. Here, for the first time, he found it, found 
it in the most dangerous quarter, the young lady herself. She was 
not disposed to like him ; his war record went for nothing with 
her. Brought up in seclusion, she did not know the difference 
between a captain and a corporal. Slie only knew that she had 
heard of him as a dissipated young man, a desperate flirt, and 
that she had herself seen him, on one occasion, intoxicated. 
That was enough for her, bred up in the strictest kind of Pres- 
byterian education. It had been more than enough for her 
father, to whom no young man seemed good enough for his 
darling. In short, the young lady received him with cold re- 
serve, and tried to freeze the audacious youth. But Custer was 
not the man to yield to repulses in love or in war. 



McCLELLAN'S REMOVAL. 137 

He totally routed the young lady's dignity before they had 
been five minutes together, by asserting that he had met her 
before, and that she had spoken to him first. A freezing sug- 
gestion that he " must be mistaken " was, met by the bold re- 
sponse, " Oh no, I'm not. It was — let me see — seven — eight 
— nine years ago — you were swinging on a gate and you said to 
me, ' hello, you Custer boy.' " 

"What could an innocent young lady, fresh from boarding- 
school, do, but blush like fire at this brusque accusation, declare it 
was not possible, feel a guilty memory that it might have been 
so, feel half angry, half amused, half ashamed and wholly sub- 
dued by the audacity of this strange, abrupt, singular young 
man with the bright curls, the bold handsome face, and flashing 
blue eyes so full of fun ! Custer had evidently, even in those 
early days, laid to heart the advice of the experienced Byron, 
that master of affairs of the heart. To overcome a lady's in- 
difference, says Byron, " first pique, then soothe, soon pleasure 
crowns thy hopes." Custer had already attracted attention. The 
lady did him the honor to think him " a very impudent young 
man," for he had been in the habit of sending her messages 
through one of her friends, for some months before he was in- 
troduced to her. Somehow or other, though, the Judge never 
heard of these messages, which, to veterans in these affairs, is 
symptomatic. At all events that meeting proved the beginning 
of a certain amount of interest felt in the strange young man, 
and, as the winter wore on, he laid such fierce and audacious 
siege to the heart of the little Puritan maiden that no woman 
could resist him, nor did she. 

Obstacle the first was soon safely surmounted, but the second 
proved more formidable. It was — the Judge. Now while the 
Judge was perfectly willing to take Captain Custer by the hand 
in public, and recognize him in his military capacity to the 
fullest extent, this was a very different matter to receiving him 
as a son-in-law, as the husband of an only daughter. The Judge 
was a man of the most rigid principles, and apt to believe that 



188 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

it was impossible for the wiclied to reform permanently. At 
all events, he did not believe in the thoroughness of Custer's 
change, and especially distrusted his firmness and stability of 
character. 

Under these circumstances; he positively forbade any engage- 
ment being entered into, and intimated that he should prefer 
the discontinuance of Captain Custer's visits. 

It is under these circumstances that the real nobilit}^ of 
Custer's character first shines fully out. We have seen hitherto 
the virtues of courage, gratitude, fidelity, resolution to put 
down temptation ; to these was now to be added that of the 
purest, most knightly and sensitive honor, exhibited undermost 
trying circumstances. Nothing would have been easier than 
for the handsome, dashing, determined fellow to overcome the 
scruples of a tender, fond, trusting girl, and to have induced her 
to fly with him, or to marry him openly in defiance of her parents. 
J^ine men out of ten, men in good repute in the world, 
would have done so, treating the father's scruples as mere trifies, 
not to be regarded in the settlement of the question. ]^ot so 
Custer, not so did he treat his future wife. 

Without a complaint, without a murmur, the lovers, now 
devoted lovers really, acquiesced in the fiat of the Judge that the 
intimacy should be discontinued. So scrupulous were they on 
this point, that the}^ did not even correspond, although that had 
not been in terms forbidden. For the rest of the period during 
which Custer remained in Monroe (several weeks yet, for his 
wooing had been as short, sharp and decisive as his charges of 
cavalry), the lovers never conversed, in public or in private, 
though frequently meeting at parties. Custer apparently 
devoted himself with great ardor to flirting with other young 
ladies, and the Judge was fully convinced that the danger was 
over, and much relieved thereby. 

But with all of his scrupulous honesty of obedience, Custer 
had by no means given up the idea of his marriage. He was 
only biding his time, trusting to that and his own exertions 



McCLELLAN'S REMOVAL. 139 

to overcome the opposition of the Judge. There is something, 
to me, particularly touching and noble in the spectacle of this 
fiery, impatient, young man, used to swift success, and hitherto 
always chafing under the least delay, now submitting himself 
to the requirements of a long and weary probation, ready to 
serve for his Rachel as long and patiently as Jacob of old. 
When we consider the ordinary morals of American society in 
the matter of filial obedience, and the ease with which mar- 
riage can be contracted by a pair of lovers desirous of evading 
parental injunctions, the contrast between the conduct of Custer 
and most young men is very marked. He was faithful to 
his love, and determined irrevocably that he would only 
receive his wife with the full approval of her father, if he had 
to wait ten years to gain that approval. He was too scrupulous 
to attempt in the faintest degree to shake the obedience of 
the Judge's daughter. He had learned from his own family 
experience the value of unhesitating filial obedience, of the 
overmastering claims of duty and honor, and now, in the first 
serious trial of his life, his character stood the test. 

Fortunately for his own happiness, he was saved from the 
prolonged torture w^hich must have attended his residence 
in Monroe in this state of afiairs. In the m iddle of January 
he was summoned by letter to New Jersey to meet McClellan, 
and the rest of his period of absence from the army was passed 
in hard work with his chief, in the preparation of his volumin- 
ous report on the movements of the Army of the Potomac 
under his command. 

The preparation of McClellan's report occupied a long tim.e, 
during which Custer, very luckily for his peace of mind, was 
kept hard at work. All the work however could not blunt hi& 
feelings, nor dim the fervor of his love and his determination 
that the Judge's daughter and no one else should at last be his 
wife. He could not honorably write to her, but he kept up 
during the whole of that year a close correspondence wdth 
a mutual friend, which served to mitigate the severity of his 



140 



GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 



banishment, as he heard in reply of the movements of the one 
woman he cared to hear about. 

It was not till April that the report was finished, and at 
its close Custer was ordered to Washington, and finally to 
rejoin his company, then at the headquarters of Hooker's army 
near Falmouth, Ya., opposite Fredericksburg. The order was 
one which put him back a step in rank. His staff position 
as captain lapsed and he became once more plain Lieutenant 
Custer. In that capacity he rejoined the army. 







CHAPTER III. 

THE CAVALRY CORPS. 

THE winter of 1862-3 was a period of great gloom for the 
whole of the United States, and perhaps for none more 
than young Captain Custer, "awaiting orders" that did not 
come, and kept, like his chief, in forced retirement. At no 
period of the war were the national spirits so low^ for the year 
had closed on the crowning disaster of Fredericksburg, where 
thousands of brave soldiers had been uselessly slaughtered. At 
that time too, the opposition party, in and out of Congress, was 
exceedingly strong, and this party at once took up McClellan 
as their representative, and exulted over every new disaster to 
the Army of the Potomac, as an evidence that no one but its 
first leader could ever conduct it to victory. 

Every city of the north was full of deserters, who at that 
time numbered over a hundred thousand, and a very large pro- 
portion of these were from the Army of the Potomac. Num- 
bers of officers who belonged to the McClellan faction resigned 
their commissions in disgust, and went home to spread dissatis- 
faction, so that, when Hooker was finally appointed third com- 
mander of the much abused army, he found it a jarring mass 
of discontented bodies, instead of the homogeneous whole it 
had once been, under McClellan. 

It was, however, to the hard work and enthusiasm of this, 
its third commander, that the Army of the Potomac was 3'et to 
owe the first victory of a series that was never afterwards 
broken by positive disaster. Hooker reorganized it effectively. 
A very different array it was from that which triumphed at 



142 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER, 

Antietam, and even the severe repulse at Chancellorsville failed 
to shake its spirit, for the reason that the meanest soldier could 
see that the battle was a perfectly barren victory for Lee, in 
which he lost more than he gained. 

But the greatest change effected b}'' Hooker was one which 
affected Custer himself. It was the reorganization of the caval- 
ry. Under McClellan and Burnside, the Union cavahy had been 
scattered about at different headquarters, assigned to the com- 
mand of infantry generals, used in small forces for outpost duty 
and scouting, and seldom or never employed on the field of 
battle. The few exceptions to the rule had been signally disas- 
trous. At Gaines' Mills a single regiment of cavalry, the Sixth 
Pennsylvania, then acting as McClellan's body guard, had been 
sent to charge a whole hostile army, and had of course effected 
nothing. One or two mounted charges, with equally poor 
results, had taken place in Pope's campaign, but as a rule the 
Federal cavalry was too green to be usefully employed. The 
only portion kept in mass was a brigade under Pleasonton, and 
this small force had been worked to death. Hooker gathered 
together all the regiments, organized them into three divisions 
under Pleasonton, Gregg and Averill, and kept them together, 
where they remained ever after as the Cavalry Corps, Army 
of the Potomac. 

After a long winter's rest in huts before Fredericksburg, the 
whole army commenced its move across the river at the end of 
April. The design of the campaign was generally good, but 
marred by one fault. The army was cut up into three parts. 
It was nearly twice as numerous as Lee's forces, but the division 
gave him the opportunity to strike and defeat each fraction in 
detail, which he subsequently did, with much success. The 
only part that escaped serious damage was the cavalry corps, 
to which Custer had lately been attached, as an aide on the staff 
of General Pleasonton. 

Hooker i-etained with the main army, with which he fought 
the battle of Chancellorsville, only a single brigade of cavalry, 



THE CAVALRY CORPS. 143 

that of Colonel Thomas C. Devin. With this brigade General 
Pleasonton himself was present, and, small as it was, it contrib- 
uted materially to the repulse of Jackson's column at an early 
period of the fight, when the Eleventh Corps had given way, 
and a general Bull Eun panic seemed impending. The rest of 
the division was off under Buford, with the rest of the cavalry 
on Stoneman's raid. 

It is not our intention here to dwell on the battle of Chan- 
cellorsville, and the events of Stoneman's raid were so unim- 
portant, compared to the means used, tliat they deserve no 
more than a brief account. The combination of circumstan- 
ces under which the raid was made, was peculiarly favorable 
to success, owing to the foresight of Hooker. He had ascer- 
tained that most of Stuart's cavalry was absent in the back 
country, recruiting and procuring remounts. Only the brigade 
of Fitzhugh Lee was with the army, and that of W. H. F. Lee 
was at Brandy Station, some fifteen miles off. On the 29th of 
April, Stoneman crossed the Eappahannock on the right of 
Hooker's army, at Kelly's Ford, with the divisions of Buford, 
Gregg and Averill, eight brigades in all. On the 30th they 
marched from the Rappahannock to the Rapidan, taking matters 
very coolly. The force was there weeded of all poor horses 
and pack animals, and only the pick of it went forward. 
'Next day, May 1st, they crossed the Rapidan with no more 
difficulty than the Rappahannock, driving off the few Confed- 
erate skirmishers, Averill pushing on to Brandy Station, in the 
direction of Culpepper, Buford turning towards Fredericksburg, 
Gregg moving on in the middle, straight for Columbia, on the 
James River. The only column that met with resistance was 
that of Averill^ which found W. H. F. Lee's brigade at Brandy 
Station, fought him awhile, and then retired. The rest of the 
force continued on to Louisa Court House, northwest of Rich- 
mond, and half way between the Rapidan and James. There it 
was divided into a number of small columns, and roamed all 
over the country, burning bridges, cutting the banks of the 



144 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

James River Canal, and destroying railroads, with perfect safety 
to itself and much discomfort to the enemy. The only force 
left in the whole country to oppose it was "W. II. F. Lee's 
brigade of two regiments, which was utterly inadequate to 
resist effectively. The raid lasted till May 9th, the division of 
forces taking place May 3d. Kilpatrick, then a colonel, took 
his regiment to the very border of Richmond, found part of the 
Twelfth Illinois there, found also that he had roused the Home 
Guards, and that they were Hocking out to catch him, and 
finally marched down the Peninsula, crossed the Pamunkey, 
and came out at Gloucester Point, opposite Yorktowu, whence 
he was taken off by the Union gunboats, returning by way of 
Washington. The rest of the cavalry returned as they came, 
and recrossed the Rappahannock and Rapidan high up the 
river, finding Hooker's army after the defeat of Chancellors- 
ville, back in its old quarters at Falmouth, watching Fred- 
ericksburg. 

The results of the raid were thus stated at the time by an 
enthusiastic newspaper correspondent. 

General Stoneman moved about at will for nine days within 
the enemy's lines ; cut every railroad and canal : stopped trafiic 
on the highways; kept ten counties in a turmoil ; destroyed 
twenty-two bridges, seven culverts, five ferries, seven railroads 
(in spots), seven supply trains, one hundred and twent3^-two 
wagons, two hundred horses (carried off"), one hundred and 
four mules (same), three canals (in spots), five canal boats, three 
trains of cars, two storehouses, four telegraph stations, five tel- 
egraph lines (cut), three depots, (burned.) The cavalry visited 
twenty-five towns, and liberated one hundred and fifty slaves, 
who followed the column. 

All this was very nice, but amounted to nothing, for the 
railroads were soon after repaired. The real weakness of the 
whole raid was that it only exasperated, without terrifying the 
enemy, and gave color to the accusations that the Federal cav- 
alry were merely mounted robbers. Had Stoneman destroyed 



THE CAVALRY CORPS. Ii5 

"W. H. F. Lee's brigade, which he might well have clone, it 
would have been of far more value to the cause he represented 
than all the plunder and destruction that attended his path. 
As it was, it entirely failed to retrieve the disgrace of Chancel- 
lorsville, in public estimation, at the time, and the fact that 
Stoneman never attacked Richmond, which he might easily 
have done, as it was almost undefended, added to the unfavora- 
ble impression produced by his conduct of the raid. 

He was shortly after relieved by Pleasonton, the First 
Division falling to General Buford, the senior brigadier ; and 
on the staff of the former, Captain Custer found himself, in 
June, 1863, with the prospect of a career once more open to 
him. The success of the Stoneman raid, such as it was, had 
still a good effect on the cavalry of the army. It was the first 
success that had fallen on its banners since Antietam, and had 
fallen to the lot of the despised cavalry, which needed it. 

At that time, and ever since the beginning of the war, 
a great jealousy existed between the horse and foot of the 
Army of the Potomac, and the former had been so badly 
handled that it had fallen into contempt with the infantry. 
Cut up into small detachments and placed under control of 
infantry generals, Avho disliked it, the few unfortunate charges 
it had made confirmed the general impression that was trum- 
peted through the press, that " the days of cavalry were over " 
as a fighting body, and that it was only to be used thereafter 
for picket and scouting duty, in other words to look at the 
enemy and run away. Hooker himself, while in command of 
the army, Avas currently reported to have heaped contempt on 
his cavalry, by starting the ironical question as to " who ever 
saw a dead cavalryman?" The plodding infantry soldier, 
weary with his long march, naturally feels jealous of the horse- 
man riding by him, and if he is taught to despise him as a 
fighter, is only too glad so to do. Under these remarks, the 
cavalry officers, high and low, had long chafed, and longed for 
an opportunitj' to prove that they could fight, as well as the 
10 



146 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

" dongh-boj^s " and "mud-mashers'' whom they could not 
retort upon as yet. The time was however coming for these 
sneers to be silenced, and the young staff captain who now fol- 
lowed Pleasonton was destined to be a mighty instrument to 
change public opinion. Chancellorsville had hurt the infantry 
badl}^, while the small cavalry brigade that had shared in that 
fight had stood firm in the midst of a cloud of demoralized foot 
soldiers, whom they were detailed to drive back with their 
sabres in some instances. For the next two months, the 
infantry hardly fired an angry shot, while the cavalry under 
Pleasonton, covered itself with glory, beat back Stuart again 
and again, and finally won itself the fair right to be called the 
sword and shield of the Federal army. 

The close of Stoneman's raid was followed by perfect inac- 
tivity in Hooker's army for a month. In the meantime, Lee 
was preparing for an offensive movement, behind Fredericks- 
burg. He had fought Chancellorsville with less than sixty 
thousand men to Hooker's one hundred thousand ; but by the 
end of June conditions were changed. Many of Hooker's 
regiments were broken, their time being out, and Lee had 
received reinforcements from all quarters. Stuart's cavalry 
remounted and recruited, was now at least ten thousand strong, 
and the Confederate infantry was increased till his army 
equalled if it did not exceed, Hooker's. 

Screened behind the curtain of woods In the Wilderness, 
Lee prepared to start off' up the valley, to repeat his Maryland 
campaign, and if possible raid into Pennsylvania. Hooker, 
deprived of all certain news, was still very uneasy, and at last 
did what he should have done earlier. He sent out liis cavalry 
to the extreme right of the army, to cross the Rappahannock 
high up. They started under the lead of Pleasonton, and 
crossed at several points, Buford and Averill at Beverly Ford, 
Gregg several miles up, at Bappahannock Bridge. 

Both columns met the enemy in heavy force, and drove 
him back past Brandy Station towards Culpepper. There 



THE CAVALRY CORPS. 147 

reinforcements arrived, and the fight remained stationary 
during most of the morning. Several charges and counter- 
cliarges took place, and the enemy's force was found to consist 
of Stuart's cavalry, while country people reported that infantry 
had passed that way in heavy force towards Madison Court 
House, a day or two before. 

In the evening, Pleasonton returned across the Rappahan- 
nock, followed at a distance by the enemy, but without suffer- 
ing loss. The cavalry had shown in their first general fight, 
that they were capable of holding their own against the much 
dreaded " Stuart's Cavalry," that caused the Army of the 
Potomac so much alarm, from the Peninsula to Maryland. 

They had met and parted fairly, " broken a lance " as it 
were, found that all they needed was to put a bold face on 
matters; and so learned their first lesson under Pleasonton's 
command. In this fight, Custer was in attendance on his 
general most of the day, a great favorite of the latter. The 
time was coming and very near at hand, though he knew it 
not, for him to win his star, and emerge from the inconspicu- 
ous position of a staff officer to one in which he could com- 
mand public attention. The personal history of Custer during 
the time that intervened between joining the army and winning 
his star comes out so well in his animated and picturesque cor- 
respondence that we are sure our readers will be glad to see 
some of his letters. He still kept up his communications with 
his sister, but the letters to her are filled out and completed by 
some to another person, to whom he commenced to write early 
in April. From these letters it appears that after the comple- 
tion of the report he paid a short visit to Monroe, thence to 
J^ew York city, where he met orders sending him to Washing- 
ton. Here he was put on nominal staff duty, which was really 
genteel idleness, and filled up his time by going to the theatres, 
and trying to forget his discontent. He was evidently, at the 
time, sore, dissatisfied, unsettled, but imbued with a strong no- 



14S GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

tion that " Destiny " had something in store for him, which no 
power of his would be able to avert. In his letters to this sec- 
ond person he speaks verj earnestly on this subject, and also of 
the earnest and enduring nature of his feelings towards " one 
of the parties most interested" to whom he never refers by 
name. It seems that this " party " had predicted that absence 
and time would change his feelings, but he earnestly assures 
his correspondent that this can never bo, and warns her that 
time will only strengthen and deepen them. 

On his first arrival in camp, General Pleasonton requested 
him to join his staff, but Custer expresses himself as doubtful 
whether he will go or not. He seems to have regarded it as a 
sort of possible slur on his former general, whom he speaks of 
in his first letter as " the only man I ever loved^'' the words 
underscored. Writing after Chancellorsville, he is very bitter 
on Hooker, and says vindictively, " The whole army are speak- 
ing against him and asking for McClellan.'' This letter is dated 
May 6th, but a week later he writes in better spirits from Gen- 
eral Pleasonton's headquarters, that he has accepted the position 
offered liim and finds it very comfortable. The passion for 
dogs is already strong, " I have got another dog, a hound pup 
about two months old. One of my men got it from an old ne- 
gro woman. I have named the handsomest of my two horses 
— the black — * Harry' after Aut." (His nephew Henry Arm- 
strong Reed, born while he was a cadet.) He has picked up a 
little deserted waif of a boy called Johnny, who acts as his ser- 
vant, and who always takes the pup to bed with him. Johnny 
was devoted to him. " I think he would rather starve than see 
me go hungry. I have dressed him in soldiers' clothes ... he 
rides one of my horses on the march." Returning from a ride 
one day, '' I found Johnny with his sleeves rolled up. He had 
washed all my dirty clothes and hung them on the bushes to 
dry. He did them very well." 

Later comes a letter to the other correspondent, describing 



THE CAVALRY CORPS. 149 

a secret expedition full of romance, but unattended with fight- 
ing. This is too good to be lost. 

Headquarters Cavalry Corps, Army ok the Potomac, 

Tuesday, May 26tli, 1863. 
Dear Friend, — In accordance with my promise and my in- 
clinations I now propose to hold a short and uninterrupted con- 
versation with you. I will agree to do all the talking to-niglit. I 
was extremely glad to receive your letter and through you to hear 
of " one of the parties, etc." I Avill tell you about my expedition 
into Dixie. With my little party of seventy-five men (cavalry) I 
embarked at Aquia Creek on board the steamers Caleca and Man- 
hattan, on the evening of the 21st, taking our departure down the 
Potomac as soon as it was dark. At 11 o'clock next day we arrived 
at our landing on the banks of the Yocomico river about five 
miles from its mouth. Mounting our horses we made a rapid 
march of forty miles, in but little over five hours, arriving in sight 
of the Rappahannock river near Urbana. To avoid discovery, 
our party remained concealed in the woods till next morning. 
Taking nine men and another officer in a small canoe, the only 
boat we could find, I started in pursuit of a small sailing vessel 
which was coming from the direction of Urbana. After a chase 
of ten miles down the river we compelled our game to run their 
boat aground on the south bank. The creAV jumped overboard 
and reached the shore. We captured the boat and passengers. 
The latter proved to be a portion of the party which we desired to 
capture. They had only left Richmond the previous morning, 
and had quite a large sum of Confederate money in their posses- 
sion. Six of the party composed a Jewish family. Do you 
remember what I said in case I captured a stage-coach full of 
young ladies. There were two young ladies in the party, Jewesses, 
who with the rest of the party I Avas compelled to make prisoners 
of. With four of my men I made my way on shore, leaving the 
remainder of the party to guard the prisoners and boats. The 
river at that point is over four miles wide, and so shallow near the 
land as to render it impossible for us to approach within three 
hundred yards of the shore in our boats, so that no course was 
left but to wade. After landing with the four men Ave Avent to 
the nearest house, Avhich proved to be a fine country mansion. 
While at some distance from it I observed some one on the piazza 
lying doAvn Avith a book in his hands ; his back Avas toward us 



150 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

SO that we were not seen. As we neared the house I saw that 
whoever it was he wore the Confederate uniform. At first I 
thouglit we were in a trap, that others might he near, perhaps in 
the house, and with my little party of four men I could not hope 
to contend against a very large force. 

Cautiously approaching, I was within four feet of the Confede- 
rate before he noticed us, it was then too late for him to escape 
or resist. I told him that he was my prisoner and must come 
with us. He replied very coolly, *' I supjoose so." On interroga- 
ting him, he informed me there were no other rebel soldiers within 
six miles of us. He was at hoine on a short visit. The volume he 
was so intently reading was a copy of Shakespeare, and he had just 
read the first few lines of that Avell-known soliloquy ''To be or 
not to be." On our march back he and I had many a hearty 
laugh over his literary habits. His sisters were in the house, but 
heard nothing of what occurred until I entered and informed 
them that it was my painful but imperative duty to take their 
brother away with me. They were very sorry, of course, but tried 
to assume a very independent air at first. I could not but feel 
sorry that they were to be made unhappy through any act of mine. 
I imagined myself in their brother's stead, and thought how sorry 
my own dear sister would be if I were taken away under similar 
circumstances. Eeturning to our boats we took our prisoners to 
the north bank, leaving them in charge of the main party. Then 
with twenty men in three small boats, I rowed over to Urbana, 
on the opposite bank, where we burned two schooners and a bridge 
over Urbana bay, after which we drove the rebel pickets out of 
the town. We then returned to the north bank, where, after captur- 
ing twelve prisoners, thirty horses, two large boxes of Confederate 
boots and shoes, and two barrels of loliiskey luliich we destroyed, 
our party remounted our horses, and with our captures set out 
on our return to the Yocomico, where the steamers were in wait- 
ing for us. To carry our lady prisoners, I pressed into the service 
a family carriage, horses and driver. We marched till two o'clock 
that night to avoid pursuit and capture, then camped till morning; 
resumed the march, reached our boats about noon on Saturday, 
and arrived here safely Sunday morning without having lost a 
man. Yesterday General Hooker sent for me and complimented 
me very highly on the success of my expedition, and the manner 
in which I had executed his orders. Now, I suppose I have 
wearied you with this long (interesting to me, but perhaps not to 
others) stor3\ I will not apologize for it, however, as that Avould 



THE CAVALRY CORPS. 151 

be breaking a rule which I have always laid down — never to regret 
anything after it is done. Yesterday I spent in visiting a number 
of my friends thronghont the army. I saw the 4th Michigan 
and the Monroe members of the regiment. I took dinner with 
Lientenant Yates, who you remember was in Monroe last winter. 
By the way, I have induced General Pleasonton to appoint Lieu- 
tenant Yates on his staff, so that I will have him with me here- 
after. He was at our headquarters this evening, and will join us 
permanently in a few days. 

Akmsteon^g, 

A little later, in a letter to his sister under the date of June 
Gtli, he writes that they are going to cross the river to Culpep- 
per, but there is no account of Beverly Ford fight. The last 
letter accessible at this period of his life is dated June 25th, 
four days before his elevation to the dignity of a brigade com- 
mander, and the place for that will be more proper in the next 
chapter. Events were now beginning to crowd so fast, and the 
campaign was opening so actively, that home correspondence 
was practically impossible. Love and the softer side of his 
life was to be hidden for a while behind the murky clouds of 
war, and not till after Gettysburg was there a lull in the 
incessant activity. 

Custer was still, as appears from these letters, nothing more 
immediately ambitious in feeling than a staff officer. Tliere are 
no idle aspirations after high command in his wishes, and he 
seems, as always before and after, intensely practical in his no- 
tions of life. He is satisfied to do his duty in whatever posi- 
tion he is placed, only taking care to perform that duty thor- 
oughly and completely, and better than any one else. The 
letter we liave qtioted, reveals the perfect officer of the staff, 
active and daring, on the watch for every little scrap of infor- 
mation, perfectly ready to hide and play the fox when the role 
of the lion is out of place, M'ith that peculiar combination of 
qualities, very rarel}' found, which makes the model officer of 
eclaireurs. 

These qualities are very rare, and no school can teach them. 



152 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Even experience totally fails if natural genius is not found in 
the man. The most pre-eminent attribute of the perfect 
edaireur is tact^ and this Custer developed in a remarkable de- 
gree. The sudden and rapid decision, the intuitive sense of the 
exact thing to do at the moment, and the energy that seizes 
the fleeting moment, are all present, and it is no wonder that 
Pleasonton treated him as the most useful officer of his staff. 
Custer could do what no one else could do. Nine men out of 
ten would have made a blunder of tlive secret expedition into 
the heart of the enemy's country, but Custer treats it almost as 
a joke and never falters a moment. What a wonderful contrast 
between this expedition and the one he so naively describes as 
occurring when he was on Kearny's staiF, only eighteen months 
before. Truly Custer had graduated in the school of war. He 
was no longer a pupil, but a master in the duties of a staff 
officer. Even Hooker, far from being well disposed to any 
member of McClellan's staff, could not help complimenting 
Custer, and truly he deserved every word of praise he received. 




CHAPTER IV. 

WINNING HIS STAE. 

THE spirited little fight at Beverly Ford, June 9, 1SG3, 
developed the intentions of the enemy. It showed that 
his cavalry was concentrated near Culpepper, and subsequent 
reports from signal officers and others showed that the concen- 
tration was only preparatory to a general movement of the 
Confederates round the Union right, by way of the valley, up 
towards Maryland and Pennsylvania. Hooker's army being 
then in front of Fredericksburg, two courses were open to it. 
One was to strike straight for Eichmond, disregarding Lee, the 
other to fall back towards Washington, interposing before the 
enemy could do much damage. The first course was the boldest, 
and would undoubtedly have ended in the recall of Lee, and 
the fighting of a desperate battle to the northwest of Kichmond, 
but it would have been in the nature of a gambler's last throw. 
The Union communications must have been left completely 
exposed by the line of the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, 
and would have certainly been cut unless changed to the sea- 
coast bases, in later times occupied by Grant. 

On the other hand, falling back toward Washington, Hooker 
would retain the advantage of interior lines, and his communi- 
cations were secure. The second course was the safest, if not 
the most brilliant. At all events it was determined on, and 
the Union infantry started on the march which was to culmi- 
nate in Gettysburg. For the next few weeks, the legs of the 
infantry of both armies were to do all the work, for they did 
not come in serious contact till they met at Gettysburg. 



154 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Beverly Ford light checked Stuart in his first purpose, 
which was to cross the Rappahannock east of the mountains, 
followed by Lee, repeating the movements of 1862, and bring- 
ing on a third battle of Manassas. On the 6th of June he held 
his review at Culpepper, preparatory^ to his advance. Three 
days after, he concluded to go west of the mountains, take a 
longer trip, and trust to his heels to get to Pennsylvania first. 

The first week of the three that intervened between Beverly 
Ford and Gettysburg was passed by Hooker in feeling for the 
enemy with hi^ cavalry, which scoured the country as far as the 
Blue Ridge. In the meantime Lee's columns were pushing on 
up the valley, EwelFs corps capturing Winchester on the 13th 
June. Lee's intentions being then fully developed, the Army 
of tlie Potomac started to catch him, and on the 14th was at 
Bull Pun. On the 16th, Governor Curtin, of Penns3dvania, 
issued his proclamation, announcing the invasion of his State, 
and from thenceforward all was bustle and activity. 

On the same day that Governor Curtin issued his proclama- 
tion, was fought the battle of Aldie in Yirginia, in which bat- 
tle Custer gained his star, and as it was the first cavalry action 
in which the Union forces met the enemj- fairly and defeated 
him fairly, it is worthy of some special notice. 

At the time, both armies were scattered over a considerable 
range of country. The head of Lee's column, preceded by 
Ewell and a small force of cavalry and mounted infantry, was 
in Pennsylvania, the rear still in Virginia. Stuart's cavalry 
was scattered along the flanks, and on the 16th a portion of it 
came through Snicker's Gap, hoping to take a short cut into 
Maryland and Pennsylvania. They were met by part of 
Gregg's division, consisting of Kilpatrick's brigade, and the 
First Maine Cavalry. With them was a young staif officer of 
Pleasonton, Captain George A. Custer. The rest of the Union 
cavalry was scattered through the country, the afterwards re- 
nowned Michigan brigade was not yet fully organized, but some 
of its component parts were in Maryland, fighting Jenkins' 



WINNING HIS STAR. 155 

raiders. Everything was in more or less confusion, especially 
on Hooker's side, for Lee had undoubtedly stolen a march on 
him, and got ahead. 

On the 16th, General Gregg's advance reached Aldie, and 
found a Confederate brigade, with which General Stuart was 
present. It seems that Gregg must have struck the extreme ad- 
vance of the Confederate cavalry. Colonel Kilpatrick's brigade 
composed the Second and Fourth New York, First Massachu- 
setts, and Sixth Ohio. The Second JSTew York had the advance. 
They ran into the enemy's picket outside Aldie, drove them 
through the town, and found the Confederate line in position 
near Middleburg, in front of the middle of Ashby's Gap. It 
seems that Stuart was advancing through Ashby's Gap, and 
this unexpected encounter checked him. When the exact posi- 
tion of the enemy was found by their lire, Kilpatrick deployed 
his regim.ents and put them in the fight in the order following : 
First Maine, Sixth Ohio, Second New York, Fourth New 
York, First Massachusetts. 

The enemy had four guns on a hill, in the centre of their 
line. Their dismounted skirmishers held fences and ditches 
enfilading the Middleburg road, on which the advance must 
be made, and the position was strong. In front of the line of 
battle were half-a-dozen haystacks, which concealed the ditch 
and fence. 

The Second New York was ordered to charge down the road 
and take the haystacks. One squadron made the charge, and 
passed the stacks, only to find themselves heavily punished by the 
enemy in rear. The rest of the regiment galloped in on the left, 
followed soon after by the Sixth Ohio, and the result was that 
the Confederate line was broken, fences thrown down, and the 
enemy were driven in confusion up the hill on their guns. 
They made a short stand at a rail fence, halfway up, when a 
squadron of the Fourth New York, that had been supporting 
Kilpatrick's battery, dashed in and drove them over the hill, 
Stuart's guns going to the rear full gallop. 



156 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

The First Maine was then called in from the left, and 
placed beside the First Massachusetts, in support of the troops 
already engaged, and the line advanced again. This time 
Stuart was resolved on vengeance. His guns were in position 
further to the rear, and he now charged down the road, driving 
before him the remains of the Second New York, disordered 
and blown by previous charges. In a moment it seemed as if 
the tide were turned. Cavalry is always liable to sudden 
reverses of this sort, and Stuart's fresh reserves came yelling 
on, driving everything before them. Kilpatrick ordered in at 
once the Maine and Massachusetts regiments, as yet fresh, and 
that part of the Fourth New York which had not already 
charged. 

Coming into action as a reserve to check the tide of defeat, 
is always the hardest task for young soldiers, and it must be 
remembered that this was the first serious action in which many 
of the Union regiments had been engaged. At all events, tlie 
reserves wavered and halted, confusion began to spread, horses 
were plunging and fighting, men turning pale, and shrinking 
back from the moral effect of the yelling line of Confederate 
cavalry coming on, wrapped in clouds of dust, and preceded by 
the scattered fugitives of the Second New York. Add to this, 
the shrieking of the enemy's shells, and the sharp crash of their 
explosions, the dead and wounded horses and men lying about, 
and the tremendous moral force at that day of the name of 
" Stuart's Cavalry," and it is not surprising that the green 
Northern men wavered, nor that their officers were yelling 
confusedly, instead of commanding coolly. 

For a moment a rout seemed inevitable, when out of the 
press dashed Kilpatrick and Colonel Douty of the First Maine, 
the first shrieking out curses and wildly waving his sabre, the 
second beckoning his men to follow. So great was the turmoil 
that neither could be heard, when forth from the crowd rode a 
third figure, a young captain, wearing a broad plantation straw 



WINNING HIS STAR. 157 

ders. His nnifonn was careless and shabby, but his bright curls 
attracted attention wherever he went. Out he rode beside Kil- 
patrick and Douty, waved his long blade in the air, and pointed 
to the enemy, then turned his horse and galloped alone towards 
them. An electric shock seemed to silence the line. He looked 
back and beckoned with his sword. 

" Come on, boys," he shouted. 

The next moment Kilpatrick and Douty were abreast of 
him, waving their swords and shouting " Come on." An in- 
voluntary yell burst from the men, and away they went. All 
fear and hesitation had vanished, and the long line, broken by 
its own impetuosity into little clumps of horsemen, went racing 
down to charge the enemy. 

They were met by a tremendous fire. As usual, the Con- 
federate cavalry shrank from the sabre and relied on fire-arms 
to repel the assault, and as usual they were worsted. The sabre 
was freely used for the first time during the war, and the enemy 
was driven in utter confusion, the Maine and Massachusetts men 
cutting and slashing right and left, the enemy fleeing in the 
direction of Ashby's Gap. In the foremost of the triumphant 
group was the young captain w^ith the bright curls, and in all 
the confusion the men followed him as a guiding star. Kilpat- 
rick went down, his horse shot under him, Douty was stricken 
dead, but the young captain with the floating curls seemed to 
bear a charmed life. 

Away, with a thunder of cheers, a rapid rattling fusillade 
of shots, a cloud of dust, the clatter of innumerable horse shoes, 
the jingle of arms, bright flashes gleaming redly through the 
thin blue pall of smoke that hung over the field, the fierce hot 
smell of powder in the air, titillating the nostrils with a mad 
sense of intoxication, away went Custer and his men in that 
wild charge and pursuit ! The faint hearts of a moment ago 
were turned to steel, and a frenzy of eager ferocity seized the 
mildest. 

"Were you ever in a charge, you who read this now, by the 



158 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

winter fireside, long after the bones of the slain have turned to 
dust, when peace covers the land ? If not, you have never 
known the fiercest pleasure of life. The chase is nothing to it, 
the most headlong hunt is tame in comparison. In the chase, 
the game flees and you shoot : here the game shoots back, and 
every leap of the charging steed is a peril escaped or dashed 
aside. The sense of power and audacity that possesses the cav- 
alier, the unity with his steed, both are perfect. The horse is 
as wild as the man : with glaring eye-balls and red nostrils he 
rushes frantically forward at the very top of his speed, with 
huge bounds, as different from the rhythmic precision of the 
gallop as the sweep of the hurricane is from the rustle of the 
breeze. Horse and rider are drunk with excitement, feeling and 
seeing nothing but the cloud of dust, the scattered flying figures, 
conscious of only one mad desire, to reach them, to smite, 
smite, smite ! 

Far ahead of the Northern riders was the young captain M'ith 
the floating curls. He rode his favorite black "Harry," named 
after the innocent child at home. In his hand gleamed the long 
straight blade he had captured from the Confederate, one year 
before, when he shot him and took his horse, down in front of 
Kichmond. Custer wore that sword all through the war, a long 
straight Toledo blade, with the Spanish inscription, "iVo mi 
tires sill raso7i, No mi envaines sin lionraP " Draw me not 
without cause, sheathe me not without honor." Years after, 
men said that hardly an arm in the service could be found 
strong enough to wield that blade, save Custer's alone. 

Far ahead of all his men he rode, outstripping the swiftest, 
and a moment later was in the midst of the enemy, and close to the 
left rear of one of their horsemen. The man heard him coming, 
turned in his saddle and fired his revolver at Custer, missing him. 
A moment later, the long Toledo flashed in the air, and his 
enemy fell from his horse, his left arm nearly cut off: A second 
man wheeled his horse and dashed at the daring officer, riding up 
alongside on the left, taking Custer at the same disadvantage he 



WINNING HIS STAR. 159 

had taken the other man, and this fellow liad a sabre. Then 
the two i-aced away in the midst of the %ing clond of dust, one 
cutting away at his foeman, the other parrying the blows, but 
iiuablo to return them. The wild race lasted for several sec- 
onds, both horses at full speed, when they found themselves 
beyond all the fight, and in the quiet rear, out of the dust. 
Then Custer suddenly checked " Harry," and his enemy shot 
past him. Before his antagonist could stop, Custer was al- 
most up to him, and as he wheeled round they met fairly, on 
the right front. The light was short. Two or three mighty 
blows of the long sword, and the Confederate cavalier's guard 
was beaten down and himself knocked off his horse with a 
cloven skull. 

Then Custer turned, and found himself all alone in the midst 
of the enemy, probably a good mile from the Union lines. He 
mentions this in a letter to his sister. 

I was surrounded by rebels, and cut off from my own men, 
but I made my way out safely, and all owing to my hat, which is 
a large broad brim, exactly like that worn by the rebels. Every 
one tells me that I look like a rebel more than our own men. The 
rebels at first thought I was one of their own men, and did not 
attack me, except one, who rushed at me with his sabre, but I 
struck him across the face with my sabre, knocking him off his 
horse. I then put spurs to "Harry" and made my escape. 

It was at this time that Mr. A. R. Waud of Harper's 
Weekly made a sketch of Custer, which is still in the posses- 
sion of his sister, Mrs. E.eed. It represents such a wild, careless, 
slouchy-looking figure, as the same artist has put in the illus- 
tration to the battle in the present book, "only a little more 
so." There are the long unkempt locks, the broad straw hat, 
a soldier's blouse and trousers, and a pair of captured boots. 
This picture accompanied the letter from which we quote, dated 
June 25th, 1863. We quote it especially for one reason. Only 
four days later, Custer was made a brigadier, and this letter 
would naturally be expected to show some inlding of knowledge 



IGO GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

on his part, of his coming pi'omotion. So far from this, it is 
evident that lie is quite unconscious of his coming honors. In 
one place he says, " General Pleasonton has been promoted to 
be a major-general. This will make me a captain again." The 
fact of his staff rank being relative to the rank of his com- 
mander, explains this passage, and shows that he had no higher 
aspirations at the time. 

Thus ended Custer's connection with the battle of Aldie. 
After he cut down the last rider who tried to stop him, he got 
off in safet}^, and on his way back captured the first man whom 
he had cut. The poor fellow was glad to surrender and be 
taken in. 

It turned out afterwards that the force with which Gregg's 
advance was thus engaged, was the extreme advance of Stuart's 
cavalry, pushing away from the rear of Lee's army to cross 
the Blue Ridge. Stuart's column was spread out and scattered 
over a large expanse of country, as also was Pleasonton's, and it 
took both of them four days more to concentrate their forces for 
the second and more decisive fight in the same vicinity, which 
took place at Upperville, some five miles from Aldie. At the 
time of the battle of Aldie, Colonel Duffie, a French officer on 
a two years' leave, who then commanded the First Rhode Island 
Cavalry, threw himself, with his regiment, two hundred and 
eighty strong, into the little town of Upperville, attacking the 
rear of the same brigade defeated by Kilpatrick, and putting 
more confusion into it. Unluckily, he found himself in the 
midst of all Stuart's advancing forces, and yet determined to 
hold on to the town, trusting to Pleasonton's advance to relieve 
him. He was ultimately completely surrounded, and cut his 
way out with only twenty-seven men, thus terminating that 
haphazard scrambling fight termed the battle of Aldie. 

For his part in determining the principal success of the day, 
as well as for liis past services, General Pleasonton sent in the 
name of Captain Custer, along with those of Colonel Kilpatrick, 
Captain Farnsworth, and Captain Merritt, to the President, for 



WINNING HIS STAR. 161 

promotion to the rank of Brigadier General. Colonel Duffie 
■was promoted at the same time. 

The force with which Kilpatrick was engaged, consisted of 
the First, Third, Fourth and Fifth Virginia Cavalry, with four 
guns. A hundred prisoners were taken and one flag. Custer's 
promotion sent him to Maryland, where he joined the Michigan 
Brigade he was soon to render so famous, at Hanover, Md. 
From henceforth the young staif officer, so suddenly trans- 
formed into a general, instead of carrying others' orders, was to 
issue his own, and to fight more or less independently, in that 
confused series of cavalry actions that preceded and followed 
the battle of Gettysburg. Here begins that public career of 
Custer, which was so soon to eclipse that of all the other cavalry 
leaders of the army, and which, by a combination of audacity, 
ability, and good luck, was to carry him to Appomattox Court 
H ouse. 

We have previously said that Custer's promotion was en- 
tirely unexpected by himself : the way in which he received it, 
illustrates this. That he felt, from the very beginning of his 
career, a conviction that he should win distinction in the war, 
and become a general officer, is undoubted. His hopes and 
aspirations on this point were so well defined, that he did not 
hesitate to speak of it to his brother officers, in the course of 
their many firelight talks. As was inevitable in those early 
days, he encountered a great deal of sarcasm and merciless ridi- 
cule on this point from his comrades, far more so than would 
have occurred later in the war, when every man who staid at 
tlie front was in grim earnest. In the enormous staffs fashion- 
able at that period, there were always to be found a few officers 
who did all the work, and a large residue of genteel idlers, 
whose highest ambition seemed to be to make the time pass 
pleasantly, and to do as little for their pay as they could. The 
same class of men, a few grades farther down, goes by the name 
of " malingerers " and " coffee- coolers," and indulges, when in 
camp, in the same general line of sarcasm towards those corn- 
11 



162 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

rades who do duty cheerfully and aspire to win promotion by 
good conduct. At that early period of the war, the regular 
routine of promotion had not become so rapid and certain as it 
afterwards became, and many advances were still due to favor. 

At all events, the incautious admission of Custer to some of 
his comrades, that he was " determined to be a general before 
the war was over," was received by many with ill-natured 
sneers, and was frequently made the occasion of severely sarcas- 
tic bantering. 

One evening, eleven days after Aldie, when Custer returned 
to headquarters, after a long ride, in which he had been post- 
ing the pickets of the entire corps for the night, he was greeted 
in the large tent, where the staff was wont to gather at night, 
by the salutations, " Hallo, general." " How are you, general ? " 
" Gentlemen, General Custer." " Why, general, I congratu- 
late you." " You're looking well, general." The greetings 
came from all quarters of the tent, where staff officers were 
lounging, smoking, chatting, laughing, telling stories. They 
impressed Custer as being merely a continuation of the usual 
ill-natured banter on the subject of his aspirations, and, further, 
as being carried a little too far. However, he had always been 
noted for his remarkable control over a hot and hasty temper, 
and he was not going to allow his comrades to laugh him out 
of it on this occasion. Still, it was with some bitterness that 
he answered, 

" You may laugh, boys. Laugh as long as you please, but 
I will be a general yet, for all your chaff". You see if I don't, 
that's all." 

He was greeted by a universal shout of laughter in answer. 
It seemed as if his tormentors were determined to irritate him 
into an explosion ; and they nearly succeeded ; for his blue 
eyes began to flash, and he looked round as if seeking some one 
on whom to fix a quarrel. His old friend Yates,* whom he 

* Afterwards brevet lieutenant colonel, and captain in the Seventh U. S. 
Cavalry, and one of the little band of heroes who fell with Custer. Yates 



WINNING HIS STAR. 163 

had been himself the means of putting on Pleasonton's staff, 
came to his relief with a few words. 

" Loolz on the table, old fellow. They're not chaffing ^ He 
pointed to the table in the tent, and there, in the midst, lay a 
large oflScial envelope, and on it was written, " Brigadier Gen- 
eral George A. Custer, U. S. Yols." 

The reaction was instantaneous, and the young fellow was 
completely overcome. A moment later, and all his old com- 
rades were gathered round him in real earnest, congratulating 
and shaking hands, while Custer, too much overpowered to 
speak, could only smile faintly, turn very pale, find his eyes 
full of tears, and sink down in a chair, feeling very much as if 
he was going to make a fool of himself and cry. However, he 
regained his self-control in a few moments, and was able to 
thank his comrades, who were really in earnest this time, and 
after a while was permitted to read the orders which accompa- 
nied his commission, and which directed him to report to 
General Pleasonton for instructions. 

Of the interview between Pleasonton and himself it is unne- 
cessary to speak. It was marked on the one side by great kind- 
ness and good sense. A few months later, Custer writes home 
about Pleasonton, " he has been more like a father to me than 
a general," and this was indeed the truth. There must, how- 
ever, have been something peculiarly magnetic about Custer to 
have attracted to himself, as he did, the enthusiastic affection 
of three men of such very different characters as his three 
successive commanders. McClellan, the polished scientific sol- 
dier, kind-hearted to a fault, slow, methodical and cautious ; 
Pleasonton, acrid, sarcastic, exacting, an excellent cavalry chief, 
but generally failing to attract any affection from his subordi- 
nates, a martinet in his discipline ; Sheridan, fiery, impetuous, 
untiring, remorseless in the amount of work he exacted from 
his troops ; all these three men loved, admired, and trusted 

wag an old Monroe friend of Custer, and it was at Custer's request that Pleas- 
onton appointed Yates on the staff, where he proved a valuable officer. 



164 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Custer entirely ; and it was nothing but the transcendent ability 
of his character that forced them to do so. Had McClellan re- 
mained in command and promoted Custer, it might have been 
said that favoritism and luck presided over his elevation. That 
a man like Pleasontou, who was notoriously hard to please, 
should have evinced so much trust in the abilities of a simple 
lieutenant, as to take the responsibility of urging his promotion 
to the command of a brigade, withont even the intermediate 
experience of a colonelcy, was the proudest of tributes to Cus- 
ter's real merit, for it must be remembered that he had not a 
single friend at court, and that his previous connection with 
McClellan's staff was at that time a positive disadvantage to 
him. It was the greatest misfortune of General McClellan that 
after his removal he was taken up, petted, and made a martyr 
of, for political purposes, by the party which at that time was, 
actively and passively, in sympathy with the rebellion, and in 
the minority hesides. This fact rendered all his friends objects 
of political and partisan dislike — of all dislikes the most bitter 
and unreasoning — to the members of the party in power. The 
very strength of the McClellan party made it the object of the 
more bitter animosity, the instincts of self-preservation being 
enlisted against it in the minds of all ardent Republicans. It 
became impossible to secure fair play for a known " McClellan 
man," however brave and capable. The bad example of some 
of the less capable of McClellan's partisans in high places had 
rendered the government suspicious of them, down to their 
humblest ranks, and not without much reason. 

Custer himself had experienced the evil effects of this feel- 
ing during the previous winter, when at Monroe, awaiting 
orders. During that period, backed by the earnest help of 
Judge Christiancy, now United States Senator from Michigan, 
and then a very influential member of the Union party, Custer 
applied to Governor Blair for the command of one of the cav- 
alry regiments then being fitted out by the State of Michigan 
for the war. The last of these regiments, the Seventh Cavalry, 



WINNING HIS STAR. 165 

was then only partly organized, two battalions leaving Grand 
Rapids, Michigan, in February, the rest in May. It was for this 
special regiment that Custer applied, without success, despite 
the influence of Judge Christiancy. The excuse made by Gov- 
ernor Blair was very plausible, and apparently convincing. It 
was that the commissions in the new regiments could only be 
given to those officers who were instrumental in raising them, 
and that it was not possible to depart from the rule, save in 
very exceptional cases. The governor promised, however, to 
remember Captain Custer's application, " the first vacancy that 
occurred," and with this promise Custer was obliged to be con- 
tent, well aware that, like all politicians' promises, it was a mere 
delusion, and that the real obstacle behind all, was the fact of 
his being a " McClellan man." 

This experience was one of those which occasioned the great 
bitterness of tone which marks his private letters about the 
time he first rejoined the Army of the Potomac. The man 
felt that he was unjustly treated, and that the holiest feelings 
of his nature, love and gratitude, had been made instrumental 
to his damage ; and he felt outraged. Only the advance of the 
season of hard work, and the activity which he enjoyed under 
Pleasonton, caused these feelings to fade away. It is probable 
too, that the creditable fight at Beverly Ford and the sharply 
fought action at Aldie, the latter culminating in victory, had 
aided to persuade him that there were as good generals left as 
McClellan, even if he would not admit it in public. 

ITow, his sudden elevation contributed to eradicate the last 
remains of bitterness from his mind, and Pleasonton put the 
final touch to the picture of happiness, when he announced that 
he had assigned the young general to the command of a brigade 
of troops from his adopted state, Michigan, comprising — 
mirabile dictu — the very regiment for the command of which 
Captain Custer had applied in vain, three months before, to 
Governor Blair. There let us leave him to join his command, 
all inexperienced and untried as he was. 



166 



GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 



It is rather curious in connection with what we have said 
before, that from the time of McClellan's fall to the end of his 
career, Custer always found himself directly opposed in politics 
to the party in power, he being a strong democrat. He was 
even opposed to Pleasonton, who, then and since, has always 
been identified with the republicans, and it was solely on his 
military record, then and after, that he gained all his many 
honors. He never received favors, only work. When any 
work was to do which no one else could do, Pleasonton first, 
and Sheridan afterwards, always set Custer to do it. Months 
after he gained the star, when he had won many battles and 
had had four or five horses shot under him in action, it be- 
came a question whether his commission should be confirmed in 
the Senate on account of his being a " McClellan man." Pleas- 
onton got him his promotion with the rest, because he wanted 
some one to do the work, and no one could do it so well as 
these young energetic officers. So it was all through the war 
and after. It seemed to be fated that he should always be an 
anti-administration man, getting all the hard knocks and little 
reward. What reward he had, he earned. The rest of his life 
will show how he earned it. 







FOURTH BOOK— THE MICHIGAN BRIGADE. 

CHAPTER I. 
THE GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. 

THE first fight at Aldie on the 16th June was succeeded by 
four days of skirmishing and scouting, during which 
Pleasonton united his two divisions under Gregg and Buford, 
and Stuart brought up such of his forces as he could get together. 
On the 19th, the brigade of Colonel Gregg, a brother of 
General Gregg, and that of Kilpatrick, had a second fight near 
Aldie, in which they again drove the enemy, this time into 
Middleburg ; and on the 21st, Pleasonton arriving, drove the 
enemy about eight miles further and took from them three 
guns and a lot of prisoners. So far as can be found, the Con- 
federate forces in this last battle were inferior in number to 
the National forces, but the results were none the less inspirit- 
ing to the cavalry. Three victories under an}^ circumstances 
were comforting, still more so to men who were depressed 
in spirit from the long succession of disasters that liad followed 
the Army of the Potomac. In tlie meantime, the greater part 
of Stuart's forces were already over the border, and it became 
necessary to follow them. The battles at the gap had prevented 
Lee from crossing his army at Poolesville, below Harper's 
Ferry, and he was compelled to cross above the latter place, 
at Hagerstown. The Union army followed by way of Pooles- 
ville, and when it arrived at Frederick, Md., Hooker was replaced 
by Meade, and the two armies concentrated at Gettysburg, 



168 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

The cavalry crossed the Potomac on the 25th June, and 
arrived at Frederick City next day. Here it was reorganized 
into the form in which it was afterwards to win such enduring 
fame, as the Cavahy Corps, Army of the Potomac. All the 
loose regiments were gathered up into brigades, forming the 
famous three divisions, which remained unaltered to the follow- 
ing spring. The First was commanded by John Buford, the 
Second by Gregg, while the Third, composed of the loose 
ends, was given to the just promoted hero of Aldie, General 
Kilpatrick. In his division appeared the Michigan brigade, 
assigned to Custer, who joined it on the 29th June at Hanover, 
Pennsylvania, as it went into camp. 

The next day the Gettysburg campaign commenced in 
earnest, and the country was full of roaming bodies of Union 
and Confederate cavalry hunting for each other. On this day 
Kilpatrick himself, with Farnsworth's brigade, was attacked by 
Stuart, with Wade Hampton's division, in right and rear, and 
for some time was pretty roughly handled. Custer's brigade 
had marched to Abbottsville, but, hearing the firing, returned 
and aided in repelling the enemy, who lost fifty men and a 
flag. Here Custer made his first appearance on a battle-field 
as a general officer, and surprised and captivated every one b}' 
his peculiar and picturesque appearance, thereafter to be indeli- 
bly associated with his name. 

When we remember the condition of the United States 
Army at that date with regard to uniform, it seems almost 
impossible to make out of such a dress anything handsome and 
showy. The fatigue uniform allowed was slouchy and untidy, 
the full regulation uniform the most hideous imaginable. The 
whole dress was the invention of John B. Floyd, a rebel general 
who, before the war, had been United States Secretary of War. 
Yet, keeping within the regulations, Custer managed to pro- 
duce one of the most brilliant and showy dresses out of this 
hideous uniform, and to fashion it so that no one could mistake 
his rank. 



THE GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. 1G9 

The regulation hat was a soft felt abomination, redolent of 
reminiscences of Praise-God Barebones and the Rump Parlia- 
ment. The crown cut down, the brim widened, it became, on 
Custer's head, the veritable headgear of Prince Rupert, a regu- 
lar cavalier hat, exactly suited to the long fair curls of the 
wearer. The custom of the service allowed a cavalry officer to 
wear a tight jacket, instead of a coat. Custer wore a loose one. 
Velveteen was growing not uncommon for trousers, on account 
of its strength. Custer had both jacket and trousers made of it, 
to give richness of effect. Officers were permitted to wear on 
the sleeves of their overcoats, certain stripes of black braid to 
indicate their rank, when epaulettes and shoulder-straps were 
hidden. Custer put the braids in gold lace on his jacket sleeves, 
till they covered him nearly to the shoulder. A blue shirt with 
a broad falling collar, bore on its corner the silver star of a 
brigadier, and high boots, into which the loose trousers were 
thrust, completed the costume. He looked as if he had just 
stepped out of one of Vandyke's pictures, the image of tho 
seventeenth century. 

Such an appearance was exactly calculated to attract atten- 
tion and \vonder, comment and sneer, or else the most enthu- 
siastic admiration. The boy general looked so pretty and 
effeminate, so unlike the stern realities of war, that he was cer- 
tain to be quizzed and ridiculed unmercifully, unless he could 
compel the whole army to respect him. There was envy 
enough about his sudden elevation, as it was. There were men 
in the cavalry corps who had been colonels when he was only a 
second lieutenant, and who had commanded brigades when he 
was only a staff captain. Jumped over the heads of all these 
men as he was, they cordially disliked him, and none would 
have been sorry to see him come to grief with his fine feathers. 
The very assumption of his peculiar and fantastic uniform, 
was a challenge to all the world to notice him. He must do 
something brilliant, to justify the freak. Imitating as he 
did the splendor of appearance of Murat, he must equal 



170 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

him in deeds, if he did not wish to be set down for a carpet 
knight. Long after, in private life Custer used to describe his 
novel sensations, and those apparently controlling his regi- 
mental commanders, when he first took command of the 
Michigan brigade. He had not had time to go to Washington 
and procure the brilliant dress which he so soon assumed 
and rendered famous. He came to the bi'igade headquarters 
almost alone, and the first thing he had to do was to assume 
command and announce his staff. All he took with him was 
his personal baggage, his boy Johnny, and two buglers from 
his old regiment, the Fifth U. S. Cavalry. He looked so 3'oung 
and boyish when he came in, that it is no wonder if he felt 
awkward. He concealed all this feeling, however, as effectu- 
ally as did N^apoleon, sixty-two years before, when taking 
command of the Army of Italy, almost as boyish and untried. 
He assumed an abrupt and distant manner at first, was curt 
and decided in his orders, and made himself felt as master 
from the first hour. But he was distinctly conscious all the 
time, that his subordinates disliked, suspected, and distrusted 
him. Grey-headed colonels came in to salute him with out- 
ward respect, but the stiff dignity of their manners convinced 
him that they were inwardly boiling over with disgust and 
anger at having this "boy," this " jDopinjay," this " aflected 
dandy," with his " girl's hair," his " swagger," and " West 
Point conceit" put "over men^ sir, men who had left their 
farms and business, men who could make their own living, sir, 
and asked no government a penny for their support, men old 
enough to be his father, and -who knew as much about real 
fighting, sir, as any epauletted government pensioner and West 
Point popinjay who was ever seen — too lazy to work for their 
living, and depending on government for support ! — hired 
mercenaries, by heavens, good for nothing along side of the 
noble volunteers." 

A good deal of this sort of thing was indulged in, that 
night, round the camp fires, and groups of imte officers poured 



THE GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. 171 

forth their indignation in no measured terms. They were not 
aware that Pleasonton's recommendation of the three or four 
" boys " for high command was based on the fact that he found 
himself unable to get any sharp and effective work out of the 
elderly and over cautious colonels and generals in command of 
his divisions and brigades, in whom experience was the only 
military merit apparent to the eye, and who were so cautious 
and safe that there was no getting a hard fight out of them. 
In recommending Custer, Merritt, and Farnsworth for high 
station, Pleasonton imperiled his own future. All these three 
were young and untried officers, only known to himself. Kil- 
patrick and Duffie M^ere different, both having commanded 
regiments and brigades. Strange to say, however, they were 
the very men who least justified their promotion in after days, 
both being excessively rash. Kilpatrick soon gained the unen- 
viable sobriquet of " Kill cavalry," in spite of his really brilliant 
talents for getting out of scrapes as well as into them ; and 
Duffie worked his division so hard and neglected its horses 
to such an extent, that Sheridan was obliged to break it up 
and dismount the men, the next year. Custer, Merritt, and 
Farnsworth did nobly. The career of the last named was cut 
short within a week by death, but he left behind him the 
memory of a gallant and perfect cavalry general. What 
Custer did we shall soon hear. 

The first day, or rather night, (for he joined the brigade in 
the evening,) was passed in detailing a staff, which Custer did 
from the brigade itself, not going outside for a man. He selected 
his old Monroe acquaintances, where he could find them, and at 
once set them to work. He was compelled to be cold and dis- 
tant in his manner to the colonels at first, as Napoleon was, and 
for the same reason, otherwise " I should soon have had them 
clapping me on the back and giving me advice." He could see 
that they envied him, and felt disposed to hate him, but he 
trusted confidently to the opportunity of the first battle to 
change all their opinions. That opportunity came very soon. 



172 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

One thing that made the Michiganders dislike their boy 
general on his very first night, was the excessive severity of 
discipline, as they tliought it, which he at once inaugurated. 
They came from the loosest of schools, that of volunteer regi- 
ments, scattered over a peaceful country, oflScers without any of 
those traditions of the service that are second nature to a regu- 
lar. All those little vexatious rules, apparently so trifling, 
which are enforced in a regular cavalry regiment, as matters of 
habit, were unknown to them, and Custer enforced every one 
from the first. It was made a rigid rule from his first entrance 
that not a stable call should pass in a single company in the 
brigade, without the attendance of a commissioned officer to 
superintend the cleaning of the horses, and there is nothing the 
average cavalry officer abominates so utterly as stable duty. 
The sergeants were no longer left alone in their glory at reveille 
roll-call, but the officers liad to turn out. The baggage of regi- 
ments was curtailed, officers were brought up with a round turn 
for the slightest neglect of regulations, the salute was rigidly 
enforced, the new general went riding along from camp to 
camp, finding fiiult in his sharp quick way, and adding every 
moment to his unpopularity. All this on the very day after he 
assumed command, and when the brigade was still lying in 
camp. How the angry officers and men cursed these " new- 
fangled West Point notions," and made up their minds to hate 
their boy general, when the}^ received orders to start next morn- 
ing toward Gettysburg. That day, however, witnessed a change 
in their relations. 

It was the first of July, 1863. The infantry was already 
hard at work at Gettysburg, fighting Lee. The Thii-d Cavalry 
division, Kilpatrick's, was moving from Hanover toward Gettys- 
burg, Custer's brigade in the advance. Custer had already 
been an hour on tlie road, when Wade Hampton's rebel cavalry 
attacked Kilpatrick in the rear, just as Farnsworth's brigade 
was moving out, and charged him ferociously. For some time 
the fate of the battle was very doubtful, till Custer, hearing the 
tiring, halted his column, faced it about and trotted up, put- 



THE GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. 173 

ting in his own men with such judgment that the Michigan- 
ders were compelled to own that the boy understood his busi- 
ness. There was, however, no severe fighting that day after 
they arrived, and the grumblers were not yet silenced. 

The next day, July 2d, Kilpatrick moved on a place called 
Hunterstown, near Gettysburg, on the prolongation of Meade's 
position. The battle of Gettysburg was now in full progress, 
and the cavalry on each side was feeling its way toward the 
flanks of its own army. The division arrived at HunterstoM^n 
at four in the afternoon, when the very fiercest battle was in 
progress a few miles off", between Sickles and Longstreet. 
Kilpatrick ordered in Custer's and Farnsworth's brigades, the 
first on the left, the second on the right of the road leading to 
Gettysburg, to attack Stuart's cavalry, (again "Wade Hampton's 
division) which barred the way. 

IN^ow was Custer's time. He ordered out Co. A. Sixth Michi- 
gan for a mounted charge, and deployed two more companies 
of the same regiment on foot in a wheat field at the side of the 
road, so as to rake it with their fire. At the end of the road 
could be seen a party of the enemy, apparently a squadron. 
Capt. Thompson commanded Co. A. All was ready, and 
Thompson was preparing to charge, when to every one's sur- 
prise, the boy general flashed out his long Toledo blade, mo- 
tioned his staff to keep back, and dashed out in front of Co. A. 
with the careless laughing remark, 

" I'll lead you this time, boys. Come on ! " 

Then away he went down the road at a gallop, his broad 
white hat on the back of his head, while the men raised a short 
yell of delight and followed him, Down the road in a perfect 
cloud of blinding dust went the boy general in front of that 
single company and the next moment they were into the midst 
of the enemy, only to find they had struck a very superior force. 
They were received with a rattling fire of carbines, more effica- 
cious than common, and the next moment down went the gen- 
eral, horse and all, in the road, the animal shot stone dead. 

The enemy raised a yell, and came rushing on. Thompson 



174 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

was shot down, mortally wounded, and a man rode at Custer, who 
was struggling up from his dead horse. The Michiganders 
were demoralized and turned, all but one boj named Churchill, 
who was near the general. He shot down Custer's assailant, took 
up the general on his horse, and started back with him. They 
had not far to go, for the dismounted men were already nearly 
up to them, running and firing with the dash and vim peculiar 
to dismounted cavalry. Pennington's and Elder's batteries in 
the rear were both beginning to pitch shells into the rebels, and. 
the end of the affair was that the exulting enemy was repulsed. 

But the Michiganders had learned one lesson, that their 
" popinjay," their " boy general," was not afraid to fight like 
a private soldier, and they began to feel a little more in the 
humor to follow him, which they did that very night to join 
the main army at Two Taverns, on the right of Meade's posi- 
tion a? Gettysburg. 

At Two Taverns, Custer arrived with Kilpatrick, on the 
morning of July 3d ; and from henceforth he shall tell his own 
story, as embodied in his report, made subsequent to the battle. 
Omitting the preamble, we come at once to the narrative, writ- ' 
ten in the same graphic and picturesque style which marks all 
his reports and orders, and which makes them such interesting 
reading. As, with his usual personal modesty, he omits men- 
tion of his own exploits, we shall supplement the report with 
the account of an eye-witness present at the time. 

In his report of the battle General Custer says : At an early 
hour on the morning of the 3d, I received an order, through 
a staff-officer of the Brigadier-General commanding the division, 
to move at once my command, and follow the First brigade on 
the road leading from Two Taverns to Gettysburg. Agreea- 
bly to the above instructions, my column was formed and moved 
out on the road designated, when a staff officer of Brigadier- 
General Gregg, commanding Second division, ordered me to 
take my command and place it in position on the pike leading 
from York to Gettysburg, which position formed the extreme 
right of our battle on that day. Upon arriving at the point 



THE GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. 175 

designated, I immediately placed my command in position, 
facing toward Gettysburg. At the same time I caused recon- 
noissances to be made on my front, right, and rear, but failed 
to discover any considerable force of the enemy. Everything 
remained quiet till 10 a. m., when the enemy appeared on my 
right flank and opened upoTi me with a battery of six guns. 
Leaving two guns and a regiment to hold my first position and 
cover the road leading to Gettysburg, I shifted the remaining 
portion of my command, forming a new line of battle at right 
angles to my former line. The enemy had obtained correct 
range of my new position, and were pouring solid shot and shell 
into my command with great accuracy. Placing two sections 
of Battery M, Second (regular) Artillery, in position, I ordered 
them to silence the enemy's battery, which order, notwithstand- 
ing the superiority of the enemy's position, was successfully 
accomplished in a very short space of time. My line, as it then 
existed, was shaped like the letter L, the shorter branch formed 
of the section of Battery M, supported by four squadrons of the 
Sixth Michigan cavalry, faced toward Gettysburg, covering 
Gettysburg pike; the long branch composed of the remaining 
two sections of Battery IST, Second Artillery, supported by a por- 
tion of the Sixth Michigan cavalry on the right, while the 
Seventh Michigan cavalry, still further to the right and in ad- 
vance, was held in readiness to repel any attack the enemy 
might make, coming on the Oxford road. The Fifth Michigan 
cavalry w^as dismounted, and ordered to take position in front 
of my centre and left. The First Michigan cavalry was held in 
column of squadrons to observe the movements of the enem3\ 
I ordered fifty men to be sent one mile and a half on the Oxford 
road, while a detachment of equal size was sent one mile and a 
half on the road leading from Gettysburg to York, both de- 
tachments being under the command of the gallant Major 
"Webber, who from time to time kept me so %vell informed of 
the movements of the enemy that I was enabled to make my 
dispositions with complete success. At 12 o'clock an order 



176 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

was transmitted to me from tlie Brigadier-General commanding 
the division, by one of his aids, directing me, upon being 
relieved b}^ a brigade from the Second Division, to move with 
my command and form a junction with the First brigade on 
the extreme left. On the arrival of the brigade of the Second 
Division, commanded by Colonel Mcintosh, I prepared to exe- 
cute the order. Before I liad left my position, Brigadier-Gen- 
eral Gregg, commanding the Second Division, arrived with his 
entire command. Learning the true condition of aifairs on my 
front, and rightly conjecturing that the enemy was making his 
dispositions for attacking our position, Brigadier-General Gregg 
ordered me to remain in the position I then occupied. 

The enemy was soon after reported to be advancing on my 
front. The detachment of fifty men sent on the Oxford road 
were driven in, and at the same time the enemy's line of skir- 
mishers, consisting of dismounted cavalry, appeared on the crest 
of the ridge of hills on my front. The line extended beyond 
my left. To repel their advance, I ordered the Fifth cavalry 
to a more advanced position, with instructions to maintain their 
ground at all hazards. Colonel Alger, commanding the Fifth, 
assisted by Majors Trowbridge and Ferry j of the same regi- 
ment, made such admirable disposition of their men behind 
fences and other defences, as enabled them to successfully repel 
the repeated advances of a greatly superior force. I attributed 
their success in a great measure to the fact that this regiment 
is armed with the Spencer repeating rifle, which, in the hands 
.of brave, determined men, like those composing the Fifth 
Michigan cavalry, is in my estimation, the most effective fire- 
arm that our cavalry can adopt. Colonel Alger held his ground 
until his men had exhausted their ammunition, when he was 
compelled to fall back on the main body. The beginning of 
this movement was the signal for the enemy to charge, which 
they did with two regiments, mounted and dismounted. I at 
once ordered the Seventh Michigan cavalry, Colonel Mann, to 
charge the advancing column of the enemy. The ground over 



THE GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. 1Y7 

which we had to pass was very unfavorable for the manoeuver- 
ing of cavalry, but despite all obstacles this regiment advanced 
boldly to the assault, which was executed in splendid style, the 
enemy being driven from field to field, until our advance 
reached a high and unbroken fence, behind which the enemy 
were strongly posted. Nothing daunted. Colonel Mann, fol- 
lowed by the main body of his regiment, bravely rode up to the 
fence, and discharged their revolvers in the very face of the foe. 
'No troops could have maintained this position ; the Seventh 
was, therefore, compelled to retire, followed by twice the num- 
ber of the enemy. 

By this time Colonel Alger of the Fifth Michigan cavalry 
had succeeded in mounting a considerable portion of his regiment, 
and gallantly advanced to the assistance of the Seventh, whose 
further pursuit by the enemy he checked. At the same time 
an entire brigade of the enemy's cavalry, consisting of four 
regiments, appeared just over the crest in our front. They 
were formed in columns of regiments. To meet this over- 
whelming force 1 had but one available regiment, the First 
Michigan cavalry, and the fire of Battery M. Second Eegular 
Artillery. I at once ordered the First to charge, but learned at 
the same moment that similar orders had been given by Bi'iga- 
dier- General Gregg. As before stated, the First was formed in 
column of battalions. Upon receiving the order to charge. Colo- 
nel Town,, placing himself at the head of his command, ordered 
the " trot" and sabres to be drawn. In this manner this gal- 
lant body of men advanced to the attack of a force outnumber- 
ing them five to one. In addition to this numerical superiority 
the enemy had the advantage of position, and were exultant 
over the repulse of the Seventh Michigan cavalry. All these 
facts considered would seem to render success on the part of the 
First impossible. Not so, however. Arriving within a few 
yards of the enemy's column, the charge was ordered, and with 
a yell that spread terror before them, the First Michigan cavalry, 
led by Colonel Town, rode upon the front rank of the enemy, 
12 



1T8 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

sabring all who came within reach. For a moment, but only a 
moment, that long, lieavy column stood its ground ; then, un- 
able to withstand the impetuosity of our attack, it gave way 
in a disorderly rout, leaving vast numbers of dead and wounded 
in our possession, while tlie First, being masters of the field, 
had the proud satisfaction of seeing the much-vaunted chiv- 
alry, led by their favorite commander, seek safety in headlong 
flight. I cannot find language to express my high appreciation 
of tlie gallantry and daring displayed by the officers and men of 
the First Michigan cavalry. They advanced to the charge of a 
vastly superior force with as much order and precision as if 
going upon parade ; and I challenge the annals of warfare to 
produce a more brilliant or successful charge of cavalry than the 
one just recounted. Nor must I forget to acknowledge the inval- 
uable assistance rendered by Battery M, Second Regiment of 
Artillery, in this charge. Our success in driving the enemy 
from the field, is due, in a great measure, to the highly efficient 
manner in which the battery was handled by Lieutenant A. 0. 
M. Pennington, assisted by Lieutenants Clark, Woodruff', and 
Hamilton. The enemy made but slight demonstrations against 
us during the remainder of the day, except in one instance he 
attempted to turn my left flank, which attempt was most gal- 
lantly met and successfully frustrated by Second Lieutenant J. 
H. Kellogg, with company H. Sixth Michigan cavalry. We 
held possession of the field until dark, during which time we 
collected our dead and wounded. At dark I returned with my 
command to Two Taverns, where I encamped for the night. 

In this engagement my command lost in killed, wounded 
and missing, a total of five hundred and forty-two. Among the 
killed I regret to record the name of Major N. H. Ferry of the 
Fifth Michigan cavalry, who fell while heroically cheering on 
his men. It would be impossible for me to particularize those 
instances deserving especial mention ; all, both men and officers, 
did their duty. There were many cases of personal heroism, 
but a list of their names would make my report too extended. 



THE GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. 179 

To Colonel Town, commanding the First Michigan cavalry, and 
to the officers and men of his regiment, for the gallant manner 
in which thej drove the enemy from the field, great praise is due. 
Colonel Mann of the Seventh Michigan cavalry, and Colonel 
Alger, of the Fifth Michigan cavalry, as well as the officers of 
their commands, are entitled to much credit for their united 
efforts in repelling the advance of the enemy. The Sixth 
Michigan cavalry rendered good service by guarding both my 
right and left flank ; also by supporting Battery M, under a 
very hot fire from the enemy's battery. Colonel Gray, com- 
manding the regiment, was constantly seen wherever his pres- 
ence M-as most needed, and is deserving of special mention. I 
desire to commend to your favorable notice Lieutenants Pen- 
nington, Clark, Woodruff, and Hamilton of Battery M, Sec- 
ond Artillery, for the zeal and ability displayed by each on 
this occasion. My tlianks are personally due to the following 
named members of my staff", who on many occasions exhibited 
remarkable gallantry in transmitting and executing my orders 
on the field: Captain G. A. Drew, Sixth Michigan cavalry, 
Assistant Inspector General, First Lieutenant R. Baylis, Fifth 
Michigan cavalry. Acting Assistant Adjutant-General, First 
Lieutenant William H. Wheeler, First Michigan cavalry, A. D. 
C. First Lieutenant William Colerick, First Michigan cavalry, 
A. D. C. I desire also to mention two of my buglers, Joseph 
Fought, company D, Fifth U. S. Cavalry, and Peter Boehn, 
company B, Fifth U. S. cavalry ; also Orderlies Norval Church- 
ill, company L. First Michigan cavalry, George L. Foster, 
company C, First Michigan cavalry, and Benjamin H. Butler, 
company M, First Michigan cavalry. 

Respectfully submitted, 

G. A. Custer, 
Brigadier-General Commanding Second Brigade." 
Jacob L. Greene, 

Assistant Adjutant-General. 



ISO GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

The charge of the First Michigan at Gettysburg is described 
by an eye-witness as something magnilicent, and yet the one 
thing that gave it weight is not mentioned in Custer's report. 
We have seen how, the previous day, the general had charged 
at the head of a single company, sok^ly for the purpose of en- 
couraging his men and to win their respect and affection. At 
Gettysburg he completed his victory over the brigade by the 
manner in which he led the second charge in which he partici- 
pated with his men. When that single regiment, in column of 
squadrons, moved forward to the attack, every man knew that it 
was the last reserve and had started on an almost hopeless task. 
Nothing but the sight of the young general at their head 
sharing their dangers could have inspired them to such an ef- 
fort, and it w'as the magnificent spectacle of his gallant and 
knightly figure, far in the van, that nerved every arm in that 
column. Hating him at Hanover, they began to respect him 
at Hunterstown ; after Gettysburg they adored him. 

The result of this attack was that Hampton's cavalry was 
driven back, the infantry ordered up to support it, the whole 
ammunition train of Lee threatened, and much of the vigor of 
the assault on the Union right paralyzed. Meanwhile Buford, 
on the other flank of the army, had prevented an equally dan- 
gerous turning movement in that direction, and the battle ot 
Gettysburg had been won. 




^mj^^^ 



CHAPTER II. 
AFTER GETTYSBURG. 

IN giving an account of the cavalrj movements which fol- 
lowed the battle of Gettj^sbnrg, we are indebted largely to 
the spirited narrative of Mr. E. A. Paul, then correspondent of 
the New York Times, who accompanied Kilpatrick's division 
throughout the expedition. Those portions which relate to 
Custer are especially interesting. It must be remembered that 
the young general was then entirely unknown to the public, 
but these letters opened people's eyes. At the same time they 
marked the brilliant commencement of that career which hence- 
forth never knew a serious disaster. At Gettysburg he began 
by charging whenever he had a ghost of a chance, and he con- 
tinued in the same way. 

Saturday morning, July 4th, according to Mr. Paul, it 
became known that the enemy was in full retreat, and General 
Kilpatrick moved on to destroy his train and harass his column. 
A heavy rain fell all day, and the travelling was anything but 
agreeable. The division arrived at Enmietsburg about mid- 
day, during a severe storm. After a short halt, the column 
moved forward again, and at Fountaindale, just at dark, com- 
menced ascending the mountain. Imagine a long column of 
cavalry winding its way np a mountain, on a road dug out of 
the mountain side, which sloped at an angle of thirty degrees — 
just wide enough for four horses to walk abreast. On one side 
a deep abyss, and on the other an impassable barrier, in the 
shape of a steep embankment ; the hour 10 o'clock at night, a 
drizzling rain falling, the sky overcast, and so dark as literally 



182 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

not to be able to see one's own hand if placed within a foot of 
the organs of \'ision. The whole command, both men and 
animals, were worn out with fatigue and loss of sleep. Then 
imagine that, just as the head of this tired, hungry and sleepy 
column nears the crest of the mountain, a piece of cannon 
belclies forth lire and smoke and destructive missiles directly in 
front. Imagine all this, and a little more, and the reader can 
then form some idea of what occurred to General Kilpatrick's 
command on Saturday night, July 4th, 1863, as it ascended 
the mountain to the Monterey Gap, and so across to Waterloo 
on the western slope. The column commenced to ascend at 
about dark, and arrived at the Monterey House, at the top, 
between nine and ten o'clock. The enemy had planted a piece 
of artillery near this spot, so as to command the road, and also 
had sharp-shooters on the flanks. It was intended to make a 
strong defence here, as one half-mile beyond, Lee's train was 
crossing the mountain on the Gettysburg and Hagerstown pike. 
The Fifth Michigan Cavalry was in advance, and although on 
the lookout for just such an occurrence, it startled the whole 
column. A volley of musketry was fired by a concealed force 
at the same time at the head of the column ; the first squadron 
of the Fifth broke, fell back upon the second and broke that, 
but there was no such thing as running back a great way on 
that road. It was jammed with men and horses. 

The broken squadron immediately rallied, skii-mishers were 
posted on the most available points, the First Yirginia, Major 
Copeland, was ordered to the front, and upon arriving there 
was ordered to charge. Charge they did, at a rapid gait, down 
the mountain side into the inky darkness before them, accom- 
panied by a detachment of the First Ohio, Captain Jones. 
As anticipated, the train was struck, in rear of the centre, at 
the crossing, just "one half mile west of the Monterey House. 
A volley was fired just as the train was reached. " Do you 
surrender?" "Yes," was the response, and on tlie First Vir- 
ginia dashed to Ringgold, ordering the cowed and frightened 



AFTER GETTYSBURG. 183 

train-guard to surrender, as they swept along for eight miles, 
when the head of the train was reached. Here the two hun- 
dred men who started on the charge had been reduced to twenty- 
five, and seizing upon a good position, the rebels made a stand. 
As the force in front could not be seen, Major Copeland decided 
not to proceed further, but to await daylight and reinforcements. 
Both came, and the enemy fled. Arriving at Gettysburg pike, 
the Eigliteenth Pennsylvania was placed here as a guard, and 
a barricade was hastily thrown up, No sooner was tliis done, 
than cavalry was heard charging down the road. " Who comes 
there ! " calls the officer in charge at the barricade. " Tenth 

Virginia Cavalry," was the reply. To with your Tenth 

Virginia Cavalry, and the squadron fire a volley into the 
darkness. That was the last heard of the Tenth Virginia 
cavalry that night, until numbers of the regiment came strag- 
gling in and gave themselves up, prisoners of war. Other 
rebel cavalry moved up and down the road upon which the 
train was standing, and some most amusing scenes occurred. 
The train belonged to Ewell's division, and had in it also 
a large number of private carriages and teams, containing 
officers' baggage. Four regiments were doing guard duty, 
but as the}' judged of the future by the past, they supposed 
our army would rest two or three months after winning a 
battle, magnanimously permitting the defeated enemy to get 
away his stores and ordnance and have a little time to recruit. 
Therefore the attack was a complete surprise. A thunder- 
storm was prevailing at the time, and the attack was so entirely 
unexpected that there was a general panic among both guard 
and teamsters. The howling of the storm, the rushing of water 
down the mountain-side, and the roaring of wind, altogether 
were certainly enough in that wild spot, to test the nerves of 
the strongest. But when is added to this a volley of pistol 
and carbine shots occasionally, a slap on the back with the flat 
of a sword, and a hoarse voice giving the unfortunate wight 
the choice of surreuderinff or beine: shot, then add to this the 



184 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

fearful jells and imprecations of the men, wild with excitement, 
all made up a scene certainly never excelled before in the 
re<^ions of fancy. Two rebel captains, two hours after the 
train had been captured, came up to one of the reserve com- 
mands and wanted to know "what regiment that was" — sup- 
posing it belonged to their own column. They discovered 
their mistake when Lieutenant Whittaker, of General Kilpat- 
rick's staff, presented a pistol and advised them to give up their 
arms. Several other officers, who might easily have escaped, 
came in voluntarily and gave themselves up. 

Under so good subjection were the enemy, that there was 
no necessity of making any change in teamsters or drivers, 
they voluntarily continuing right on in Uncle Sam's service, 
as they had been in the Confederate service, until it was con- 
venient to relieve them. At first, the prisoners were corralled 
near the Monterey House. When the number had got to be 
large, the}^ were driven down the mountain toward Waterloo. 
A gang started off in this direction about midnight. It was 
not prudent to wait until morning, for daylight might bring 
with it a retreating column of the enemy, and then all the 
prisoners would have been recaptured ; finallj^, when near the 
Gettysburg road crossing, a band of straggling rebels happened 
to fire into the head of the party from a spur of the mountain 
overlooking the road. Here was another panic, which alike 
affected guards and prisoners. The rain was falling in torrents, 
and the whole party, neither one knowing who this or the 
other was, rushed under the friendly shelter of a clump of trees. 
All of those prisoners might have, at that time, escaped. Hun- 
dreds did escape before daylight dawned. 

The head of the column reached Ringgold at about day- 
light — the whole command, horses as M^ell as men, tired, hun- 
gry, sleepy, wet, and covered with mud. Men and animals 
yielded to the demands of exhausted nature, and the column 
had not been halted many minutes before all fell asleep where 
they stood. Under the friendly protection of the dripping 



AFTER GETTYSBURG. 185 

eaves of a chapel, a gay and gallant brigadier could have been 
seen, enjoying in the mud one of those sound sleeps only 
obtained through fatigue, his long golden locks matted with 
the soil of Pennsylvania. Near him in the mud, lay a dandy- 
ish adjutant, equally oblivious of the toilet, upon which he 
generally bestowed so much attention. Under a fence near at 
hand is reclining a well-got-up major, whose stylish appearance 
and regular features have turned the heads of many fair dam- 
sels on Chestnut street ; here a chaplain, there a trooper, a 
Commanding General, aids, orderlies, and servants, for the 
nonce, meet on a level. The faithful trooper lies by his horse, 
between whom and himself there seems to exist an indescribable 
community of feeling. Two hours are thus passed in sleep — 
the provost-guard only on duty — when word is passed that 
"the column has all closed up," which is the signal to move 
on again. The indefatigable Estes shakes himself, and proceeds 
to shake the Commanding General, to let him know that the 
object for which the halt was made had been accomplished ; 
that it is time to move. Five minutes more, all are in the sad- 
dle again, and marching for Smithsburg. A body of armed 
men, mailed in mud ! What a picture. Smithsburg was 
reached by 9 o'clock a. m. The reception met with there made 
all forget the trials of the night — made them forget even 
their fatigue. It was Sunday. The sun shone forth brightly, 
young girls lined the street-sides, singing patriotic songs ; the 
General was showered with flowers, and the General and troops 
were cheered until reechoed by the mountain side; young ladies 
and matrons assailed the column with words of welcome and 
large plates heaped up with pyramids of white bread, spread 
with jelly and butter, inviting all to partake. AVhile the 
young sang, the old shed tears and wrung the hands of those 
nearest to them. The little town was overflowing with patriot- 
ism and thankfulness at the arrival of their preservers. While 
these things were detaining the column, the band struck up 
" Hail Columbia," followed by the " Star-Spangled Banner." 



1S6 GENERAL GEORGE A, CUSTER. 

Many eyes, unused to tears, were wet then. The kind recep- 
tion met with here did the command more good than a week's 
rest. Even the horses, faithful animals, seemed to be revived 
by the patriotic demonstration. Ko one who participated in 
the raid of Saturday night, July 4th, 1863, can ever forget 
the reception met with in Smithsburg. It was like an oasis 
in the desert — a green spot in the soldier's life. 

Early on Monday, July 6th, General Kilpatrick, hearing 
that the enemy had a train near Hagerstown, moved upon that 
place. The enemy's pickets were met near the edge of the 
town. 

It was 4 o'clock p. m., when General Kilpatrick, with the 
main column, reached the crest of the hill overlooking Williams- 
port, on the Boonsboro' pike. General Buford's command had 
been engaged with the enemy two or three miles to the left, for 
two or more hours ; Major Medill, of the Eighth Illinois, had 
already fallen mortally wounded. Two pieces of Pennington's 
battery were placed on the brow of the hill to the right of the 
pike, and the other pieces to the left. A squadron of Fifth 
Michiganders had previously charged down the pike, driving 
in the enemy's pickets and a battalion which occupied an 
advanced position. The First Michigan, Colonel Town, was 
deployed as skirmishers to the right, and ordered to drive the 
enemy from a brick house a little in advance, and to the right 
of the artillery. Several unsuccessful attempts were made to 
obey this order ; but before it could be done, the brisk tiring 
of the rear-guard warned the commanding general that his force 
occupied a dangerous position. Never was a command in a 
more critical situation ; never before was a man cooler, or did 
one display more real generalship than General Kilpatrick on 
this occasion. Tapping his boot with his whip, and peering in 
the direction of the rapidly approaching rear-guard, he saw it 
falling back, apparently in some disorder. Not a moment was 
to be lost ; inaction or indecision would have proved fatal, and 
the moral effect of a successful campaign destroyed in an hour. 



AFTER GETTYSBURG. 187 

Fortunately, General Kilpatrick was cool and defiant, and felt 
the responsibility resting upon him. This made him master of 
the situation, and by a dashing movement, saved the cavalry 
corps from disaster. Seeing his rear-guard falling back, he 
bethought himself of what force could be withdrawn from the 
front in safety. The enemy w^ere pressing his front and rear — 
the crisis had arrived ; he ordered the Second Kew York 
(Harris's Light) to charge upon the exultant foe, then coming 
like an avalanche upon his rear. N'obly did this band of heroes 
perform their task. They fell into the breach with a yell, and, 
sword in hand, drove back the enemy, relieving the exhausted 
rear-guard, and holding the enemy in clieck until the whole 
command was disposed of, so as to fall back, which they did in 
good order, fighting as they went. For three miles, over one 
of the worst roads ever travelled by man, was this retreat con- 
ducted, when the enemy, dispirited at their want of success in 
surrounding and captui'ing the whole command, halted, and 
the cavalry corps went into camp, men and officers, exhausted 
from the labors of the day, falling asleep on the spot where 
the}' halted. Colonel Devin's brigade, of General Buford's 
command, had relieved the rear-guard, and were harassed by 
the enemy all night. 

Tuesday morning, July 7th, the cavalry force moved back 
to Boonsboro', the enemy following the rear-guard, and at 
intervals there was brisk skirmishing between General Buford's 
command and the enemy. The same was true of the night. 
The Sixth Cavahy, (regulars,) under Captain Chafiant, made 
a reconnoissance at night and had a brisk fight, in which they 
lost eight or nine men. Wednesday morning there were indi- 
cations that the enemy were present in large force, and by ten 
o'clock the " fandango " opened in real earnest, in which both 
Buford's and Kilpatrick's troops participated. Tlie enemy 
were forced back to Antietam Creek. Thursday the fight was 
renewed, and again on Friday, when Fnnktown was occupied. 
Saturday the enemy was again forced back, and on Saturday 



188 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

General Kilpatrick's command again moved upon ITagers- 
town. 

After fighting for an hour, the town was fully occupied, 
and the enemy fell back to the crest of the hill, one and a half 
miles west of the town. 

The streets picketed by the enemy were barricaded, and the 
troops were disposed of outside the town so as to resist an attack. 
In clearing the outskirts of the town for skirmishers, the One Hun- 
dred and Fifty-seventh New York Infantry, of General Ames's 
brigade, (Eleventh corps,) rendered material assistance. Upou 
entering the town, the hearts of our troops were made glad by 
finding between thirty and forty Union soldiers, who had been 
missing since the Monday before, a majority of whom were 
supposed to be dead. A few were wounded ; all had been con- 
cealed by citizens, and had been treated well. Captain Snyder, 
reported killed, was found wounded at the Franklin Hotel, 
carefully attended by a bevy of lovely damsels. 

General Kilpatrick was much annoyed at the restraint he 
was under all day Monday and Tuesday ; he desired to move 
on, believing that the enemy, while making a show of force, 
was crossing the river. This subsequently proved to be true. 
Had the army advanced on Tuesday morning, Lee's whole army 
would either have been captured or dispersed. When, on 
Wednesday morning, an advance was made without orders the 
fact was ascertained that the enemy had conniienced tailing 
back when the attack was made, the day before, the enemy 
believing that it was the initiatory movement of a general ad- 
vance. Such was the panic among the rebel troo])s, that they 
abandoned wagons, ammunition, tents, arms, and even provis- 
ions. Hundreds of rebels, fearing Kilpatrick's men, fled to the 
right and left to avoid their charges, and subsequently surrender- 
ed themselves. One strapping fellow surrendered to a little bu- 
gler, who is attached to General Caster's brigade. As he passed 
down the line escorting his prisoner, a Colt's revolver in hand, 
he called out : " I say, boys, what do you think of this fellow ?" 



AFTER GETTYSBURG. 189 

" This fellow " looked as if he felt very mean, and expected he 
would be shot by his captor every moment for feeling so. All 
along the road to "VVilliamsport, prisoners were captured, and 
their rear-guard was fairly driven into the river. The Fifth 
Michigan charged into the town, and captured a large number 
of soldiers, as they were attempting to ford the river. From 
thirty to fifty of the rebels were drowned while attempting to 
cross ; twenty-five or thirty wagons and a hirge number of 
horses and mules were washed away, A regiment of cavalry 
was drawn up on the opposite bank, but a few of " Pennington's 
pills " caused them to skedaddle. They fired a few shells in re- 
turn, but no harm was done. 

Hearing that a force had marched toward Falling Waters, 
General Kilpatrick ordered an advance to that place. Through 
some mistake, only one brigade, that of General Custer, obeyed 
the order. "When within less than a mile of Falling Waters, 
four brigades were found in line of battle, in a very strong 
position, and behind half a dozen crescent-shaped earth-walls. 
The Sixth Michigan Cavalry was in advance. They did not 
wait for orders, but a squadron — companies D and C, undei 
Captain Koyce (who was killed) and Captain Armstrong — were 
deployed as skirmishers, while companies B and F, led by 
Major Weaver, (who was killed) made the charge. The line 
of skirmishers was forced back several times, but the men 
rallied promptly, and finally drove the enemy behind the works. 
A charge was then made, the squadron passing between the 
earth-works. So sudden and spirited was the dash, and so de- 
moralized were the enemy, that the First Brigade surrendered 
without firing a shot. The charging squadron moved directly 
on, and engaged the Second Brigade, when the brigade that had 
surrendered seized their guns, and then commenced a fearful 
struggle. Of the one hundred who made this charge, only 
thirty escaped iminjured. Seven of their horses lay dead within 
the enemy's works. Twelve hundred prisoners were hei*e cap- 
tured, and the ground was strewn with dead and wounded 



190 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

rebels. Among the killed was Major-General Pettigrew, of 
South Carolina. A. P. Hill was seated, smoking a pipe, when 
the attack commenced ; it came so suddenly that he threw the 
pipe away, mounted his horse, and crossed the river as speedily 
as possible. 

Three battle-flags were captured, two of them covered with 
the names of battles in which the regiments owning them had 
been engaged. Prisoners were captured all along the road be- 
tween Williamsport and Falling Waters, in which service the 
First Ohio squadron, under Captain Jones, acting as body-guard, 
as usual, took an active part. Sergeant Gillespie, of company 
A, being in advance, overtook a bod}' of men trying to get off 
with a Napoleon gun ; the horses balked, and the Sergeant 
politely requested the men to surrender, which order they 
cheerfully obeyed. Seven men and four horses were taken 
with the gun. The caissons were filled with ammunition, and 
Captain Hasbrouck of the General's staff, at once placed it in 
position, and used it upon the enemy — a whole brigade being 
then in sight. Another Napoleon gun was abandoned, and 
taken in charge by the Eighteenth Pennsylvania cavalry, Lieu 
tenant-Colonel Brinton. Captain Poyce, of the Sixth Michigan, 
was with the skirmishing party, and was shot twice ; the first 
time through the leg, the second ball through his head. Com- 
pany C, of the skirmishers, lost fifteen men, ten of whom were 
wounded. 

Just at the close of the fight, General Buford's command 
came up, and pursued the flying foe to the river, capturing four 
hundred and fifty prisoners. The enem}- succeeded in destroy- 
ing their pontoon bridge, however, and thus effectually pre- 
vented immediate pursuit. 

This closed the Gett3'sburg campaign. It was the last time 
that Lee crossed the Potomac. From henceforth he M'as com- 
pelled to defend Virginia. A detachment under Early tried 
the same operation next year, but his force proved insufficient 
to detach Grant's hold on Richmond, and the advent of Shei'i- 



AFTER GETTYSBURG. 191 

dan introduced a new phase — constant aggression and victories 
consummated — with the Union programme. 

During the rest of Julj' and August, the cavalry had but 
little work to do. Meade was moved down to Virginia, and , 
occupying the same line on which McClelliin had moved the 
previous fall, M'hile Lee, behind the shelter of the Blue Ridge, 
was gathering up his forces, which he finally concentrated 
behind the Rapidan. The cavalry work did not begin till 
September. 

The operations immediatelj^ after Gettysburg, in the ease of 
Custer's brigade, first show clearly, in the handling of the com- 
mand, a high order of military talent in the young general. 
Just as, when an aide-de-camp, he had placed his whole ambition 
on being the best and most active officer of all Pleasonton's 
staff, so now, as a brigade commander, he became indisputably 
the best in the cavalry corps, and his single brigade seemed to 
do more work and attract more notice than any other. This 
success was owing mainly to the same qualities conspicuous 
in the Urbana expedition — tact. What had been tact in the 
lieutenant became coup d'ceil in the general. The basis of the 
faculty is found in most brilliant men, and still more so in brill- 
iant women. In the arena of politics it makes the ready de- 
bater, in society the wit and the belle, in journalism the power- 
ful writer whom every one fears to oppose, in business the bold 
and successful operator. It consists in doing (or saying) the 
right thing at the right time, the power of rapid decision. 

The battle of Falling Waters illustrates this character in 
Custer, as also his superiority to the headlong rashness of Kil- 
patrick. Custer came up alone, saw his enemy wavering, and 
with the use of only four companies put in at the right moment, 
captured a whole Confederate brigade. Then he stopped : he 
knew when audacity had been pushed far enough. A moment 
later up comes Kilpatrick. Kot satisfied with a single brigade, 
he must needs attempt to idke foui^ with an inadequate force, 
and ordered the charge of the Sixth Michigan continued. 



192 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

What was the result ? Of the one hundred who made the 
charge only thirty escaped uninjurea. The surrendered bri- 
gade, thinking no quarter was to be sho\\Ti, resumed the strug- 
gle, and the victory, gained by Custers tact, was nearly lost by 
Kilpatrick's foolhardy assault. It was not the last time, as we 
shall see further on. AVith the possession of plenty of physical 
courage, Ivilpatrick mingled so much of besotted rashness and 
vanity during his career as a division commander, that his 
greatest successes were always marred by unnecessary slaughter, 
while he suffered more than one mortifying and humiliating 
defeat. In Custer was found that temper of discretion which 
made his courage tact. "While under Kilpatrick, few believed 
he possessed it. His independent career demonstrated it, long 
after. 

In his handling of cavalry as a tactician he seems always to 
have observed the just medium between exclusive charging 
work and that which degenerates into mei'e mounted infantry 
contests. ISTo man knew better than he that the sole aggressive 
strength of cavalry is found in the charge, while dismounted 
skirmishers are the best weapon for defensive battles. This 
truth was very seldon observed by other brigade commanders, 
who grew altogether too fond of dismounted work. Custer, 
at Gettj^sburg and after, always used both kinds of lines to- 
gether, just as Csesar did at Pharsalia, when opposing an enemy 
of superior force, but when his foes were equal or inferior, as 
invariably availed himself of the moral influence of the mounted 
charge, as the most efficacious of all. 



CHAPTER III. 
TO THE EAPIDAN AND BACK. 

AT the beginning of September, the Army of the Potomae 
had resumed on the upper Rappahannock the same lazj 
attitude, much resembling that of a siege, which it had occupied 
before Richmond under McClellan, and before Petersburg under 
Burnside and Hooker. The different infantry corps were 
grouped at points near the bank of the river, and comfortably 
settled in permanent camps, while the cavalry was drawn back 
on either wing, almost entirely out of danger, picketing the 
back country to prevent raids on Meade's line of supply, the 
Orange and Alexandria Railroad. 

Lee's position was different, as his line of supply was dif- 
ferent. His main force w^as drawn back to Gordonsville, at 
least forty miles off, and before him lay both the Rappahannock 
and Rapidan Rivers. The triangle of country between these 
streams was occupied by his cavalry, which served as a veil to 
his army, behind which it could move in perfect security. In 
a military point of view the whole position was far better than 
that of Meade. Lee knew all the latter was doing, and Meade 
was ignorant of his enemy's exact position. 

At last, on the 13th September, a move was made to dis- 
sipate the uncertainty. The cavalry was taken from its camps 
in the rear, moved down to the Rappahannock, and on that day 
crossed the river, Buford in the centre, Gregg on the right, 
Kilpatrick on the left, and advanced toward Culpepper, midway 
between the two rivers. 

The advance was made on the line of the railroad which 
13 



194 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

went straight to Cdpepper, the country being quite open and 
level, with beautiful park-like clumps of huge trees dotting the 
green-sward around Brandy Station, the first house. From 
thence to Culpepper the whole place was beautifully adapted to 
cavalry fighting, fences being all destroyed and ditches few. 
A fringe of coppice hid the movements of the cavalry near the 
Kappahannock, while they were preparing for the advance. 

In half an hour or so, all was ready. There were now nine 
brigades in the three divisions, and their method of fighting had 
become uniform. The advance on Culpepper will give a very 
good idea of its nature. Each brigade bad an average of 
four regiments, with a regimental average of three hundred 
men. Thus the whole force was nearly 12,000 strong. In 
front of each brigade was a full regiment, deployed as skir- 
mishers, each man riding some twenty feet from his fellows, 
carbine in hand. Behind the right and left of this open line of 
men, at a distance of some two hundred yards, were two regi- 
ments with drawn sabres, in line of battle, but moving at a 
walk. In rear of the centre, and retired some two or three 
hundred yards further, was the last regiment, in column of 
march. Before this was the brigade commander, and in front 
of him was his battery. Each brigade thus occupied more 
than half a mile, and the whole line was between five and six 
miles in length. 

At last, at a given signal, this great line started on its way, 
and the word was passed to " trot on to Brandy Station." In 
a few minutes the sharp crack of carbines along the line, told 
that the enemy were found, and answering puffs told that they 
were resisting the advance. Then, from the summit of a gentle 
slope beyond Brandy Station, came broad bright flashes, and 
great clouds of white smoke, as the enemy's batteries opened on 
the advancing cavalry. 

Their efforts were perfectly useless, for the rapidly trotting 
and wavy line of skirmishers offered nothing to fire at, and the 
leno-th of the line threatened to curl round the flanks of the 



TO THE RAPIDAN AND BACK. 195 

defenders every moment. There was no serious fight. Ere 
five minutes were over, Brandy Station was reached, a picket- 
post captured bodily, and the advance was resumed across the 
open country to Culpepper, without a check. As the cavalry 
swept on, the enemy gathered thicker in the front, and more 
guns came into action, but it was evident at all times that 
they were heavily overmatched, as they fell back from knoll to 
knoll, fighting all the time, but in vain. Some idea of the 
rapid and dashing nature of the fight may be gathered from the 
time it occupied. The advance left Rappahannock Bridge 
about 10 o'clock, and by half past twelve the enemy were 
driven through Culpepper, nine miles off. 

Custer had the extreme left of the line, covering the flank 
of Ivilpatrick's division. It was a race, and a matter of emula- 
tion betM'een all the components of that long line, to keep 
abreast of each other, " dressed " in perfect order. Of course 
this was impossible sometimes, on account of the different 
nature of the ground in front of different brigades ; but when- 
ever the line assumed a wavy appearance, one could hear the 
officers shouting to the men to " dress up," and the poor horses 
would be spurred on to a more rapid pace, to make up for lost 
time. The whole advance resembled a fox hunt, animated 
and inspiriting to the highest degree, with just enough spice of 
danger to make it delightfully exciting. At Culpepper the 
enemy made a stand with all his artillery. General Stuart was 
there, getting ready to leave, fancying the M^hole of JMeade's 
army was advancing. A locomotive and train of cars was ready, 
all steam up, when Custer's brigade came dashing on, only to 
find themselves stopped by a deep creek with a single ford. 
The enemy opened fire with three batteries, and Custer's guns 
tried to cripple the locomotive. In the hurry and confusion 
at the ford, however, the train got away. Custer himself was 
far ahead of his own skirmishers, who were bothered by the 
swamps at the border of the creek below, and he rode on with 
the skirmishers of the next brigade on the right, which happened 



196 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

to be the Second Kew Tork (Harris' Light). With them and a 
few of his own men he galloped into Culpepper, cut off two of 
the enemy's guns, and captured them. Ten minutes later Cul- 
pepper was ours, and the enemy hastily retreating towards 
the Kapidan.* 

The advance had been so rapid that a halt was necessary at 
Culpepper to gather up the loose ends, and it was not till two 
hours later that the march was resumed. It was unaccom- 
panied by serious resistance and by the next morning the whole 
triangle of country between the Rapidan and Rappahannock 
was in full possession of Meade's army. 

Now was the real time for Meade to advance in force. At 
the time of the fight at Culpepper, Lee was seriously weakened, 
having sent away the whole of Longstreet's strong corps to 
help Bragg at Chattanooga. Had Meade struck hard at that 
time, when all the roads were dry, and at least two months 
active work was possible, the heroes of the war would have 
been differently named. But like all the commanders of the 
Army of the Potomac, he was paralyzed by the fear of Lee, and 
did not dare to undertake a rapid movement. The rest of Sep- 
tember was passed in camp around Culpepper, the cavalry 
picketing the fords of the Rapidan ; and it was not till the 
beginning of October that he ventured, in a hesitating man- 
ner, to move. When he did, Lee, by a simple feint at his 
flank, frightened him so much that he abandoned all his 
ground in haste, and fell back in confusion, without a battle, 
to Washington, leaving the cavalry to cover his retreat, 
alone and unassisted, in the face of the greater part of Lee's 
army. 

Of this retreat of Meade's no one has ever spoken a good 
word. The only feature of its origin pleasant to contemplate, 
is in the light of a compliment to Lee. The latter, at the time 

* It was on this occasion that Custer received his first and only wound 
from a piece of shell. 



TO THE RAPIDAN AND BACK. 197 

he made his flank movement, possessed less than two-thirds of 
Meade's force, but Meade occupied the exact position occupied 
by Pope and Banks, the previous year, when the disasters of 
Cedar Mountain and Manassas Second occurred. He was out 
at Culpepper, and Lee was moving round his flank by way of 
Thoro'tkre Gap, threatening his communications, just as Jack- 
son had done the year before. 

True, he was in a very different position otherwise from 
Pope. Pope was numerically inferior to Lee, and depended 
for help on McClellan's army, which help came too late. Meade's 
force was all concentrated, his cavalry superior to that of his 
enemy, his men had the moral advantage of the recent victory 
of Gettysburg to inspirit them, and he had every reason to trust 
the issue to a desperate and decisive battle. Nevertheless, 
Lee's shadow scared him out of his wits. 

On the ninth of October, Meade cautiously began his 
advance on Lee, by sending his cavalry over the Rapidan and 
its upper tributaries, one of which was called Robertson's River. 
Buford occupied the extreme left, Kilpatrick the centre, Gregg 
the extreme right, up at White Sulphur Springs. In narrating 
the part taken bj' Custer's Michiganders we shall quote the lan- 
guage of his report bodily. 

On the night of October 9th, 1863, says Custer, my picket 
line, which extended along the north bank of Robertson River 
in the vicinity of James City, was attacked, and a portion 
of the line forced back upon the reserves ; at the same time my 
scouts informed me that the enemy was moving in heavy col- 
umn toward my right ; this report was confirmed by deserters. 
In anticipation of an attack of the enemy at daybreak, I ordered 
my entire command to be saddled at 3 a. m. on the 10th. At 
daybreak, the enemy began by cautiously feeling my line ; but 
seeing his inability to surprise us, he contented himself by 
obtaining possession of Cedar Mountain, which point he after- 
wards used as a signal station. At 1 p. m., I received orders 
from the General commanding the division, to report with my 



198 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

command at James City. The head of my colunm arrived in 
the vicinity of that point at 3 p. m. The enemy had ah-eady 
obtained possession of the town, and had brought several guns 
to bear on the position I was ordered to talie. Battery M., 
Second United States Artillery, under command of Lieutenant 
Pennington, was unlimbered, and succeeded in shelling the 
enemy out of the woods on the right of the town. At the 
same time Colonel Alger, of the Fifth Michigan Cavalry, who 
held the extreme left of my line, moved forward with one 
battalion of his regiment, under the gallant Major Clark, and 
charged the enemy's battery. The charge, although daring in 
the extreme, failed for want of sufficient support. It was suc- 
cessful so far, however, as to compel the enemy to shift the po- 
sition of his battery to a more retired point. Kight setting in, 
prevented us from improving the advantages we had gained. 
Most of my command rested on their arms during the night. 
Early in the morning I retired on the road leading to Culpep- 
per, which point I reached without molestation from the enemy. 
It was not until the rear of my column was leaving the town 
that the enemy made his appearance, and attempted, unsuccess- 
fully, to harass my rear-guard. On the hills north of the town I 
placed my command in position to receive an attack. 

The enemy not feeling disposed to accept the invitation, I 
retired on the road leading to Rappahannock Station. My 
column had scarcely begun to march, before the officer com- 
manding the rear-guard — Colonel Mann, of the Seventh Michi- 
gan Cavalry — reported the enemy to be pressing him closely. 
At the same time a strong column was seen on my outer flank, 
evidently attempting to intercept our line of march to the river. 
The vigorous attacks now being made upon my rear-guard 
compelled me to place my battery at the head of the column, 
and to employ my entire force to keep the enemy from my 
guns. My advance had reached the vicinity of Brandy Station, 
when a courier hastened back with the information that a bri- 
gade of the enemy's cavalry was in position direGtly in my 



TO THE RAPIDAN AND BACK. 199 

fronts thus cutting us completely ofi" from the river. Upon 
examination, I learned the correctness of the report. The 
heavy masses of Confederate cavalry could be seen covering the 
heights in front of my advance. When it is remembered that 
my rear-guard was hotly engaged with a superior force, a heavy 
column enveloping each flank, and my advance confi-onted by 
more than double my own number, the perils of my situation 
can be estimated. Lieutenant Pennington at once placed his 
battery in position, and opened a brisk fire, which was responded 
to by the guns of the enemy. The Major-General commanding 
the cavalry corps at this moment rode to the advance. To him 
I proposed, with my command, to cut through the force in my 
front, and thus open the way for the entire command to the 
river. My proposition was approved, and I received orders to 
take my available force and push forward, leaving the Sixth and 
Seventh Michigan Cavalry to hold the force in rear in check. I 
formed the Fifth Michigan Cavalry on my right, in coluum of 
battalions ; on my left, I formed the First Michigan in column 
of squadrons. After ordei'ing them to draw their sabres, I 
informed them that we were surrounded, and all we had to do 
was to open a way with our sabres. They showed their deter- 
mination and purpose by giving three hearty cheers. At this 
moment the band struck up the inspiring air, " Yankee 
Doodle," which excited the enthusiasm of the entire command 
to the highest pitch, and made each individual member feel as 
if he was a host in himself. Simultaneously, both regiments 
moved forward to the attack. It required but a glance at the 
countenances of the men to enable me to read the settled deter- 
mination with which they undertook the work before them. 
The enemy, without waiting to receive the onset, broke in dis- 
order and fled. After a series of brilliant charges, during which 
the enemy suffered heavily, \ve succeeded in reaching the river, 
which we crossed in good order. 

So far Custer, but it seems necessary to explain how it was 
that he found himself thus surrounded. It all came of Meade's 



200 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

falling back. On the 8tli he had thrown his cavalr}' over the 
Kapidan to scout up and down the river. Had he merely fol- 
lowed them, he must have marched right into Lee's camp, 
for only Stuart's cavalry was left in that vicinity. But on 
the 8th he heard that Lee's infantry was trying to get around 
his flank, and instead of cutting in on this flanking party, he 
fell back without any warning, leaving his three cavalry divis- 
ions spread out like a fan, each pressed by cavalry and infantry 
combined. Buford, who had crossed at Germania Ford, with 
the promise of the whole First Corps to support him, next day 
found himself driven back over Morton's Ford, and not an 
infantryman to be seen. He fell slowly back in the direc- 
tion of Brandy Station, and as his road there was much shorter 
than that of Kilpatrick's division, found himself there before 
Kilpatrick. Custer's brigade was on the right of the Third 
division, and Pleasonton was with Kilpatrick. Therefore the 
position was now very curious. At Brandy Station, with his 
back to the river, was Buford, a force of cavalry and infantry, 
with several batteries, pressing all round him. Several mounted 
charges had been made to drive back the enemy, and in every 
instance they fell back. Suddenly the heavy fire in Buford's 
front ceased, and then recommenced with tenfold fury, but not a 
shot came near Buford's men. It increased to a perfect roar, 
while the yells of charging men were plainly audible over the 
firing. The next moment, out of the woods into the open 
fields, came tearing Kilpatrick's men, charging in column, 
dark masses of horsemen in considerable confusion, Pleasonton 
with the guns, in the middle of the column, all looking pretty 
well used up. Had it not been for the firm attitude of Buford's 
division, whose flanks were safe, and who had kept the enemy 
all in the front, Kilpatrick's men must have suffered as fear- 
fully as they did, a few days later, at Buckland's Mills. 

As it happened, Buford's stand gave them time to rest and 
get into decent order, and the rest of the afternoon the two 
divisions confronted the enemy without further disaster, till 



TO THE RAPIDAN AND BACK. 201 

nightfall. The most exasperating part of this battle at Brandy 
Station was however yet to come. It was when the cavalry 
after dark, rode down to the fords to cross the Rappahannock 
and beheld the whole country on the further bank bright with 
the camp-fires of their own infantry, who had been compelled 
to lie idle all day, passive spectators of a fight which their 
presence could have determined. The sight was a fair speci- 
men of the pusillanimons policy of General Meade in this 
celebrated retreat. It was a courting of disgrace. 

To the cavalry, the battle at Brandy Station was creditable. 
It was a gallant struggle against fearful odds. The figure 
borne by Custer is evidenced in the following racy anecdote by 
a member of the Fifth Michigan.* 

"At 'Brandy' Station, Ya., during Meade's fall back, 
' Custer ' and the cavalry brought up the rear, and all soldiers 
know it is the worst place on God's footstool to cover a retreat. 
To allow the infantry ample time to cross the Rappahannock 
the cavalry kept fooling around with an average of 10,000 
'Rebs' on all sides of them. Once when a lull had seemed to 
come with an ominous stillness some one remarked, ' Helloa, 
look ahead,' and sure enough about 5,000 'Rebs' were sud- 
denly seen to be massed in our front and right in the jpath 
we must travel if we ever saw ' the girls we left hehind us? 
Custer was sitting on his horse at the head of our regiment, the 
Fifth Cavalry. He took one look of about ten seconds, then 
snatched off his hat, raised up in his stirrups and yelled out, 
' Boys of Michigan, there are some people between us and 
home; I'm going home, who else goes?' Suffice it to say we 
all went. General Alger, then colonel of our regiment, can 
vouch for our flying movements as we followed Custer, with 
his bare head and golden locks, and long straight sabre, putting 
the very devil into the old Fifth Cavalry, until a clear track 
was before us. When ' out of the woods ' up came Kilpatrick, 
and sung out, 'Custer, what ails you?' His reply was, ' Oh, 

* Mr. J. Allen Bigelow, of Detroit, published in Detroit Evening News. 



202 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

nothing, on]j we want to cook cofl'ee on the Yank side of the 
Eappahannock.' " 

In narrating the further events of the campaign, Custer 
shall resume the storj, in his report, made at the time. 

From the eleventh to the fifteenth, my command was em- 
ployed in picketing and guarding the flank and rear of the 
army. On the afternoon of the fifteenth, the brigade being 
posted on the Bull Kun battle ground, I detailed Major Kidd 
Avith his regiment, the Sixth Michigan Cavalry, to reconnoitre 
the strength and position of the enemy in the vicinity of Gains- 
ville. The reconnoissance was entirely satisfactory, and showed 
the enemy to be in considerable force at that point. Sunday, 
the 18th October, at 3 p. m., the entire division was ordered to 
move on the pike leading from Groveton to AVarrenton. The 
First brigade moved on the pike, the Second moved on a road 
to the left of, and parallel to the pike, but soon encountered 
the enemj^, and drove him as far as Gainsville, where the entire 
command bivouacked for the night. The First Yermont Cav- 
alry, under Colonel Sawyer, deserves great credit for the rapidity 
with which they forced the enemy to retire. At daybreak 
on the morning of the 19th, my brigade took the advance 
and skirmished with the enemy's cavalry from Gainsville to 
Buckland ; at the latter point I found him strongly posted upon 
the south bank of Broad Ran. The position for his artillery 
was well chosen. After a fruitless attempt to effect a crossing 
in his front, I succeeded in turning his left flank so completely 
as to force him from his position. Having driven him more 
than a mile from the stream, I threw out my pickets, and 
ordered my men to prepare their dinner. From the inhabit- 
ants of Buckland 1 learned that the forces of the enemy, with 
whom we had been engaged, were commanded by General 
J. E. B. Stuart in person, who, at the time of our arrival at 
that point, was seated at the dinner-table eating ; but owing to 
my successful advance, he was compelled to leave his dinner 
untouched — a circumstance not regretted by that portion of mj 



TO THE RAPIDAN AND BACK. 203 

command into whose hands it fell. The First brigade took 
the advance. At this point I was preparing to follow, when 
information reached me that the enemy was advancing on my 
left, from the direction of Greenwich. I had scarcely time to 
place my command in position to resist an attack from that 
direction, before the enemy's skirmishers appeared. Penning- 
ton's batter}^ opened upon them, wdiile the Sixth Michigan cav- 
alry, under Major Kidd, was thrown forward and deployed as 
skirmishers. One gan of Pennington's battery, supported by 
the First Vermont cavalry, was placed on my extreme left. 
The First Michigan cavalry, under Major Brewer, acted as a 
reserve, and as a support for the remaining five guns of the 
battery. The Fifth Michigan cavalry, under Colonel Mann, 
were engaged in the woods on my right. At first I was under 
the impression that the skirmishers were composed of dismounted 
cavalry, but later developments convinced me that it was a very 
superior force of infantry that now confronted me. After com- 
pleting his dispositions for an attack, the enemy advanced 
upon me. In doing so, he exposed a line of infantry of more 
than a mile in extent ; at the same time he opened a heavy fire 
upon me from his artillery. Pennington's battery, aided by the 
Sixth Michigan cavalry, poured a destructive fire upon the 
enemy as he advanced, but failed to force him back. A des- 
perate effort was made to capture my battery. Pennington 
continued to fire until the enemy was within twenty yards of 
his guns. He was then compelled to limber up and retire to 
the north bank of Broad Run. The First Michigan cavalry 
was intrusted with the duty of covering the movement — a task 
which was gallantly performed. My command being very much 
exhausted, I returned to the vicinity of Gainsville, where I 
encamped for the night. Major Clarke, Fifth Michigan cav- 
alry, was detached from his regiment with one battalion. 
"When the command retired to the north bank of Broad Eon, he 
with a small portion of his battalion, became separated from 
the rest of the command, and was captured by the enemy 



204 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Computing my losses from the 9th October, I find them to be as 
follows : 

Officers. Men. Total. 

Killed 9 9 

Wounded 2 41 43 

Missing 8 154 163 

Aggregate 214 

Before closing my report, I desire to make honorable men- 
tion of the highly creditable manner in which both offi(rers and 
men of my command have discharged their duty during the 
long and ai-duous marches, as well as the hard-fought engage- 
ments of the past few days. Too much praise cannot be given 
to the officers and men of Battery M. Second Artillery, for the 
gallantry displayed on more than one occasion. For the untir- 
ing zeal and energy, added to the unflinching bravery displayed 
in transmitting and executing my orders upon the field, my 
acknowledgments are due to the following members of my 
staff: Captain R. F. Judson, A. D. C, Lieutenant R. Baylis, 
A. A. D. C, Lieutenant William Colerick, A. D. C, and to 
Lieutenant E. G. Granger, A. A. A. G. Lieutenant Granger, 
while leading a charge at Brandy Station, had his horse shot 
in two places. Surgeon Wooster of my staff, in addition to his 
professional duties, rendered me valuiable assistance by aiding 
in transmitting my orders. 

G. A. Custer, 

Brig. Com. Second Brigade, Third Cavalry Corps. 

It will be noticed in both of Custer's reports, during this 
summer and fall, how much stress he lays upon the doings of 
Pennington's battery. The commander of this force seems 
always to have been a fast friend and favorite of Custer, and he 
was subsequently promoted to the command of a volunteer 
cavalry regiment, and became senior officer and commandant 
of a brigade in Custer's division, in which capacity he served 



TO THE RAPIDAN AND BACK. 205 

all throngh the Yalley campaigns, and up to Appomattox 
surrender. 

After the fight at Buckland's Mills, in which the division 
of Kilpatrick was so roughly handled, Meade's army resumed 
its advance, and finally took up winter quarters at Brandy Sta- 
tion, the cavalry picketing the front and flanks out toward 
Madison Court House. 

It is time, now that the summer and fall campaigns of 1863 
are concluded, to advert to the private life of the young general 
during this interval. During the first period of his career as a 
commander, his occupations and cares seem to have been too 
engrossing to permit of any home correspondence, and after the 
Michigan brigade entered Virginia he did not relax his work. 
Well as the brigade behaved at Gettysburg, it was far from sat- 
isfying Custer, who was determined to make it fully the equal 
of a regular cavalry command in drill and discipline. With that 
object, no sooner did the cavalry get a week's rest, than the 
indefatigable young general began to give them daily drills of 
great severity, and by constant inspections so harassed the 
souls of the honest volunteers that they began to hate him as 
badly as ever, or thought they did. Just as at Gettysburg, 
however, the first battle compelled them to forego all their bad 
language, and made them sorry they had ever uttered a word 
against him. This first battle was the advance on Cul- 
pepper, and in the action, it will be remembered, Custer was 
wounded. 

A piece of shell killed his horse, and inflicted a painful 
wound on the inside of the rider's thigh, which, though not 
dangerous, compelled Custer to retire from the field. Inasmuch 
as the rest of the month was passed in perfect quiet, the general 
experienced no difficulty in obtaining, on the strength of this 
wound, a leave of absence for twenty days. He took it, has- 
tened to Washington, and one day later was travelling due 
northwest, just as fast as the iron horse could carry him. To 
those who remember the state of mind in which he left home 



206 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

in the spring, it will not be surprising to learn that he made his 
way to Monroe, Michigan, with the utmost rapidity, nor that 
when there, he happened to meet "one of the parties most in- 
terested." He had, during the summer, many things to make 
him anxious and unhappy in regard to matters at Monroe, 
especially intimations that reached him that "one of the parties 
interested " was quite likely to meet some one else, while his 
own affair was still unsettled. He realized very keenly that 
the objections of the Judge to his engagement were not based 
altogether on his want of fortune, but on an apprehension of 
the fickleness and instability of his disposition, and that his 
sudden success in life had not altogether removed this. Only 
a week before the time of his wound, he received a letter from 
his kind-hearted confidant, warning him that his persistence was 
" not for the best," and that a time must at last come when he 
"must give her up utterly and forever." To this he replies, 
sadly but bravely : 

That time may come, perhaj)s soon. When it does come, I 
hope it will find me the same soldier I now try to be, as capable 
of meeting the reverses of life as I am those of war. You no 
doubt know me well, perhaps better than any person in Monroe, 
except L., and yet you know little of my disposition. You, fear- 
ing that disappointment might render me unhappy, are doubtful 
as to whether it is best for me to cherish the remembrance of one 
who is now to me, all that she ever will be. I would think the 
same, were I the adviser instead of the person advised. Do not 
fear for me. . . What you have hinted as being probable in 
reference to L. may occur. My bosom friends may desert me : 
my own mother may disown me and turn me from my home ; I 
may lose my position among men, and be thrown solitary and 
alone among strangers, without the sympathy of a single friend ; 
and yet, with all this, there is a strange, indescribable something 
in me, that would enable me to shape my course through life, 
cheerful, if not contented. . . . Kest assured, that whatever 
fortune may have in store for me will be borne cheerfully. Now 
that you know this, you need not hesitate in future to tell me 
all . . . 



TO THE RAPIDAN AND BACK. 207 

These are good brave words, but they are not quite brave 
enough to hide the sad heart beneath them, and when we re- 
member the position of Custer at the time, we can see how 
strong must have been his feelings to force such a letter from 
the outwardly brilliant and successful general. ]N"o doubt he 
hailed with gratitude the piece of ragged iron that gave him 
the excuse, a week later, to return to Monroe, and see for him- 
self how affairs stood. 

He arrived there to find himself a lion. Captain Custer, the 
idle and discontented officer on waiting orders, sharing the 
sombre cloud which enshrouded his unfortunate chief, wirh the 
reputation of a reckless dissipated soldier in love with every 
fresh face, a desperate flirt, was a very different person from 
the " boy general with the golden locks," the pet of the papers, 
brilliant, successful, a rising man, a real live brigadier-general. 
On his previous visit, Monroe had begun to think that there 
might possibly " be something in that young Custer." I^ow, 
Monroe had " always prophecied that young Custer would do 
something," and the only trouble was, who should be the first 
to welcome him, ask liim to his house, be able to say to his 
friends, " Ah, by the by, I had General Custer to dinner to- 
day." 

Mrs. Grundy was ready and anxious to go down on her 
knees to arrange a soft pillow, " under his poor wounded limb, 
you know, my dear," and Miss Grundy was amiably anxious to 
sing the pathetic ballad of" When this cruel war is over" to 
the listening general, ogling him all the time, and ending with 
a languishing gaze of perfect love at the line, " Praying we 
may meet again," as she slowly left the piano. To a man with 
any sense of humor, and Custer had his share of this quality, 
what a spectacle Mrs. Grundy and the charming Miss Grundy 
presented, especially when he remembered their neglect in for- 
mer days. However, he kept his counsel, and wore his honors 
meekly. 

There was, however, one man on whom tlie brilliant success 



208 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

of the young general had not jet operated as a complete blind. 
Tills man was Judge Bacon, stern, upright, and honorable, 
who had not yet got beyond the point of thinking that there 
might be "something in that young Custer, after all." The 
Judge knew a good deal more of the world than most Monro- 
vians, and he had heard of the celebrated stone thrown by 
Orpheus C. Kerr, which struck so many brigadier-generals. 
He knew moreover, that the commission was subject to confir- 
mation by the senate, which might be refused, a piece of knowl- 
edge not common to all Monroe. In a worldly point of view, 
therefore, the Judge was quite right in being cautious as to re- 
ceiving the brilliant young warrior as a conqueror. In a moral 
point of view, a matter which weighed far more with Judge 
Bacon, his objections to Custer remained unaltered, and were 
even strengthened. He was forever mentally referring to his 
intemperance, and especially distrusted his fickleness. The latter 
was Custer's own fault. In order to calm the Judge's uneasi- 
ness, the previous spring, Custer had entered into a violent flirta- 
tion with a young lady of the place, and the result had been to 
disgust the Judge. However objectionable as a suitor for your 
daughter a man may be, still you do not like to see him, as 
soon as rejected, oif with the daughter of some one else, as if 
nothing had happened. The rapid consolation is decidedly un- 
complimentary to your own family, which is of course always 
the best in the country. 

With all these objections, in a private capacity, to Custer, 
even coming back as a general, the Judge yet welcomed him 
cordially as a public character, and permitted him to resume his 
visits at the house, ostensibly in the guise of ordinary friend- 
ship. He was apparentl}^ completely deceived as to the strength 
and duration of Custer's aflfection for his daughter, and ima- 
gined that the affair was safely over. On the contrary, it was 
only just really beginning, and Custer was already laying his 
plans to gain the consent of the father of his lady love, as his 
leave progressed. Whether absence might in time have caused 



m 



TO THE RAPIDAN AND BACK. 209 

him to be forgotten is uncertain, but certain it is that his sec- 
ond visit was just in time to settle the affair in liis flivor, and to 
secure a perfect understanding, conditional on the Judge's con- 
sent, it is true, but none the less an implied engagement. This 
was towards the close of Custer's visit, and he made up his mind 
to ask the Judge before he went. 

In this instance, however, resolution and action were not the 
same with Custer. Days passed on, opportunities were rare, 
and possibly courage was lacking. At all events, the time came 
for his departure, the lovers were compelled to leave each other 
and still the Judge had not heen asked. Brave as Custer was, 
he actually seems to have trembled before the Judge, and it is 
no wonder when we reflect on what he was about to request 
from him — an only daughter. 

He was Anally compelled to leave Monroe, and return to the 
front, Mnth the question unasked, the matter to be finally de- 
cided by letter. The sensitive conscientiousness and strict 
honor of the two lovers is shown in the fact that they both still 
declined to avail themselves of a clandestine correspondence to 
evade the Judge's notice. 

Nothing would have been easier than for this to have 
happened, and the fact of its still being steadfastly refused 
by both is an honor to both. They cannot be blamed for their 
love, that being a matter beyond the control of any human 
being. It comes and goes like the wind, and it is hard to 
assign a cause for it. That Custer, young, brilliant, successful 
in everything else, knowing himself secure in the most vital 
point of all — the feelings of the " party most interested " — 
should have been willing to wait as he did, patiently and 
uncomplainingly, for the consent of one whom he knew to be 
prejudiced against him, shows a devotion to duty remarkable 
in these days, and especially in this country, where filial obe- 
dience is subject to so many drawbacks. The sequel proved 
that he did wisely, and duty met its reward. 

To console himself for his self-enforced abstinence from 
14 



210 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

correspondence with " the party most interested," Custer threw 
himself with fresh ardor into letters to his kind and sympathiz- 
ing confidant. From this time forth, these letters are frequent ; 
beginning even while on his journey to the east. The first is 
dated on board the lake steamer " Morning Star," October 6th, 
1863, the very day of his departure. In its course he refers, as 
he frequently did in those days, to the motto which he had 
adopted and wore engraved on his seal ring, " Per augusta 
ad augusta^ 



On board the " Morning Star," 

9 p. M. Monday, Oct. 6, 1863. 

KiiSTD FRTEJiTD : — I feel so sad and lonely, so sick at heart, that 
to kill time and *' drive dull care away," I have determined to 
occupy a few moments in writing to you. We are just getting 
under full headway, and will soon be bounding o'er the billows of 
Erie. I have been sitting on deck watching the motion of the 
vessel as it speeds through the crested waves, and while intently 
watching wave after wave, as they roll along in their ceaseless mo- 
tion, I cannot but be reminded of the great ocean of life on whose 
stormy bosom each of us is engaged, steering our little barks over, 
each acting under a separate impulse, yet all tending to the same 
harbor. Wlien I look back on the track passed over by mine, 
I cannot but feel unbounded gratitude to that power which thus 
far has carried me safely through so many storms. Hour after 
hour have I seen wave after wave rolling down on my little bark, 
threatening to swallow it with all it contained, and yet that unseen 
power would interfere, and either avert the coming danger, or 
cause it to strike harmlessly. If I look around me now, I see 
evidences of danger in all directions, but buoyed up with hope 
and guided by duty, I trust for the best, confident that my 
motto " Through trials to triumphs " will still hold good. How I 
wish I could be Avith my little girl to-night, and yet I cannot 
complain. I saw the Judge at the depot, who spoke very en- 
couragingly of my prospects in my profession and of the bright 
future he pictured for me ;• said he would be disappointed if 
he did not hear such and such things of me soon. I had no 
opportunity to speak of that which was nearest my heart. I only 
said just before leaving that I had desired to speak to him, but 



TQ.THE RAPID AN AND BACK. 211 

being prevented from doing so, I would write to him, to which 
he replied, " Very well." Good bye, ' 

Akmstrong." 



Only twenty-fonr hours later, and he writes from Baltimore 
as follows : 

Colejian's Eutaw House, BAi^TuvionE, 

Wed., Oct. 7th, 1863, 2.30 p. m. 

Dear Frieistd : — Do not be alarmed. I am not going to write 
to you again to-day. I have taken a stroll and a drive around the 
Monumental City, and it is yet an hour till car time. I know of 
no more pleasant mode of occupying that time, than by writing 
to you. In every city I pass through, I see something to admire, 
something which gives rise to pleasant thoughts, and often I am 
struck with wonder at the extent to which man's art and ingenuity 
have improved what nature has already rendered beautiful. But 
after all, my heart turns longingly to one quiet little toAvn far 
away on the banks of the Eaisin, and I find infinitely more 
enjoyment, more real pleasure from the memories and associations 
of that unassuming little spot, than in contemplating all the world 
beside. I need not tell you why this is so. I do not think a sin- 
gle half hour has passed since I bade adieu to Monroe, during 
which I did not think of the place, or more particularly perhaps, of 
those whom it contains. I have also thought much of my intended 
letter to L.'s father. My mind has been alternating between 
hope and fear, hope that my letter will be well received ; that 
now, when all else appears bright and encouraging, no obstacle 
will be interposed to darken or cloud our happiness. And yet I 
cannot rid myself of the fear that I may suffer from some un- 
founded prejudice. Oh, I wish some guardian angel would tell 
me wliat course to pursue, to insure her happiness and mine. I 
feel that her father, valuing her happiness and welfare as he does, 
will not refuse if he learns from her lips, our real relation to 
each other. I regret that I was unable to have a personal inter- 
view with him, and yet it may be better as it is ; I will hope. 
I will write you to-morrow, or next day from camp. Tell 
my little girl I am so lonely without her. Kiss her for me, and 
tell her I have been real good since I left her. Good bye, 

Armstrong. 



212 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

"We have inserted these letters to show the state of anxiety 
and uneasiness that still oppressed Custer when he returned to 
his command, where he was received with the most rapturous 
demonstrations of delight. 

Headquarters Second Brigade, Third Thy., 

Oct. 9th, 1863, 8 P. M. 
Dear Friekd : — I promised to write you soon after my return 
to " camp." I arrived here last evening about dusk, and was 
welcomed in a style that was both flattering and gratifying. I wish 
you could have seen how rejoiced my men seemed to be at my 
return. Whatever may be the real sentiments entertained by the 
world at large, I feel assured that here, surrounded by my noble 
little band of heroes, I am loved and respected. There is such a 
feeling of mutual trust and confidence existing between us, as 
renders our intercourse one of pleasure. Often, in my medita- 
tions, I think of the vast responsibility resting upon me; of the 
many, many lives entrusted to my keeping ; and consequently, 
of the happiness of so many households depending upon my dis- 
cretion and judgment. And to think that I am just leaving my 
boyhood, makes the responsibility ajDpear greater. And yet I 
have no fears, nor do I think that this latter fact is due to any 
self-conceit or egotism on my part. I try to make no unjust pre- 
tensions. I assume nothing that I know not to be true. It 
requires no extensive knowledge to inform me what is my duty both 
to my country and to my command. Knowing my duty, all that 
is then requisite to insure success, is honesty of purpose, and fixed 
intentions, or, to express the same meaning in different language, 
I have only to adopt the well-known motto, '' First, be sure you're 
right, then go ahead." To this simple rule, framed though it be 
in humble language, I can attribute, more than to any other, my 
success in Hfe. When deciding upon any course to pursue, I have 
asked myself, is it right ? Satisfied that it is, I allow nothing to 
swerve me from my purpose. Few persons have disregarded pub- 
lic opinion so much as I. Not but that I think a proper regard 
should be shown for that which the "world might say," but one 
who adopts public opinion as his guide, cannot entertain one pur- 
pose long. He will find that what pleases one, displeases another. 

Why have I written all this ? Surely I do not know. You did 
not say it was not so. 

I have been very busily engaged all day. I found time, or 



TO THE RAPIDAN AND BACK. 213 

rather stole time to write. I would have written that letter to 
her father to-day, but that I knew I should be interrupted, which 
I do not wish to be, when writing so important a document. I 
can scarcely realize its importance. How much depends upon the 
result it obtains. All my future destiny hangs on the answer 
my letter shall bring. I will not despond, nor will I take 
trouble before it is upon me, but I cannot but be anxious. I 
shall probably defer the writing of that letter until I have heard 
at least once from you and of her. I had hoped to be left free 
and undisturbed this evening, and thus permitted to write you a 
long letter. But several applicants are waiting my pleasure, and 
I must defer my anticipated pleasure. Do write me soon. Tell 
me all about my little girl. Is she well, etc., etc. Kiss her for 
me, and tell her I had a dream last night concerning somebody 
in Monroe, who I think very much of, '' But I'll not tell you 
who." 

Ever your friend, 

Armstrong. 

Please give these flowers to L. They were plucked in front 
of my headquarters, not far from the " Rapidan." 

Luckily for Custer's peace of mind he was soon at work, for 
within forty-eight hours of his return he started on the expedi- 
tion which ended in the Brandy Station fight, of which he gives, 
in a letter of October 12th, a short account, much the same as 
in his report. Three days later he writes a hasty pencil scrawl 
from the Bull E,un battle-field. 

I dreamed of my little girl last night, and was so disappointed 
to wake and find it but a dream. How often I think of her. 
Last Sunday, while in front of my men, and just as we were about 
to charge the enemy, I unclasped my locket, and took what I 
thought might be my last look at her likeness. Even in the 
thickest of the fight I can always find time to think of her. 

Five days later he writes, evidently under great mental de- 
pression, just after the disaster at Buckland's Mills, an inter- 
esting letter, which shows that his was not the rashness which 
brought on that defeat. In its course, after tellina: of his first 



214 GENEBAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

victory over Stuart, he tells of Kilpatrick coming up and con- 
gratulating him on his success, and adds : 

All would have been well had General K. been content to let 
well enough alone. My scouts had informed me of heavy columns 
of infantry moving around on both my flanks, their intention 
evidently being to cut me off. I informed General K. of this, and 
advised him to guard against it ; but no — he did not believe it, 
and ordered me to halt till the First Brigade passed me and then 
to follow on the road to Warrenton. The First Brigade had 
scarcely passed, and I was preparing to follow, when the enemy 
made a vigorous attack from the direction I had prophecied they 
would . . . My consolation is that I am in no way responsible 
for the mishap, but on the contrary urged General K. not to take 
the step which brought it upon us, and the only success gained by 
us was gained by me. 

He refers at the close of this letter to the one which he had 
written to Judge Bacon soon after Brandy Station light, in 
which he formally asks the Judge for his child. That letter is 
a rnodel in its way of quiet dignity and self respect, mingled 
with a modesty peculiarly touching from a man in Custer's po- 
sition. Were it not for those private details which are too sacred 
for publication, it would be the pride of Custer's biographer to 
lay it before the world, exhibiting as it does in the truest and 
most unconscious manner the real nobilitj'- of the writer's char- 
acter. In making his request he refers, fully and frankly, to 
the objections to himself existing in the Judge's mind, especially 
those of dissipation and fickleness. In regard to the first he 
tells him how two years before he had made a solemn pledge to 
his sister Mrs. Reed, in the presence of Almighty God, never to 
taste another drop of intoxicating liquor, which promise he had 
strictly kept ever since. With regard to the second, he referred 
the Judge to his own daughter for an explanation of the appar- 
ent fickleness of his conduct. Of his success in life and his 
ability to maintain a wife he speaks briefly, with modest pride, 
and adverts to the fact that he had not ventured to correspond 



TO THE RAPID AN AND BACK. 215 

with the object of his love till he should obtain her father's 
consent. 

The Judge's reply is exactly in character with the whole of 
this stately and Quixotically honorable correspondence. He 
speaks of his intense love for his only child, left motherless so 
early, of his anxious fears for her future, and the care he must 
exercise over the character of the man to whom he can entrust 
her happiness. He owns that " it may be weeks, perhaps 
months, before he can make up his mind to give a decided 
answer," but expresses his intention of conversing with his 
daughter on the subject, the result of which interview " she is 
at full liberty to communicate to you.'' It appeared, moreover, 
from the letter, that the Judge and his daughter had already had 
a full confidence with each other on the same evening on which 
poor Custer, gloomy and dispirited, had left Monroe. It was 
clear that the Judge had virtually yielded, though the fond 
idolizing father still hesitated to perform that irrevocable act of 
consent which would forever separate him from the child who 
had so long been the very core of his heart. Most young men 
think little of this feeling, but to Custer it seems to have been 
peculiarly sacred. There is something touching in the corre- 
spondence between these two noble, high-minded men, both 
sensitive to a fault, both idolizing this one delicate girl in their 
diflt'erent ways, both anxious only for her happiness, both respect- 
ing each other as highly as men could, and yet jealous and stiff at 
first. So punctilious was Custer, that he refused in a second 
letter to take the implied permission to correspond contained 
in the expression " which she is at liberty to communicate to 
you," without a clear understanding and an explicit answer, one 
way or the other. 

Pressed in this manner, and having learned from his daugh- 
ter how much her happiness was really interested in Custer, 
the father yielded at last, and consented to the engagement, 
the consent reaching Custer late in November. During this 
interval the punctuality and frequency of his correspondence 



216 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

with his kind-hearted confidant are alike exemplar}^, but that 
correspondence comes to an abrupt close December 4th, with 
the satisfactory information, " Your kind favor of the 26th was 
received last evening along loith two from my little girl.'''' 

We cannot suppose that any one would desire this love-mak- 
ing by proxy to continue any longer. We have brought our 
hero through his love troubles, as interesting as those of a novel 
hero, in safet3^ Henceforth, he was formally engaged. The 
close of this last letter, is however very symptomatic of the cu- 
rious fact well known to ladies of all time that there is " no 
satisfying these men." A little while ago, his only aspiration 
was for an open engagement and permission to correspond ; now 
that he has obtained both, his petition is changed to something 
else. 

I am glad you incline to my way of thinking, in regard to my 
little girl coming to the army this tvinter. Why shouldn't she ? 
I have been pleading earnestly with her in my last letters to tell 
me when I can come for her. I can come whenever she bids me 
do so. Now don't you think she ought to tell me to come 
S0071? You know if I don't come this winter, it is not probable 
that I shall be granted a leave before next winter. Cannot you 
threaten her, or use your influence to induce her to do as she ought. 
If I was there, how I would talk to her ! She would be glad to 
say yes to get rid of me 

His petition was nearer to being granted than seemed pos- 
sible a few months before. While the army lay quiet that 
winter, Custer's commission was confirmed in the senate, and 
he obtained leave of absence to go to Monroe, where he was 
formally married, Februaiy 9th, 1864, in the Presbj'terian 
church, by the Reverend Mr. Boyd, pastor and schoolmaster, 
to Elizabeth, only daughter of Judge Daniel S. Bacon. 

What a wedding that was. Mrs. Grundy talks of it to this 
day ; and all Monroe that could get inside the church crammed 
the pews and filled the aisles to suflfocation. The Monroe pa- 
pers were full of the wedding of " our distinguished townsman," 



TO THE RAPIDAN AND BACK. 217 

and details of personal appearance of bride and bridegroom 
were plentiful. 

Custer was attended by his staff, and wore, perhaps for the 
first time, his full uniform as a brigadier-general, sash and all. 
His hair had been cut, and he was no more the " boy general 
with the golden locks " of the reporters. How often he and 
his friends had laughed over that name, when they read it ! 

The bride, with veil and orange blossoms, a M-hite figure 
of timid purity, won all hearts as she came into church on her 
father's arm ; the Judge, tall, stalwart, with his grand old Web- 
ster head towering above the crowd, proud of his daughter, 
and now also of his son-in-law, yet had a hard struggle to choke 
down the desolate feeling which comes over a father giving up 
his only child forever. 

It was a beautiful, a romantic wedding, such as seldom 
occurs in these humdrum days, and only one such could then 
occur, for there was only one Custer, only one knight of romance, 
brave and loving, famous and tender. Xo wonder Monroe was 
proud of him. 

lint what was the pride of Monroe to that of the brigade, a 
few days later, when Custer returned to camp, bringing v/ith 
him his timid, child-like bride, with her innocent dark eyes, 
delighted and astonished a* the novelty of everything. Ah, 
Custer was a wise man, and a patient one, to wait for his re- 
ward as ho did, but it was worth all his trials at last, and proved 
the entrance, for him, to a life of perfect happiness thereafter. 
The gentle, timid girl, so scrupulously obedient to her father, 
proved to Custer a jewel above all price, when she became his 
wife. With a fidelity and devotion rarely paralleled, she fol- 
lowed him to the front and remained near there just so long- 
as it was possible, in all his subsequent career. Only when the 
troops were in actual and fierce campaign, and her presence 
might have proved an embarrassment to her husband, did she con- 
sent to remain behind, and then she was always ready to hasten 
to the front as soon as there was the first sii^n of a lono; halt. 



218 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Her influence over the state of society at the headquarters 
of the Michigan Brigade, and subsequently in all the diiferont 
commands to which Custer was assigned, was traceable in every 
instance, in a refinement of tone, an absence of the usual rois 
tering drinking scenes too common in the army, in a standard 
of morality such as prevailed nowhere else. Before Mrs. Cus- 
ter's arrival at the headquarters of Custer's brigade, the presence 
of respectable women was almost unknown in the army. While 
Hooker lay at Falmouth, after Chancellorsville, Miss Harris, 
sister of Senator Harris, of New York, with a few other noble 
disinterested women, had come out to take charge of the hos- 
pitals, within range of the enemy's shells, but these were the 
only exceptions, so far as I am aware. 

When Mrs. Custer made her appearance, it was the preva- 
lent belief that camp was no place for ladies, and many were 
the comments her visit created. It was only after observing 
the effect of her presence, that the sneerers were compelled to 
admit that it was altogether j)ure and elevating, and to wish 
that a similar blessed influence might extend over their own 
camps. 

Like a good angel she came to the brigade at Stevensburg, 
like a good angel she remained with them till spring. All 
that Custer's already noble character needed of dignity and 
repose, of sweetness and patience, she gave him. Finding him 
good, she left him perfect, and her sweet and gracious influence 
can be traced on all his after life. 






CHAPTER IV. 
THE WILDERNESS AND THE VALLEY. 

THE spring of 1864 witnessed a great change in the 
Army of the Potomac, and especially in the Cavalry 
Corps. Hitherto, there had been a marked difference in suc- 
cess between the conduct of the war in the eastern and west- 
ern departments. In the latter, beginning with the capture 
of Fort Donelson, and the substantial repulse of the Confede- 
rates at Shiloh, the canipaigns of the Union forces had resulted 
in carrying the war from the banks of the Ohio, where the 
Confederates once threatened Louisville, down to the borders 
of Georgia at Chattanooga, a substantial advance of over two 
hundred miles. The general success of the western generals 
had only been marred by the desperate and bloody battles of 
Shiloh, Murfreesboro' and Chickamauga. In all these three 
battles, the Confederate generals, starting with decided strategic 
successes, and beginning by driving the Union forces, had ended 
by retreating and losing the fruits of victory. In the case of 
Chickamauga alone, had Bragg held his own ; and a few weeks 
later he was driven from his vantage ground in confusion by 
Grant. 

Contrasted with this, the achievements of the Army of the 
Potomac were empty and barren of results. Beginning with 
the disastrous defeat of Bull Pun, the eastern men gave their 
foes the advantage of morale at the start, and the flank move- 
ment of evasion made by McClellan, which terminated in the 
Peninsular campaign, had only provoked further disaster. Lee 



220 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

had entered Maryland, and three times threatened the capital 
of the nation, in as many years. Now, the experience of 
Meade's timidity, displayed in his October retreat and the 
eqnally unnecessary failure at Mine E,un in November, showed 
plainly that he was not the man to whom an aggressive cam- 
paign could be committed. Excellent for defence, his aggressive 
ability was confessedly unequal to the task of driving Lee. 

Under these circumstances, General Grant was called from 
the west, made Lieutenant General, placed in chief command of 
all the armies, and came himself to Virginia, to direct opera- 
tions personally. He did not assume the direct command of 
the Army of the Potomac. The memory of Gettysburg saved 
Meade from the humiliation of removal, and his cheerful, un- 
complaining obedience to orders on all occasions, so different 
from the independent ways and constant complaints of McClellan 
and Hooker, pointed him out as just the man to execute Grant's 
orders, whatever they M'ere. 

At the same time that Grant came to the field, General 
Pleasonton was removed from the command of the cavalry 
corps, which was given to a western man, of whom none in the 
Army of the Potomac had ever heard, an infantry division 
commander, named Philip Henry Sheridan. Grant, however, 
knew him as one of the very hardest fighters in the west, and 
his choice of men was never more abundantly justified. Other 
changes took place in the cavalry corps, no less radical. John 
Buford, the most capable of the division leaders, was dead, Kil- 
patrick was sent out west to join Sherman, and a young briga- 
dier named Wilson was taken from staff duty and put in his 
place. Gregg was the only one left of the old set. Buford was 
replaced by Brigadier-General A. T. A. Torbert, who had for 
some time commanded the Jersey brigade of infantry, once 
trained by Phil Kearny. 

To Custer the change was great. He was transferred with 
his " Michiganders," to the First division, and found himself 
under an infantry general, side by side with Devin, an old, 



THE WILDERNESS AND THE VALLEY. 221 

steady-going man, not given to dash, in a place wliere his en- 
thusiasm mnst necessarily be cooled to conform to the slower 
movements of his comrades. That spring, which witnessed a 
change in his surroundings, witnessed also a change in his per- 
sonal appearance. He cut his long locks away, and began to 
grow side whiskers. The change was decidedly a disfigure- 
ment, and before the end of the summer he repented of it, for 
he allowed his hair to grow again, and became the old Custer 
once more, by October. 

On the 3d May, 1864, the anniversary of the disaster of 
Chancellorsville, the Army of the Potomac was once more over 
the Eapidan, a part of it on the very same ground which had 
witnessed that defeat. The main body of the army, however, 
was higher up toward Orange Court House, and the fighting 
took place away from all houses in the midst of scrub woods, 
whence no view of the battle could be obtained. It was a hap- 
hazard sort of a fight, the heads of columns on the road feeling 
for each other; and it terminated only in a drawn battle; while 
Grant moved across Lee's front in the night, to get between 
him and Richmond. In the Wilderness fight the cavalry was 
on the left. Wilson, with the Third Division, had the lead, 
Gregg was next, Torbert third. Wilson ran into the enemy at 
Tod's Tavern and was driven back by Fitzhugh Lee, in some 
confusion. All the fighting was dismounted, the woods being 
so thick that any other method was impossible. The first serious 
fighting of Torbert's division was still further to the left, at 
Spottsylvania Court House. It took place after the main battle 
of the Wilderness was over, and was the first indication to Lee 
that his enemy M'as working round on that flank. It was sulky, 
stubborn bull dog fighting, entirely opposed to the brilliant 
methods by which Custer had gained his reputation, dismounted 
lines of skirmishers pressing grimly forward through tangled 
woods, tiring at each other like lines of infantry, holding on to 
hasty breastworks of rails and fallen trees, and making but 
little progress. 



(/ 



222 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

One thing however was noticeable in all the battles. The 
Confederate cavalry were not fighting with the obstinacy and 
vigor which characterized them in 1863. They were in as 
strong force to all appearance, and would fight well in the morn- 
ing, but the evening invariably showed a relaxation, very differ- 
ent from their old ways. This feature was clearly noticeable in 
the Wilderness, and after. The infantry fought as fiercely as 
ever but the cavalry was beginning to lose its backbone. 

It is not our intention to dwell long on this period of Custer's 
career as a brigade commander. It was marked by less individ- 
uality than during the previous summer, and for a simple rea- 
son. Torbert was a slow and steady chief, who always kept his 
division close together, and never got it into scrapes ; conse- 
quently Custer was generally alongside of some one else, and 
sharing the ordinary incidents of every tight, uninteresting save 
to professional readers. His only rival for dash was General Mer- 
ritt, who had left West Point a year before Custer, and there- 
fore ranked him. Merritt commanded the Eegular Brigade of 
the same division, and was always trying to be side by side with 
Custer. Something, however, he lacked. It is hard to say 
what it was, except beauty of person and that chivalrous ro- 
mantic spirit which pervaded Custer's every look and action. 
Certain it is, that Custer was idolized by his men, and could 
give by his personal presence weight to a charge of which Mer- 
ritt could not boast, although, as a general, he was held in 
higher esteem by many, as not being thought so rash and reck- 
less. There is little doubt that in this respect Custer had lost 
as much in reputation by his long association with Kilpatrick 
as he had gained in popular favor by being so frequent- 
ly mentioned in the papers, however unjust the verdict of 
rashness. 

The savage and determined fighting of the cavalry on the 
left of Grant's army lasted till the 7th of May, when the horse- 
men were relieved at Spottsylvania, and withdrawn to pi'epare 
for Sheridan's first raid. In his final report the general tells 



THE WILDERNESS AND THE VALLEY. 223 

ns his reasons for this step, and very good ones they were. Up 
to that time, save in the short Gettj'Sbarg campaign, the cavalry 
of the Array of the Potomac had been hampered by being al- 
ways attached to the infantry, taking care of the latter, and 
engaged in indecisive actions, in M^iich the infantry never sup- 
ported it. Sheridan's idea was that it should operate as an 
independent body, raid aronnd the enemy's rear, and fight his 
cavalry only, till that shonld be destroyed, living off the country 
meantime. Grant consented to allow him to try the experiment, 
and it succeeded so well that it was constantly repeated there- 
after. The former raids of the cavalry, under Stoneman, had 
been made in detached bodies, liable to be crushed by superior 
force. Sheridan determined to act with his whole mass in 
unison, knowing it to be stronger than any cavalry force Stu- 
art could bring against it. 

On the 9th of May, 1864, accordingly, the whole cavalry 
corps, nearly twelve thousand strong, started out on its road to 
Richmond, and was soon well on its way, Custer's brigade in 
the extreme advance. Before the evening, Custer reached the 
North Anna River, at Beaver Dam Station, where the Rich- 
mond and Gordonsville railroad crosses the river. He at once 
charged right into the station, which was directly in the rear of 
Lee's centre, captured three long trains and two engines, and 
released four hundred Union prisoners, going to Richmond. 
The cars were full of rations for Lee's army, and were burned, 
and the railroad was destroyed for miles. 

To reach this point, the cavalry column had made a march 
of over thirty miles, and had completely got the start of Stuart. 
During the afternoon the Confederate chief followed up the 
rear of the column, which was nearly ten miles long, and 
attacked it fiercely, but was easily beaten off. All that night 
Stuart marched on, to get ahead of the Union cavalry, with 
Fitzhugh Lee's and "Wade Hampton's divisions of horse. . The 
next day, Sheridan started again, and marched more leisurely 
to Ashland, about fifteen miles farther. He was quite safe from 



224 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Lee's infantry, for Grant had all that fully employed at Spott- 
sylvania, and he did not care much for the assaults of the cav- 
alry. Ashland depot was burned, with more cars, and more 
track was torn up here. 

On the 11th of May, the whole cavalry corps was within 
four miles of Kichmond, on the Brooks pike, Custer once more 
in the advance. It was in this campaign that Sheridan or Tor- 
bert commenced the practice of giving Custer the advance when- 
ever anything serious was to be done, and this day Custer fully 
justified it. Stuart had by this time got in front of Sheridan, 
and gallantly endeavored to stay his course. 

Custer in his report saj'S : — The Second and Reserve Bri- 
gades were first engaged, afterwards my brigade was thrown in 
on the left of the Reserve Brigade, connecting on my left with 
the right of the Third division. The enemy was strongly posted 
on a bluff in rear of a thin skirt of woods, his battery being 
concealed from our view by the woods. The edge of the woods 
nearest my front was held by the enemy's dismounted men, who 
poured a heavy fire into my line. The Fifth and Sixth Michi- 
gan were ordered to dismount and drive the enemy from the 
position, which they did in the most gallant manner. On reach- 
ing the woods I ordered Colonel Alger to establish the Fifth 
and Sixth upon a line near the skirt of the woods, and hold his 
position till further orders. From a personal examination of 
the grounds, I discovered that a successful charge might be 
made upon the battery of the enemy by keeping well to the 
right. With this intention I formed the First Michigan in 
column of squadrons under cover of the M'oods. At the same 
time I directed Colonel Alger and Major Kidd to move the 
Fifth and Sixth Michigan forward to occupy the attention of 
the enemy on the left, Heaton's battery to engage them in 
front, while the First charged the battery in the flank. As 
soon as the First Michigan moved from the cover of the woods, 
the enemy divined our intention and opened a brisk fire from 
his artillery. Before the battery could be reached there were 



THE WILDERNESS AND THE VALLEY. 225 

five fences to be opened and a bridge to cross over which it 
was impossible to pass more than three at one time. Yet not- 
withstanding these obstacles the First Michigan advanced boldly 
to the charge, and when within two hundred yards of the bat- 
tery charged it with a yell which spread terror before them. 
Two pieces of cannon, two limbers filled with ammunition, 
and a number of prisoners, were the fruits of this charge. 

Wliile this was going on in the First, Alger was at work 
with his Fifth Michigan, had driven the enemy through the 
woods into the open, and the order was given to cease firing, 
the enemy being w^orsted. Just at that instant a Confederate 
officer, who afterwards proved to be General J. E. B. Stuart, 
rode up with his staff to within four hundred yards of the line, 
when a man of the Fifth fired at him. John A Huft' of Co A. 
remarked : " Tom, you shot too low and to the left,'' and turn- 
ing to Colonel Alger, M^ho was near, said, 

" Colonel, I can fetch that man." 

" Try him,'' said Alger. 

Huff took a steady aim over a fence and fired — the officer 
fell. Huff turned to the colonel and coolly said : " There's a 
spread eagle for you." 

Huff had previously been in Berdan's Sharpsliooters, and 
was an excellent shot : he was killed a mouth later, at Cold 
Harbor. 

After Stuart's fall the enemy rallied desperately for awhile, 
but finally gave way in a complete rout, before a general charge 
led by Custer, in which the First, Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh 
Michigan and the First Yermont all joined together. 

Thus, once more, Custer had taken the brunt of the fighting 
for his whole division, and driven the enemy from the field. 

That evening Sheridan was in a dilemma. He had beaten 
the enemy's cavalry, and was in front of Eichraond, but he 
could do no more without infantry and heavy guns. He had 
one chance of success, however. Butler, with twenty thousand 
men, was known to be on the James River, south bank, near 
15 



226 GENERAL GEORGE A, CUSTER, 

Richmond, and it was possible that he might advance, capture 
the city, and join the cavahy. The hope was vain, however. 
Butler was too far away. Kothing was heard of him, and every 
available Confederate infantry soldier was' hurrying out of 
Richmond to attack Sheridan in front, while Fitzhugh Lee and 
"VYade Hampton were pressing on his rear. Sheridan had two 
courses left open. One was to march back, crushing the cav- 
alry in the way, and join Grant ; the other to strike off to the 
east, down the Peninsula, to Whitehouse Landing, and rest his 
command till Grant's advance reached the head of the Penin- 
sula. He chose the latter course for two reasons. First, he 
did not care to march back, with a certain fight, while he was 
out of forage, when a stubborn enemy could delay him suffi- 
ciently long to starve his command : second, having gone so tar 
it would hurt the morale of the whole campaign to recede. He 
marched down the old and now deserted Peninsula to Wliite- 
liouse landing, where gunboats and supplies awaited him, and 
rested in peace after his first raid. 

After a few days' repose, the cavalry corps marched up the 
Peninsula, and found the Union army drawn up near Hanover 
Court House. On the 2Sth May, Sheridan, with a division of 
the Sixth Corps and the cavalry, started off on the next flank 
movement of Grant, which ended at Cold Harbor. By succes- 
sive flanking movements, Grant's army had come in a slanting 
direction, all the way from Orange Court House, crossing suc- 
cessively the Rapidan, North Anna, South Anna, and Pamunkey, 
and now found itself just where McClellan was two years before, 
at Cold Harbor not twelve miles from the centre of Richmond. 
The position of the two armies was however different from the 
days of McClellan. The hitter's lines had been drawn east and 
west, his rear being open to Jackson's attack, coming from the 
valley. Grant's lines were drawn north and south, across the 
head of the Peninsula, with his base indifferently at either 
Whitehouse on the Pamunkey, or Harrison's Landing on the 
James. 



THE WILDERNESS AND THE VALLEY. 227 

In this position the battle of Cold Harbor was fought. It 
began by the cavalry moving to the left, driving off Fitzhiigh 
Lee and holding the enemy's infantry in breastworks. It ended, 
as at Spottsylvania, in the infantry coming np, relieving the 
cavalry, and making a savage attack on Lee's army heavily 
fortified, along the whole line. The assault was repulsed with 
heavy loss, as all the others had been, but the Army of the 
Potomac retained the advantage, for the first time in its history, 
of having always attacked and never retreated. 

The disadvantage to the Southern infantry of the defensive 
attitude was great. As long as they had things all their own 
way, as during 1862, no soldiers fought better, and their attacks 
were heroic. The disaster at Gettysburg, on the other hand, 
when they were obliged to defend themselves, developed the 
great weakness of the Confederate armies, a tendency to scatter, 
each man for himself, and to surrender in small squads. The 
Union troops, under similar disasters, displayed an opposite 
tendency, to huddle together and look blindly to the Govern- 
ment for help. The disintegrating tendency of reverses, during 
1864, did more to strip the Southern army of strength than 
the material blows of Grant's troops. Only the very best 
soldiers, under the personal lead of Lee and Johnston, held to- 
gether. When any one else took them, as in the cases of Early 
and Hood, they broke all to pieces at the first serious defeat. 

The close of the battle of Cold Harbor was marked by 
Sheridan's second raid. His first had been round Lee's right, 
and succeeded perfectly. 'Now he proposed to try the same 
experiment round his left. The army lay in front of Cold 
Harbor, sulkily watching Lee, and it is possible that the latter 
thought a second McCIellan was about to begin a second siege. 
If so, on the Yth June he was undeceived, for on that day 
Sheridan, Muth the First and Second Divisions, started round 
his left flank, and very soon was roaming over the country 
lately occupied by Lee's army. He was compelled, after the 
first day, to march very slowly. The country was almost en- 



228 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

tirelj bare of forage for his horses, and when the grain that his 
men carried with them was exhausted, thej were obliged tc 
subsist bj grazing their animals, to a large extent. Four days 
after starting, Sheridan reached Trevillian Station, about five 
miles from Gordonsville. He found Fitzhugli Lee thei'e, drove 
him away, burned the station, and tore up the track. It was 
his intention while there to have effected a junction with Gen- 
eral Hunter, who was ordered to come down through the 
Shenandoah Yalley to meet him. Hunter never got so far, for he 
met Breckinridge, and was driven back. Sheridan, hearing that 
Breckinridge was close to him, with a heavy force of infantry, 
judged that he could not afford to fight a battle. His supply 
of ammunition was not sufficient for more than one contest, his 
horses were in poor condition, and in the event of a defeat he 
would be in a bad plight. He therefore fell back in the night, 
marched to the Peninsula, and finally rejoined Grant's army, 
which had crossed the James at Petersburg on the 25th June. 

In all these operations, Custer had no opportunity for the 
display of any of his peculiar talents for brilliant success save at 
Beaver Dam, and in front of Richmond at Yellow Tavern. The 
rest was all grim hard work, weary march or straight ahead 
assaults on breastworks, with nothing but hard knocks and a 
few feet of ground to gain. 

During the whole of July, the cavalry and Custer had little 
to do. The position at Petersburg, where the siege was now go- 
ing on, rendered them useless. At the end of June, they tried, in 
conjunction with the Second Corps, to turn Lee's right tiank, 
by getting between Petersburg and Richmond at Deep Bottom, 
but the attempt was frustrated by fortifications. 

During July, however, Lee took the initiative into his own 
hands once more. He did not dare attack Grant, but he did 
dare attack Washington, by way of the Yalle3\ His lines at 
Petersburg were so strong that he could afford to send away 
considerable force to the Yalley, without compromising the 
safety of Richmond j he did so. On the 3d of J uly, Early 



THE WILDERNESS AND THE VALLEY. 229 

marched up the Yalley to Martinsburg, and soon after' entered 
Maryland and Pennsylvania. The raid, though made at first 
by a small force, had the effect Lee intended it should have. 
It caused Grant to detach the Sixth Corps from Petersburg, 
and finally two divisions of his cavalry (Torbert's and Wilson's) 
to the succor of Washington. Early fought one battle, at 
Monocacy, against Lew Wallace, who had hastily gathered to- 
gether a lot of militia and hundred days' men. He whipped 
Wallace, and advanced to Washington, but the battle had de- 
tained him so long that it gave time for the Sixth Corps to 
arrive and man the defences. Nearly at the same time, the 
Nineteenth Corps also began to arrive, by sea, from Louisiana, 
where it had been serving ; and Early retreated down the val- 
ley with his plunder. 

The Sixth Corps was again ordered back to Petersburg, and 
had reached Washington, when the news came that Early was 
again advancing, this time in heavier force. Lee had found his 
first experiment so successful that he hoped to better it. Early, 
with twelve thousand men, had called away Wright's corps : it 
was probable that another twelve thousand might call out still 
more, and weaken Grant sufficiently to enable Lee to even 
attack him. Lee reckoned without his host. Instead of an- 
other corps, Grant sent Sheridan, on the 2d of August, 1864, 
and, what is more, went himself. 

Note. In tlie fight at Trevillian Station, mentioned shortly before, Cus- 
ter's Brigade was at one time in great peril. It had been sent off to the left, 
and had cut off a Confederate brigade from its led horses. On the right, Tor- 
bert and Wilson had driven back the force opposed to them, and as it hap- 
pened, straight on to Custer's rear. The Michigan Brigade found itself 
surrounded, its guns in peril, and finally the enemy were so close on Cus- 
ter's colors that his color bearer was shot, and the general only saved the 
colors by tearing them from the staff and stuffing them into his breast. 
We extract from Custer's and Sheridan's official reports of the operations of 
his brigade, the main incidents of this fight. His column moved on Trevil- 
lian Station by a different road from that of the rest of the division, followed 
at a respectful distance by Wickham's brigade of Confederate cavalry. 
Coming to the station, Fitzhugh Lee was found in front, and a wagon train 



230 



GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 



was in sight. Custer ordered in that inevitable Fiftli Michigan ; with the 
equally inevitable Alger, and as usual Alger went in on the charge. He 
captured a large number of wagons, ambulances, and caissons, and some 
eight hundred men with 1500 led horses. These were the horses of the 
enemy engaging Merritt and Devin on the other road. Had Alger obeyed 
his orders, to halt at the station, all was well ; but lie was so transported 
with ardor, that he charged nearly a mile down the road. The enemy in 
front of Merritt and Devin came driving back on Custer's right, in great 
confusion. Wickham made a desperate assault on his rear, and a third force 
coming up to the support of Merritt's foes, made its appearance on the left 
and front, between Custer and Alger. Then the figbt became lively for a 
while. Custer naively observes in his report, that his lines were " very 
contracted " and " resembled very nearly a circle." He was only intent on 
holding on to his captures till Merritt and Devin came in, for he could hear 
their firing steadily advancing. All his plans were frustrated by a single 
coward. The quartermaster in charge of the trains and captures, demor- 
alized by his unaccustomed position under fire, moved out his train with- 
out orders, and ran right into the enemy. Everything was retaken with 
much of Custer's property, and the enemy broke into his lines. It is very 
satisfactory to record that this quartermaster was cashiered for cowardice. 
It was at this juncture when everything was in confusion on both sides, 
that Sergeant Mitchell Belvir, First Michigan Cavalry, Custer's color-bearer, 
was killed, right in the advance of a charge. His death grip on the color- 
staff was so tenacious, and the danger at the moment so imminent, that Cus- 
ter was compelled to wrench the flag from the staff to save it. A little later, 
Merritt and Devin came in, and the enemy was driven in confusion. Alger 
cut his way back, but with heavy loss. 




CHAPTER V. 
WINCHESTER. 

ON the 4tli of August, 1863, Major Philip H. Sheridan 
reported in "Washington to Halleck, Chief of Staff, for 
instructions. He was informed that he was assigned to the 
Army of the Shenandoah, and would receive further instruc- 
tions from General Grant, personally, at Monocacy Junction in 
Maryland. He went there and received them, brief, and to the 
point. He was to find the enemy, drive him up the Shenan- 
doah Valley as soon as he could, and to destroy all forage and 
provisions in that valley, so as to prevent the enemy from going 
that way again. Grant noticed that all Lee's raids went up 
this rich valley, not over the bare and desolated field of Bull 
Kun, and he was resolved to strip the one as bare as the other. 

The Arm}^ of the Shenandoah then consisted of the Sixth 
Corps, much reduced in numbers, one division of the Nine- 
teenth Corps, two small divisions under Crook, a small division 
of cavalry one thousand strong, under Averill, and Torbert's 
cavalry division. Averill was off after McCausland's cavalry, 
which had just burned Chambersburg, Pa., and Torbert's men 
had not yet all reached Washington. The losses of horses and 
men in the raids had reduced them in number so much that 
the total effective force of Sheridan when he started down the 
valley, within a week of his arrival, was only eighteen thousand 
infantry, and three thousand live hundred horse.* 

Opposed to these was Early, with a total force in the neigh- 

* Sheridan's Report. 



232 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

borliood of twenty -five thousand infantry, and five thousand 
horse scattered throughout the country. It is very difficult and 
ahnost impossible to verify Early's numbers, for the reason 
that his own final report, written after the war, avers that he 
had less men in his whole army, than were returned as prisoners 
by Sheridan's provost-marshal at the close of the campaign. 
Of this we shall speak further on. 

Torbert was at once appointed chief of cavalry for the 
Army of the Shenandoah, and Merritt was given the First 
Division, in which he was now senior brigadier. Sheridan 
gathered his forces so quickly, that on the 10th of August, he 
was beyond Strasburg, driving Gordon's division before him, 
the First Union cavalry division in advance. All through the 
valley campaign, after this, whenever Sheridan wanted work 
done, he called on the remnants of his old cavalry corps, 
already " old " to him, though he had taken them for the first 
time in May, and it was now only August. 

"While at Strasburg, however, he heard that a column of the 
enemy was moving over the old campaigning ground, towards 
Front Royal, on his left rear; and on the 13th, he dispatched 
Devin's brigade to Front Royal, to find out what was the mat- 
ter. The same day he received a special message from "Wash- 
ington, by an officer who rode all the way. The message was 
from Grant, who was already back at Petersburg, and informed 
him that Lee had certainly sent two divisions, and at least 
twenty guns, to join Early. To meet these, another division 
of the Nineteenth Corps, and Wilson's division of his own old 
cavalry corps, were coming to join Sheridan. He determined 
to fall back to the end of the valley while waiting for these, 
and hold the line of Halltown, in front of Harper's Ferry, 
which he did at once. The expected column of the enemy did 
come down on him at Front Royal, with Kershaw's infantry 
division, and Fitzhugli Lee's cavalry division, but Merritt, 
who was there by this time with his single cavalry division, 
beat the enemy back, Devin's brigade taking the honors, two 



WINCHESTER. 233 

flags, and some hundred prisoners. In tliis fight Devin won 
his star at last. 

From the date of Front Royal to the middle of September, 
the movements of the two armies around Ilalltown were very 
confusing. Sheridan, by careful inquiry and reconnoissances, 
ascertained at last exactly what troops had joined Early. They 
were only Kershaw's and Fitzhugh Lee's divisions, the first foot, 
the second horse. This made his force superior to Sheridan's 
by a few thousands, but when the latter was joined by his own 
reinforcements, they were about equal. 

The question now was, what to do. Sheridan was obliged 
to be very cautious. There was nothing behind him if he got 
beaten, and Early was a hard fighter. He was placed there to 
keep Early from going into Maryland, and he did his duty 
well, but with a caution in great contrast to his previous and 
subsequent career. He kept on his shifty tactics so long, 
marching and countermarching, reconnoitring and falling back, 
that Grant began to fear he had mistaken his man. It seemed 
as if " Sheridan the Bold" was paralyzed by the responsibility, 
and growing into a nervous engineer, afraid to move. So 
strong was this impression, that Grant actually left Petersburg, 
came lo Washington, and travelled all the way to Harper's 
Ferry, to find what was the matter. He arrived on the 18th 
September, and found things so well settled, that, as he says, he 
never again interfered with Sheridan. The cavalry chief knew 
his business. 

It turned out that Sheridan had learned beyond question 
from his scouts that Kershaw's division, of four brigades, at 
least five thousand men in all, was ordered back to Richmond, 
and he was patiently waiting, and had been for two weeks, for 
its departure. With all his usual impetuosity he was yet 
willing to wait, so as not to throw away a single chance. 
Another remark in Sheridan's report is very significant. " Al- 
though the main force remained without change of position 
from September third to nineteenth, still the cavalry was em 



234 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

ployed every day in harassing the enemy, its opponents being 
principally infantry. In these sJdrmishes the cavalry was he- 
coming educated to attack infantry lines.^'' 

This was worth more than all the rest, as was made evident 
on the 19th of September. 

On the 15th, Sheridan heard that Kershaw's division was 
off, and he determined to strike. He allowed two days to pass 
over, so that Kei'shaw might be well out of reach ; then, on 
the next night he gathered his men, and on the morning of the 
19th of September marched on Winchester. 

The battle of Winchester was perfectly simple in its nature, 
and was finally decided by the cavalry, the first instance in the 
civil war in w4iich such was the case. Sheridan outnumbered 
Early, since the withdrawal of Kershaw, but Early had still 
four strong divisions of infantry, and five brigades of cavalry. 
With these he made a stand in front of Winchester, and his 
line was long enough to outflank Sheridan. The Union cavalry 
under Torbet, now consisted of Merritt's, Wilson's and Averill's 
divisions, numbering in all about seven thousand men. It 
began the action on Opequan Creek, nearly ten miles from 
Winchester, near Martinsburg, where it was met by Early's 
cavalry under Kosser, the " Savior of the Yalley," as he was 
dubbed when he first came there. 

It was considerably inferior to the veterans of Sheridan, 
both in numbers and composition ; and was driven, together 
with Breckinridge's corps of inflmtry, found with it, steadily 
back along the pike to Winchester, and so on to Early's left 
flank. 

During the day, till the arrival of the Union cavalry the 
fio-ht between Early's and Sheridan's infantry was very even. 
The Sixth Corps was the only force that Sheridan could thor- 
oughly depend on to stand, for the two divisions of the Mne- 
teenth Corps, coming from Louisiana, where the enemy was very 
inferior, both in numbers and discipline, to Lee's army, was not 
yet used to the " stand up and take it " kind of flghting that had 



WINCHESTER. 235 

greeted the Array of the Potomac ever since its first campaign. 
Knowing its weakness, Sheridan held Crook's little force, only 
about three thousand men, in reserve ; and it was well he did 
so. The Sixth Corps stood well up to its work, but the Nine- 
teenth broke under the tremendous fire of musketry, and 
Sheridan's centre was all giving way. Then it was that he 
himself, seeing the danger, dashed in, and for the first time 
in his history in Virginia, treated the infantrymen to a taste of 
the tallest swearing they had ever heard. No one in the cav- 
alry corps had ever beard him vituperate in such a manner, the 
general impression there being that he was a kind, indulgent 
chief. The only time he was heard to swear in such fearfully 
profane style was when troops were breaking, as in this instance, 
and the line in danger. Then he seemed to be beside himself. 
Ordering up a reserve brigade, which charged very gallantly, 
he threw himself among the fugitives and fairly cursed them 
back into the lines, raving in such a manner that they feared 
him more than the enemy. The line was restored, and once 
more advanced ; and Sheridan, finding his right flank in danger 
of being turned, put in Crook, and by so doing extended his line 
so far as to turn his enemy's left. The influx of fresh troops on 
the flanks so dismayed and disheartened the stubborn infantry 
of Early that they broke and fell back in confusion. At the 
edge of the town they rallied desperately and seemed about 
to drive back their foes, when the clouds of dust and rattle of 
volleys, away to their left rear, announced the coming of 
Sheridan's cavalry, driving Rosser and Lomax before them. 
The crisis was come with the cavalry. How they came there 
let Custer tell, as also what followed. 

My command, lie says, was in readiness to move from its 
encampment near Summit Point, at 2 o'clock in the morn- 
ing. It being the intention to reach Opequan, some five miles 
distant, before daylight, the march was begun soon after 2 a. m., 
and conducted by the most direct route across the country, 
independent of roads. My brigade moved in advance of the 



236 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

division, and reached the vicinity of the Opequan before day- 
light, unobserved by the enemy, whose pickets were posted 
along the opposite bank. Massing ray command in rear of 
a belt of woods and opposite a ford, sitnated about three miles 
from the point at which the railroad crossed the stream, I 
awaited the arrival of the division commander and the re- 
mainder of the division. At daylight I received orders to 
move to a ford one mile and a half up the stream, and there 
attempt a crossing. This movement was also made beyond 
the view of the enemy, and my command was massed opposite 
the point designated in rear of a range of hills overlooking the 
Opequan. Owing to a reconnoissance made at this point by 
our forces a few days previous, the enemy were found on the 
alert, thereby destroying all hopes of securing possession of the 
ford by a surprise. Two regiments, the Twenty-fifih Kew York 
and Seventh Michigan, both under command of that reliable 
soldier, Lieutenant-Colonel Brewer, of the Seventh Michigan, 
were selected to charge the ford and obtain possession of the 
rifle-pits under the opposite bank. By request of the senior 
officer of the Twenty-fifth New York Cavalry, that regiment 
was placed in advance, and both regiments moved under cover 
of a hill, as near to the ford as possible without being exposed 
to the fire of the enemy. At the same time the Sixth Michigan 
Cavalry, Colonel Kidd commanding, advanced, dismounted, 
to the crest overlooking the ford, and engaged the enemy on 
the opposite bank. Everything promised success, and the 
order was given for the column of Colonel Brewer to 
charge. 

Accordingly both regiments moved rapidly toward the ford. 
The advance of the Twenty-fifth New York reached the water, 
when the enemy, from a well-covered rifle-pit opposite the cross- 
ing, opened a heavy fire upon our advance, and succeeded in 
repulsing the head of the column, whose conduct induced this 
entire portion of the command to give way in considerable con- 
fusion. No responsibility for this repulse could be attached to 



WINCHESTER. 237 

Lieutenant-Colonel Brewer, who had left nothing undone to 
insure success. Giving him orders to re-form his command 
under the cover of the ridge of hills before mentioned, and di- 
recting Colonel Kidd to engage the attention of the enemy as 
closely as possible, such a disposition of sharp-shooters was 
made as to quiet that portion of the enemy lodged in the rifle- 
pits covering the ford. The First Michigan cavalry. Colonel 
Stagg commanding, which had been held in reserve, was or- 
dered to accomplish what two regiments had unsuccessfully 
attempted. 'No time was lost, but aided by the experience of 
the command which preceded it, the First cavalry secured a 
good position near the ford. 

Colonel Stagg, detaching two squadrons as an advance 
guard, under Lieutenant-Colonel Maxwell, one of the most 
dashing and intrepid officers of the service, ordered the charge, 
and under cover of the heavy tire poured in by the Sixth Mich- 
igan, gained a footing on the opposite bank, capturing the rifle-pits 
and a considerable number of prisoners. The enemy retired 
about one mile from the ford in the direction of Winchester, 
and took a position behind a heavy line of earthworks protected 
in addition by a formidable chevaux de frise. My entire com- 
mand was moved to the south of the stream, and placed in 
position along the ridge jnst vacated by the enemy. About 
this time, a battery of horse artillery, under command of Lieu- 
tenant Taylor, reported to me, and was immediately ordered 
into position within range of the enemy's works. Prisoners 
captured at the ford represented themselves as belonging to 
Breckinridge's Corps, and stated that their corps, with Breck- 
inridge in command, was posted behind the works confronting 
us. Deeming this information reliable, as the results of the 
day proved it to be, I contented myself with annoying the 
enemy with artillery and skirmishers, until the other brigades 
of the division, having eflfected a crossing at a ford lower down, 
established connection with my left. Acting in conjunction 
with a portion of Colonel LoM'ell's brigade, an advance of the 



238 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

First and Seventh Michigan and Twentj-fifth Xew York was 
ordered to test the number and strength of the enemy. 

This movement called forth from the enemy a heavy fire 
from his batteries. It failed, however, to inflict serious damage. ' 
Lieutenant-Colonel Maxwell, who headed the charging column, 
as was his custom, succeeded in piercing the enemy's line of in- 
fantry and reaching to within a few feet of their artillery. 
Overwhelming numbers alone forced him to relinquish the in- 
tent of their capture, and he retired, after inflicting a severe 
loss upon the enemy. This advance, while clearly developing 
the position and strength of the enemy, was not without loss on 
our part. Among those whose gallantry on this occasion was 
conspicuous was Lieutenant Jackson, of the First Michigan cav- 
alry, who, while among the foremost in the charge, received a 
wound which carried away his arm and afterwards proved mor- 
tal. He was a young oflicer of great promise, and one whose 
loss was severely felt. At this time the engagement along the 
centre and left of our line Avas being contested with the utmost 
energy upon both sides, as could be determined by the heavy 
firing, both of artillery and small arms. While it was known 
to be impossible to carry the position in my front with the force 
at my disposal, it was deemed important to detain as large a 
force of the enemy in our own front as possible, and thus pre- 
vent reinforcements of other parts of their line. "With this 
object in view, as great a display of our forces was kept up as 
circumstances would allow. At the same time, skirmishing was 
continued, with little or no loss to either side. From the con- 
figuration of the ground the enemy was enabled to move or mass 
troops in rear of his position, unseen by my command. Either 
divining our intentions of delaying him, or receiving orders to 
this effect, he abandoned the position in our front and withdrew 
towards our left. In the absence of instructions I ordered a 
general advance, intending, if not opposed, to move beyond the 
enemy's left flank and strike him in reverse. I directed my 
advance toward Stevenson's Depot, and met with no enemy un- 



WINCHESTER. 239 

til within two miles of that point, when I encountered Lomax's 
division of cavalry, which at that time was engaged with Aver- 
ill's division, advancing on mj right on the Martinsburg pike. 
Our appearance was unexpected, and produced such confusion 
upon the part of the enemy that, though charged repeatedly by 
inferior numbers, they at no time waited for us to approach 
within pistol range, but broke and fled. Soon after a junction 
was formed with General Averill, on my right, which, with the 
connection on my left, made our line unbroken. At this time 
five brigades of cavalry were moving on parallel lines. Most, if 
not all, of the brigades moved by brigade front, regiments being 
in parallel columns of squadrons. One continuous and heavy 
line of skirmishers covered the advance, using only the carbine, 
while the line of brigades, as they advanced across the open 
country, the bands playing the national airs, presented in the 
sunlight one moving mass of glistening sabres. This, combined 
with the various and bright-colored banners and battle-flags, 
intermingled here and there with the plain blue uniforms of 
the troops, f urnislied one of the most inspiring as well as im- 
posing scenes of martial grandeur I ever, witnessed upon a' 
battle-field. 

No encouragement was required to inspire either men or 
horses. On the contrarj- it was necessary to check the ardor of 
both until the time for action should arrive. The enemy had 
efiected a junction of his entire cavalry force, composed of the 
divisions of Lomax and Fitzhugh Lee. They were formed 
across the Martinsburg and Winchester pike, about three miles 
from the latter place. Concealed by an open pine forest, they 
awaited our approach. No obstacles to the successful manoeu- 
vering of large bodies of cavalry were encountered. Even the 
forests were so open as to offer little or no hindrance to a charg- 
ing column. Upon our left, and in plain view, could be seen 
the struggle now raging between the infantry lines of each 
army, while at various points the small columns of light-colored 
smoke showed that the artillery of neither side was idle. At 



240 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

that moment it seemed as if no perceptible advantage conld be 
claimed by either, but the fortunes of the day might be decided 
by one of those incidents or accidents of the battle-field which, 
though insignificant in themselves, often go far towards decid- 
ing the fate of nations. Such must have been the impression 
of the officers and men composing the five brigades now ad- 
vancing to the attack. The enemy wisely chose not to receive 
our attack at a halt, but advanced from the woods and charged 
our line of skirmishers. The cavalry were here so closely con- 
nected that a separate account of the operations of a single 
brigade or regiment is almost impossible. Our skirmishers 
were forced back, and a portion of my brigade was pushed for- 
ward to their support. 

The enemy relied wholly upon the carbine and pistol ; my 
men preferred the sabre. A short but closely contested strug- 
gle ensued, which resulted in the repulse of the enemy. Many 
prisoners were taken, and quite a number of both sides were 
left on the field. Driving the enemy through the woods in his 
rear, the pursuit was taken up with vigor. The enemy divid- 
ing his coluum from necessity, our forces did likewise. The 
division of General Averill moved on the right of the pike, and 
gave its attention to a small force of the enemy which was di- 
recting its retreat towards the commanding heights west of the 
town. My command, by agreement with General Averill, took 
charge of all forces of the enemy on the pike, and those in the 
immediate vicinity of the ground to its left. Other portions of 
the first division made a detour still farther to my left, so that 
that which had lately been one unbroken line was now formed 
into several columns of pursuit, each with a special and select 
object in view. Within three-fourths of a mile from the point 
where the enemy had made his last stand, he rallied a portion 
of his force. His line was formed beyond a small ditch, Avhich 
he no doubt supposed would break, if not wholly oppose, an 
attacking column. Under most circumstances such might have 
been the case, but with men inspired with a foretaste of victory, 



WINCHESTER. 241 

greater obstacles must be interposed. Without designating 
any particular regiments, the charge was sounded, and portions 
of all the regiments composing my brigade, joined in the at- 
tack. The volleys delivered by the enemy were not enough 
to check the attacking column, and again was the enemy driven 
before us, this time seeking safety in rear of his line of infantry. 
Here he re-formed for his last attempt to check our advance. 
The batteries of the enemy were now enabled to reach us, an 
advantage they were not slow to improve. At this time a bat- 
tery of the enemy, with apparently little support, was being 
withdrawn. My command, owing to the repeated charges, had 
become badly broken, rendering it impossible for me to avail 
myself of the services of a single organized regiment. With 
detachments of each regiment, a charge was ordered upon the 
battery, which, but for the extreme smallness of our numbers, 
would have proved successful. Lieutenant Lounsbery, Fifth 
Michigan cavalry, with great daring, advanced with a handful 
of men to within a few paces of the battery, and was only pre- 
vented from capturing it by an infantry support, hitherto con- 
cealed, and outnumbering him. Sergeant Barber, Fifth Mich- 
igan cavalry, clerk at headquarters, distinguished himself in this 
charge as my color-bearer. He carried the colors in advance 
of the charging column, and was conspicuous throughout the 
engagement until severely wounded in the latter part of the 
day. It being necessary to re-form my regiment before at- 
tempting a further advance, advantage was taken of a slight 
ridge of ground within one thousand yards of the enemy's 
line of battle. Behind this ridge, and protected from the ene- 
my's fire, I formed as many of my men as could be hastily col- 
lected. Two guns, which had been annoying us on our right, 
were now charged and taken by the First and Second regular 
cavalry. This gave us possession of a portion of the main line 
of the enemy's fortifications. At the same time our infantry 
on the centre and left had, after our successes on the right, 
been enabled to drive the enemy, and were now forcing him 
16 



242 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

towards the town. Still determined to contest our farther ad- 
vances, the enemy now contracted his lines. This gave me an 
opportunity to move my brigade to a small crest, within five 
hundred yards of the enemy's position. 

" This movement was entirely unobserved by him, his atten- 
tion being drawn toward the heavy lines of our infantry, now 
advancing in open view far to our left. At this moment I 
received an order from the division commander to charge the 
enemy with my entire brigade. Having personally examined 
the situation, and knowing that a heavy force of the enemy was 
lying down behind these works, facts of which I knew the 
division commander was ignorant, I respectfully requested that 
I might be allowed to select my own time for making the 
charge. My reasons for this course were, that I was convinced 
that the advance of our infantry on the centre and left would 
compel the force in my front to shift its position to the rear, 
and the most favorable moment to strike it would be after this 
movement had commenced, not while they were awaiting us in 
rear of their works. My opinions were verified. Watching 
the enemy until his force had arisen from behind their works 
and commenced their retrograde movement, I gave the command 
to charge. The order was obeyed with zeal and alacrity by all. 
The First, Fifth, Sixth and Seventh Michigan, -with a portion of 
the Twenty-fifth New York, advanced in one line, using the sabre 
alone. Oflacers and men seemed to vie with each other as to who 
should lead . . . The enemy, upon our approach, turned and 
delivered a well directed volley of musketry, but before a second 
discharge could be given, my command was in their midst, sabre- 
ing right and left, and capturing prisoners more rapidly than 
they could be disposed of. Further resistance on the part of 
those opposed to us was suspended. A few batteries posted on 
the heights near the town continued to fire into our midst, for- 
tunately killing more of their own men than ours. Their fii'e 
was silenced, however, as we advanced toward them. Nothing 
more remained but to collect the prisoners and other trophies 



WINCHESTER. 243 

of the victory. No further resistance was offered : the charge 
just made had decided the day, and the entire body of the 
enemy, not killed or captured, was in full retreat up the valley. 
Many of the prisoners cut ofi" by my command fell into the hands 
of the infantry, whose advance soon reached the ground. My 
command, however, which entered the last charge about five 
hundred strong, including but thirty-six officers, caj^tured over 
seven hundred prisoners, also fifty-two officers, seven bat- 
tle flags, two caissons, and a large number of small arms. 
Night put an end to the pursuit, and the brigade bivouacked 
on the left of the valley pike, three miles from the battle-field. 
Our loss was by no means trifling." 

So closed the battle of Winchester, the first decisive field 
victory won in the civil war, made decisive only by the proper 
use of cavalry. It must not be imagined that Custer's brigade 
was all alone in its glory, but it had a large share of it. How 
it appeared in the last charge to a neighboring brigade is told 
so well by a participant, who was taken prisoner, that we can 
not forbear the transcription.* 

'* While awaiting in suspense our next'movement, the enemy's 
infantry was distinctly seen attempting to change front to meet 
our anticipated charge. Instantly, and while in the confusion 
incident to their manoeuvre, the Second Brigade burst upon 
them, the enemy's infantry breaking into complete rout, and 
falling back a confused and broken mass." General Merritt in his 
official report, writes : " The brigade emerged from the fray 
with three stands of colors and over three hundred prisoners. 
This blow, struck by General Devin, was at the angle of the 
line caused by the enemy refusing his left to meet our attack. 
Soon Colonel Lowell (Keserve brigade, which formed to the 
left of the old position from which Devin charged) entered the 
lists. His heroic brigade — now reduced to about six hundred 
men — rode out fearlessly within five hundred yards of the ene- 

^ From " Everglade and Canon," a history of the Second TJ. S. Dragoons 
by General Eodenbough, used by permission of the author. 



244 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

my's line of battle, on the left of which, resting on an old earth- 
work, was a two-gun battery. The order was given to charge 
the line and get the guns. 

It was well toward four o'clock, and, thongh the sun was 
warm, the air was cool and bracing. The ground to our front 
was open and level, in some places as smooth as a well-cut lawn. 
I^"ot an obstacle intervened between us and the enemy's line, 
which was distinctly seen nervously awaiting our attack. The 
brigade was in column of squadrons, the Second United States 
Cavalry in front. 

At the sound of the bugle we took the trot, the gallop, and 
then the charge. As we neared their line we Avere welcomed 
by a fearful musketry fire, which temporai-ily confused the lead- 
ing squadron, and caused the entire brigade to oblique slightly 
to the right. Instantly officers cried out, " Forward ! forward ! " 
The men raised their sabres, and responded to the command 
with deafening cheers. Within a hundred yards of the enemy's 
line we struck a blind ditch, but crossed it without breaking 
our front. In a moment we were face to face with the enemy. 
They stood as if awed by the heroism of the brigade, and in an 
instant broke in complete rout, our men sabring them as they 
vainly sought safety in flight. In this charge the battery and 
many prisoners were captured. Our own loss was severe, and 
of the officers of the Second, Captain Eodenbough lost an arm 
and Lieutenant Harrison was taken prisoner. 

It was the writer's misfortune to be captured, but not until 
six hundred yards beyond where the enemy were first struck, 
and when dismounted in front of their second line by his horse 
falling. Kor did he suffer the humiliation of a surrender of 
his sabre ; for as he fell to the ground M'ith stunning force, its 
point entered the sod several inches, well-nigh doubling the 
blade, which, in its recoil, tore the knot from his wrist, flying 
many feet through the air. 

Instantly a crowd of cavalry and infantry officers and men 
surrounded him, vindictive and threatening in their actions, 



WINCHESTER. 245 

but unable to repress such expressions as these : " Great God ! 
what a fearful charge ! How grandly you sailed in ! What 
brigade? What regiment?" As the reply proudly came, 
" Keserve Brigade, Second United States Cavalry," they fairly 
tore his clothing oif, taking his gold watch and chain, pocket- 
book, cap, and even spurs, and then turned him over to four 
infantrymen. What a translation— yea, transformation ! The 
confusion, disorder, and actual rout produced by the successive 
charges of Merritt's First Cavalry division would appear incred- 
ible, did not the writer actually witness them. To the right a 
battery, with guns disabled and caissons shattered, was trying 
to make to the rear, the men and horses impeded by broken 
regiments of cavalry and infantry. To the left, the dead and 
wounded, in confused masses, around their field-hospitals — 
many of the wounded, in great excitement, seeking shelter in 
Winchester. Directly in front, an ambulance, the driver nerv- 
ously clutching the reins, while six men, in great alarm, were 
carrying to it the body of General Rhodes. Not being able to 
account for the bullets which kept whizzing past, the writer 
turned and faced our own lines to discover the cause and, if 
possible, catch a last sight of the Stars and Stripes. 

The sun was well down in the west, mellowing everything 
with that peculiar golden hue which is the charm of our autumn 
days. To the left, our cavalry were hurriedly forming for 
another and final charge. To the right front, our infantry, in 
unbroken line, in the face of the enemy's deadly musketry, 
with banners unfurled, now enveloped in smoke, now bathed in 
the golden glory of the setting sun, were seen slowly but stead- 
ily pressing forward. Suddenly, above the almost deafening 
din and tumult of the conflict, an exultant shout broke forth, 
and simultaneously our cavahy and infantry Une charged. As 
he stood on tiptoe to see the lines crash together, himself and 
guards were suddenly caught in the confused tide of a thor- 
oughly-beaten army — cavalry, artillery and infantry — broken, 
demoralized, and routed, hurrying through Winchester." 



246 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

The battle of Winchester possessed some remarkable feat- 
ures, considered in a scientific point of view, especially when 
contrasted with those which had previously been fought during 
the American Civil War. It was the first which resembled in 
any degree one of those actions which, under Napoleon and 
Fkederick, have become models for the military student ; the 
first which displayed on the Federal side the possession of a real 
general, capable of planning and executing every movement of 
an engagement, and of personally handling all his troops. Up 
to that time, the history of every American battle on both sides, 
with the exception of the valley campaign of Stonewall Jackson, 
had been the history of a number of nearly independent corps 
commanders. It has been said that Yon Moltke once remarked 
about the American war, that " the struggles of two armed 
mobs were of no service to a military student.'' Although the 
general has " oflicially " denied that he used such scornful lan- 
guage ; there is a strong probability that he did, m private con- 
'versation, say something very like it. There was much truth 
in the remark, whoever made it, even if it was severely ex- 
pressed. A '' mob " is a crowd without absolute chiefs. It 
follows different leaders from time to time with a certain degree 
of docility, but always requires persuasion, resists command, 
and is subject to sudden changes. Instead of one impulse, it 
has fifty or more. While this latterly ceased to be true of the 
lower ranks of the American army, it remained to the very last 
among the general ofiicers, especially the corps commanders. 
Each had his own notion of what ought to be done, and each 
would do things in his own way. Meade could not control his 
corps generals, and their lack of quick obedience marred more 
than one battle in 1864, and nearly at one time spoiled the 
success of 1865. In the valley, Sheridan changed all this. He 
made his generals obey his orders, without following opinions 
of their own, and his army consequently pulled together. Win- 
chester was won, and what was more, improved^ because Sheii- 
dan was a man who would he obeyed. 



FIFTH BOOK.— THE THIRD CAVALRY 
DIVISION. 

CHAPTER I. 

WOODSTOCK EACES. 

ON the 26th September, 1864, Brigadier-General Custer 
was relieved from the command of the famous Michigan 
Brigade, in the First Cavalry Division Army of the Potomac, 
and transferred to the head of the Second Division, West Vir- 
ginia Cavalry, hitherto operating under General Averill. At 
the time of the transfer, the whole valley was in confusion. 
Early's army, scattered and demoralized after the crushing dis- 
asters of Winchester and Fisher's Hill, was slowly gathering 
itself together at the very head of the Valley, from Port Repub- 
lic to Staunton, and the Union Cavalry, spread out fanlike, was 
operating by independent brigades, on the old Donnybrook 
Fair principle of hitting every head they could see. 

Custer, accordingly, found himself separated from his new 
command, which had gone on up the pike towards Staunton 
and turned to the left in the direction of Piedmont. The coun- 
try was full of guerillas and scattered parties of Confederate 
cavalry, and it was not so easy to open communication between 
the different divisions, without proceeding bodily and in force, 
one toward the other. All through the valley campaigns, from 
the days of Banks downwards, the same trouble was met by the 
Federals, as soon as they neared Staunton. Their line of supply 
was so long and easily cut, that it was impossible to go further 



248 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

in safety with a regularly organized army. The only solution 
of the problem was that afterwards adopted, of cutting loose 
from the infantry and trains, and moving as an independent 
raiding column, living off the country. Even this was not 
practicable for long, for tlie country was so much impoverished 
by the near neighborhood of Eichmond, that two or three days' 
subsistence for a cavalry corps was its utmost capacity. 

Under these circumstances, Custer was doomed to several 
days of inaction before he could reach his command, and hav- 
ing left his beloved Michigan Brigade, was obliged to remain 
with General Torbert, at cavalry headquarters, till the Second 
Division was near enough to be reached. On the 26th, he 
entered Staunton with that General, accompanied by Wilson's 
Division, (the third) and the Reserve Brigade, (the regulars). 
At Staunton fifty-seven prisoners were made, and a quantity 
of stores destroyed. 

On the 27th, Custer, impatient to reach his command, 
started with a single regiment to reach it at Piedmont, but 
was compelled to return the next day, with the news that Early 
had again massed his forces, and was trying to cut off the 
cavalry from the rest of the army. It turned out that Early 
had been reinforced from Richmond by Kershaw's division, and 
was coming through the gaps to which he had retreated, 
resolved on revenge. The main Union army was concentrated 
some miles back, behind Harrisonburg, and each brigade of 
cavalry, as it successively struck the enemy, found him in such 
force that they could make no impression. It was exceedingly 
tantalizing, for the troopers had become so used to victory that 
when they saw the enemy's trains in plain sight, as they often 
did, blocked in the mountain roads, they would charge recklessly 
in, only to find a heavy force of infantry in the woods, pouring 
in such volleys as showed that Early was yet far from being 
whipped. 

On the 28th the Confederates came down to Staunton and 
Port Republic, and did their best to drive out tlie First and 



WOODSTOCK RACES. 249 

Third Cavalry Divisions, passing by the Second, which was out 
near Brown's Gap. The cavahy fonght them till dark, holding 
on to their positions, but during the night Torbert fell back 
toward Harrisonburg with Wilson's division, leaving Merritt and 
Powell, with the First and Second, out on the left still. On 
the 29th the enemy fell back from Port Republic to the gaps of 
the Blue Mountains, and on the 30tli Sheridan's army was 
again concentrated, the infantry at and beyond Harrisonburg, at 
the head of the valley pike, the cavalry spread out fanwise 
around the head of the column. 

On this day occurred the second important change of Custer's 
life. General Wilson was relieved from the command of the 
Third Division, and sent to join Sherman in the west. Custer 
was at the same time transferred from the Second Division, 
which he had not yet been able to join, and placed at the head 
of the same division in Avhich he had first won his star. It was 
the same old Third, which under Kilpatrick had done such ser- 
vice in the Gettysburg campaign, always ready for hard knocks, 
dashing pellmell into the enemy, no matter what the odds, and 
trusting to the wonderful luck which never deserted it to get out 
of its scrapes. 

Under Kilpatrick, this division had done more fighting, 
killed more horses, marched further, and charged oftener, than 
perhaps any other in the army. The reckless valor and want 
of discretion of its first leader had both their bad and good sides. 
Had infantry been handled in the same way, the division would 
long before have been annihilated, but the traditions of the 
cavalry service are essentially dift'erent. Kilpatrick had acted 
from the first as if he thoroughly believed the maxim of Seidlitz, 
that under no conceivable circumstances can a mounted cavalry 
officer be justified in a surrender. Charging in and cutting out 
were the every-day experiences of the division under his orders, 
and their losses had been proportionately heavy. 

When Wilson took command of the division, in the spring 
of 1864, he found it depleted by the loss of its crack brigade, 



250 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Custer's " Michigaiiders," and the real secret of its previous 
liigh lighting reputation M^as shown in the summer campaigns. 
Custer, the lance-liead of Kilpatrick, had become the lance-head 
of Torbert, and it was the First Division that was to do most of 
the fighting and charging, while he was with it. As good as 
ever, the Third had still lost much of its old fiery fame, under 
the more cautious lead of Wilson. It was Custer and Merritt 
who were now in people's mouths when the cavalry was men- 
tioned, as the previous year it had been Buford, Kilpatrick and 
Custer. There is something so fleeting and hard to grasp, in 
this phenomenon of public favor and fame, that it is difiicult to 
assign a reason for the fact, but it was none the less patent during 
the Shenandoah campaign and before. Torbert, the division 
commander of Custer and Merritt, was lost to public view in a 
large measure, through the lustre of his subordinates, who en- 
gaged in a fierce rivalry with each other which resulted in 
splendid successes. 

Now Custer and Merritt were again to engage in the same 
rivalry, but as division commanders, the latter having the addi- 
tional advantage of retaining the brigade which Custer had made 
so famous. Custer was to take up the division which had so 
far,. under Wilson's lead, only held its own with respectability, 
and was to transform it into the most brilliant single division 
in the whole Army of the Potomac, with more trophies to show 
than any, and so much impressed with the stamp of his indi- 
viduality, that every oflicer in the command was soon to be 
aping his eccentricities of dress, ready to adore his every motion 
and word. 

The accession of Custer to the command of the Third Divis- 
ion took place at a time when a change in Sheridan's policy 
was impending. He had come to the Yalley to clear out Early ; 
he had done his work, and the question remained — what next ? 
Concentrated at Harrisonburg, he was at the end of his tether. 
The whole valley is traversed by a single long turnpike, which 
forms a splendid avenue of communication, perfectly dry and 



WOODSTOCK RACES. 251 

hard in the muddiest winter. At Harrisonburg it ceases and 
beyond it are " dirt roads " only. The enemy was waiting in 
the Blue Kidge gaps, prepared to dispute any further advance 
to Eichmond. The course of action necessary is indicated by 
Sheridan himself in his subsequent report. 

He says : " The question that now presented itself was 
whether or not I should follow the enemy to Brown's Gap, 
drive him out, and advance to Charlottesville and Gordonsville. 
This movement I was opposed to for many reasons, first that 
it would have necessitated the opening of the Orange and Alex- 
andria Railroad, and to protect this road against the numerous 
guerilla bands would have required a corps of infantry . . . 
Then there was the additional reason of the uncertainty whether 
the army in front of Petersburg would be able to hold the en- 
tire force of General Lee there, and, if not, a sufficient number 
might be detached and move rapidly by rail to overwhelm me, 
quickly returning. I was also confident that my transportation 
could not supply me further than Harrisonburg, and therefore 
advised that the valley campaign should terminate at Harrison- 
burg, and that I return, carrying out my original instructions 
for the destruction of forage, grain, etc., give up the majority 
of the army I commanded, and order it to the Petersburg line, 
a hne which I thought the Lieutenant General believed if a 
successful movement could be made on, would involve the cap- 
ture of the Army of Northern Virginia. I therefore, on the 
morning of the 6th of October, commenced moving back, 
stretching the cavalry across the valley from the Blue Ridge to 
the eastern slope of the Alleghanies." 

On the way, the horsemen were directed to burn all the 
forage, but to spare the houses. These orders were obeyed 
to the letter, as the infantry moved back towards Winches- 
ter. Merritt marched on the pike, while Custer took the 
side road, next the Blue Ridge. Of course this was nearest the 
enemy, whose cavalry had not yet suffered very much. It con- 
sisted of Rosser's division (three brigades) and the extra bri- 



252 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

gades of Lomax and Bradley Johnson. Rosser had about thirty- 
iive hundred, Johnson and Lomax about fifteen hundred to- 
gether, a total of five thousand men. 

It must be conceded to the Confederate forces in the last 
valley campaign, that they fought and were fought with 
the most obstinate heroism and skill by all concerned, and that 
they showed in these days of disaster, more conduct and skill 
against heavy odds than they had ever shown before. When 
Sheridan first arn-ived in the valley, Early considerably out- 
numbered him, but every day strengthened the former and 
weakened the latter. When finally Kershaw's division was 
withdrawn, a few days before the battle of Winchester, the 
scale was turned, and as soon as Sheridan had certain intelli- 
gence of its departure, he gave battle with heavy odds in his fa- 
vor, though by no means so great as Early insists. During 
the whole valley campaign, thirteen thousand prisoners 
were taken from Early, which, added to the eleven thousand 
men he claims, gives about twenty four thousand. Added 
to these the sick, wounded, extra duty men, stragglers, etc., 
and it is probable that in real truth Early had at Winchester 
at least twenty-six thousand men, infantry, artillery and train, 
which, with Rosser's cavalry, gives a total of about thirty 
thousand men, outside of Kershaw's division, which was not en- 
gaged till Cedar Creek. When this came, it was probably about 
enough to fill up the gaps of Winchester and Fisher's Hill. 
This is hardly the place to enter into a complete analysis of the 
figures on both sides, but reason and statistics seem to point, 
after making all allowances, to an efi'ective total for Early about 
this time of at least twenty thousand infantry and five thousand 
horse. 

Opposed to these, from the nearest figures attainable at 
present, it seems that Sheridan must have had about eeven 
thousand cavalry in his three divisions, and twenty-five thou- 
sand infantry. These figures are derived from a comparison 
of his force in August, when, with the First and Second 



WOODSTOCK RACES. 253 

Cavalry Divisions, Sixth Corps, Nineteenth, and Crook's force, 
he reported 18,000 infantry and 3,500 cavah-y. He M-as after- 
wards joined by a division of the Nineteenth Corps, and by the 
Third Cavalry Division, with such recruits as could be sent 
from Remount camp. In one of these detachments the pres- 
ent writer arrived at Harper's Ferry, the evening of Winchester 
fight, and after scraping up every available man and horse, the 
result was less than three hundred men. 

The odds in Sheridan's favor were heavy enough for prac- 
tical purposes, though by no means enough to account for the 
succession of complete and crushing blows delivered on the 
devoted Early, without admitting conduct and capacity of the 
highest kind to Sheridan and his officers, especially those head- 
ing the cavalry. 

Rosser, overmatched in numbers as he was, on this occasion 
did his duty heroically. The feelings of himself and his men 
were excited to the highest pitch of fury at sight of tlie re- 
morseless destruction meted out to the valley by the retreating 
foe. True, that foe was part of the terrible army that had 
punished them so fearfully ever since the 19th September, but 
the arrival of Kershaw's division had put new heart into them, 
and they followed the cavalry down the valley, constantly attack- 
ing them. Lomax and Johnson followed Merritt at a respect- 
ful distance, but Rosser hung on Custer's skirts with vindictive 
tenacity. The first night of the retreat he fell on Custer's, 
camp at Turkeytown, near Brooks' Gap, but was repulsed. 
Next morning, as Custer moved on, Rosser was again after him, 
Custer proceeding leisurely towards Columbia Furnace. His 
rear-guard was fighting Rosser all day long, in the peculiar 
style developed by Yirginian warfare. The main body, in 
column of fours, was in the road, detaching parties to right 
and left to burn every barn and haystack to be seen. Ordina- 
rily, the rear-guard followed at a slow walk, the greater part 
deployed as skirmishers. When tlie enemy pressed too close, 
the men would halt and face about, a brisk fusillade lasting 



254: GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

some minutes when the advancing grej-coats would be re- 
pulsed. Then trotting on, the rear-guard would halt at the 
edge of the next hill or belt of woods, to repeat the operation. 

!N'ot far from the Union rear-guard could be seen a brilliant 
group of cavaliers, headed by the same bright debonair 
figure we remember at Aldie and Brandy Station. As usual, 
there are the bright brazen instruments of the band near him, 
the men not much of players perhaps, but what is better, capa- 
ble of sticking to their posts under fire, and playing "Yankee 
Doodle" to the shrill accompaniment of whistling lead. When- 
ever any trouble is anticipated, when Rosser becomes too bold, 
the flaming scarlet neckties of Custer and his staff are seen 
coming, and the bright-haired warrior comes trotting leisurely 
along the skirmish line, whistling a tune, and tapping his boots 
with his riding whip, his blue eyes glancing keenly about, his 
short curls, just growing again, flung from side to side, as he 
jerks his head in his peculiar nervous manner. There is no 
more trouble about standing the assault. 

But this mode of fighting was peculiarly irksome to one of 
Custer's impatient temperament, and when he knew, as he soon 
did, that it was his old classmate Rosser, who was following him 
so persistently, he was doubly disgusted. All that long day of 
the 7th October, he was compelled by his orders to retreat from 
the face of a foe he was only too anxious to fight, and even till 
dark his pickets were annoyed. 

All this time, Merritt's column pursued its way without 
fighting, only observed by Lomax and Johnson. The reason 
was very simple. The two Union divisions each numbered 
about two thousand five hundred effective men, and Powell's 
Second Division about two thousand more. Powell was off to 
the right of Merritt following the Luray valley, separated from 
the rest by hills and gaps. Consequently, the forces in the 
main valley of the Shenandoah were equal, and thus divided, 
roughly speaking. Custer's two thousand five hundred against 
Posser's three thousand five hundred were falling back : Merritt's 



WOODSTOCK RACES. 255 

two thousand five hundred against Lomax's one thousand five 
hundred, were also falling back, but quite unmolested. 

The next day, 8th October, General Torbert, in command of 
the cavalry, thinking Custer had had about enough, halted 
Merritt in the afternoon, sent back one of his brigades about a 
mile on the pike, to develop Lomax, and the other two to re- 
lieve Custer, who all that day had been suffering even fiercer 
assaults than before. The experience of the three days had 
given the enemy confidence, and Custer had been retreating in 
the face of a superior force who fancied they were driving him. 
The arrival of Merritt's brigade checked Rosser, and the fight- 
ing ceased at dark, when Merritt withdrew his men to his own 
camp. 

The position on the night of the 8th was as follows : Mer- 
ritt was in camp at Brook Creek, on the pike, at the foot of 
Kound Top Hill. The pike runs up the middle of the valley. 
Custer camped at Tumbling Run, on the back road, some six 
miles off, to the left and retired. Powell was further off still, 
to the left and rear, having crossed behind the others to Front 
Royal. Rosser lay opposite Custer, Lomax and Johnson oppo- 
site Merritt. The back road so often mentioned is a dirt road, 
nearly parallel to the pike, between it and the Blue Ridge, and 
about three miles from the pike. 

That night " Little Phil " came up to the front to see how 
things were going on, and soon learned the exact posture of 
affairs. The enemy, grown bold through impunity, was be- 
coming too troublesome. He must get a lesson. The story of 
the orders to Torbert for next day is thus told by both parties. 

Sheridan says, " On the night of the eighth, 1 ordered 
General Torbert to engage the enemy's cavalry at daybreak, 
and notified him that I would halt the army till he defeated it." 

Torbert says, " I had received orders from Major-General 
Sheridan to start out at daylight, and whip the rebel cavalry, 
or get whipped myself." 

The difterence in the literalness of the stories is in favor of 



256 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Torbert, but there is no question as to the way in which the 
order was obeyed. "When it was given, the cavalry was in front 
of Strasbnrg, where the infantry was concentrated. Merritt 
was ordered to move one brigade on the pike and two more to 
the left, to open coramnnication with Custer. 

At daybreak the movement commenced, soon to become 
famous under the name of " Woodstock Kaces." The forces 
were not fer from equal, the difference in favor of the Federal 
cavalry being but slight. In guns they were about the same. 
Each division had a battery, and Rosser and Lomax were simi- 
larly equipped, six guns on the pike, six on the back road. 

Now Custer was to avenge himself for his long suffering. 
His experience, it must be confessed, since he had taken com- 
mand of the Third Division, was peculiarly mortifying. For 
the first time since Meade's retreat, he had been obliged to 
retrograde in face of the enemy, and to suffer severe punish- 
ment while doing it. As in the former however, nothing but 
orders had compelled him to do so, and now had come the far 
more congenial orders to advance. 

Out swept, as at "Winchester, side by side, Custer and 
Merritt to attack Rosser and Lomax ; and to Custer's share fell 
the greater part of the force of his old classmate Rosser. 

On the pike moved the steady old Reserve Brigade, the 
Regulars, under Lowell. Next to them was Devin's Brigade, 
the Second, with " Old Tommy," or the " Old War-Horse," as 
he was nicknamed, at its head. Then the Michiganders, Custer's 
old brigade, connected Merritt's line with that of their former 
division, under their own commander of a few days back, and 
the union of the line was perfect. Old and new were only 
impatient to pay off the enemy. In front of each brigade 
stretched a regiment, deployed as skirmishers, then a second 
line of two regiments, deployed in double rank, behind each 
wing, finally a fourth regiment in close column, to the rear of 
the centre, with the brigade commander and staff in its front. 
Merritt rode in rear of the centre of his division, with his bat- 



WOODSTOCK RACES. 257 

terj near him, Custer was up even with his skirmish line, his 
own guns following. 

In this order the two gallant looking divisions swept over 
the beautiful level surface of the valley. It was a magnificent 
place for a cavalry fight, and very different from the scrub 
woods of Central Virginia, where all the fighting had to be dis- 
mounted. There was room to deploy, smooth ground to ride 
on, all the rail-fences had long ago vanished for soldiers' fires, 
and the field M-as clear. 

Rosser and Lomax were met on the other side of Tom's 
Run, a rivulet too small to intercept the movement of either 
force, and both sides were drawn up and ready for the fray. 
That it was to be a severe and decisive fight, both knew. The 
Southerners had recovered from the demoralization of their 
first reverses ; and their apparent successes of the last few days 
had further elated them. They were part of the same cavalry 
that once, under Stuart, had raided round the Array of the 
Potomac, and captured Pope's headquarters ; and they were 
burning to avenge the destruction of their homes, w^hich they 
had lately witnessed. 

Both sides deployed within plain view of each other, and 
the skirmishers opened with their carbines, in the dashing and 
picturesque style that makes a cavalry fight so pretty a sight at 
its outset. Yery little harm is done, but the long lines of 
horsemen go trotting on, waving to and fro as the individuals 
halt to take aim, fire their pieces, and trot on, loading as they 
go. At the first gentle knoll that presents itself on either side, 
the batteries gallop up, and unlimber on the crest, opening fire 
and mingling their crashing reports with the sharp crack of the 
rifles. Not much smoke, the order is too open, and the breeze 
strong, the bright sunlight and clear air of the antumn day 
aiding to inspire every one to do his best. It is exciting, ro- 
mantic, intoxicating. The little white puffs of smoke on the 
skirmish line, the dark bodies following in rear, all fringed 
with the steel of their drawn sabres, the little groups of general 
17 



258 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

officers and their staffs at regular intervals in the three mile 
line, the white clouds round the four opposing hatteries as 
points of peculiar interest. 

Rosser's position for his main body was well chosen, and 
as his pickets fell bach and revealed it, this became evident. 
He occupied a low but abrupt range of hills* on the south 
bank of Tom's Run, and had posted his dismounted men behind 
stone fences at the base of the ridge. A second line of barri- 
cades crowned the ridge, also defended by dismounted men. 
On the summit he had six guns in position strongly supported, 
and he had the great advantage of being able to see all of 
Custer's movements. 

And now occurred one of those little incidents that stamp 
the innate romance of Custer's character on his biography, like 
the echo of his famous last speech at the Academy, " Let's have 
a fair fight, boys." Here it was, fair and square and no favor, 
perhaps the first in the war. No infantry to bother the horse, 
numbers about equal, his first fight as a division commander, 
and Rosser in sight. Out rode Custer from his staff, far in 
advance of the line, his glittering figure in plain view of both 
armies. Sweeping off his broad sombrero, he threw it down 
to his knee in a profound salute to his honorable foe. It was 
like the action of a knight in the lists. A fair fight and no 
malice. 

On the ridge before him he had seen Rosser, his classmate 
at the academy, w^ith whom he had held many a wordy contest 
in days of old, and who had been his great rival at " the Point." 
Rosser had but just come to the valley and was already hailed 
as its savior. He saw Custer and turned to his staff', pointing 
him out, " You see that officer down there," said he. " That's 
General Custer, the Yanks are so proud of, and I intend to 
give him the best whipping to-day that he ever got. See if 
I don't." 

And he smiled triumphantly as he looked round at his gal- 
lant Southern cavaliers. 









V....*- - - f 







WOODSTOCK RACES. 259 

Then Custer lifted the hat and clapped it on his head, 
turned to his line of men, and the next moment the Third 
Division was sweeping on at a trot, the flaming scarlet necktie 
and bright curls of Custer before all, followed by his staff, all 
with swords out. IS'ow the pace quickens. Rosser's and Lomax's 
guns open furiously at shorter range, and the rattling of vol- 
leys rolls along the Confederate line. The bullets go patter- 
ing around, whistling overhead, knocking up the dirt, killing or 
wounding a few horses and men, but doing surprisingly little 
damage, all things considered. The trot has become a gallop, 
and as the pattering of bullets becomes heavier, a wild savage 
3'ell breaks from every throat in that long wave of cavalry, and 
away they go, the lines lost in confused clumps of horsemen, 
with waving sabres, the horses crazy with excitement, leaping 
half out of their skins as they race for the Confederate bat- 
teries and lines of cavalry. 

Custer's attack, arranged in full sight of Ttosser, yet proved 
triumphantly successful. One brigade in front, another to the 
right, the third to the left, they swept on at a charge, not heed- 
ing the fire, curled round Rosser's flanks in a moment, and be- 
fore he could tell what had happened, had him enclosed in a 
semi-circle of charging horse. Yain all his efforts when his 
flanks wei-e threatened. Had the attack been made on foot he 
might have had time to think, but the sudden and impetuous 
rush of a whole mounted division completely demoralized the 
Confederates. Despite Rosser's efforts, away they went in the 
wildest confusion, driven back at a gallop for nearly two miles, 
when one brigade, shamed by the frantic appeals of their leader, 
made a desperate stand, and the lately fugitive battery opened a 
furious fire, which staggered Custer's advance and threw it into 
momentary confusion. Rosser was not whipped yet. Seizing 
his moment, he charged with his remaining brigades and forced 
Custer's advance back half a mile, when Custer's battery of four 
guns made its appearance, and checked Rosser again. 

Now M^as Rosser's time to fight, and now was the time he 



2C0 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

missed it. Disappointed in his charge, he again trusted to a 
defensive battle, while Custer reformed liis three brigades for a 
second grand charge, and once more advanced at the trot in a 
long sweeping line of steel. 

Ill fared it with Rosser and his men then that they received 
the charge at a halt, and trusted to fire for their defence. 
Through the dust, turmoil, and confusion of the IN^orthern 
charge, could be seen, far in advance, another cloud of dust, out 
of which the glittering horseshoes are shining, as the squadrons 
flee from the charge. The Confederates were thrown into im- 
mediate confusion, and behind them was nothing but an open 
field, as far as Mount Jackson, twenty-six miles away. Ever}'- 
gun opposite Custer is taken, and only one of Lomax's escapes, 
by being limbered np in desperate haste, and taken oif over the 
hill at full speed. It was no longer a fight. " Woodstock 
races " had begun. All the way to Woodstock, now at a gallop, 
anon at a trot, occasionally at a walk, to breathe the reeking 
horses, the Union lines swept on with scarcely a pause, the 
Confederates fleeing before them like sheep. 

Sheridan sums up the victory in a portion of a sentence, 
stating that " the enemy was defeated with the loss of all his 
artillery but one piece, and everything else which was carried 
on wheels. The rout was complete, and was followed up to 
Mount Jackson, a distance of some twenty-six miles." 

Torbert says, " The First division (Brigadier-General Mer- 
ritt) captured five pieces of artiller}'- (all they had on the road ex- 
cept one), their ordnance, ambulance, and wagon trains, and sixty 
prisoners. The Third division (Brigadier-General Custer) cap- 
tured six pieces of artillery (all they had on the back road) all 
of their headquarter wagons, ordnance, ambulance, and wagon 
trains. There could hardly have been a more complete victory 
and rout. The cavalry totally covered themselves with glory, 
and added to their long list of victories the most brilliant one 
of them all, and the most decisive the country has ever wit- 
nessed. Brigadier-Generals Merritt and Custer, and Colonels 



WOODSTOCK RACES. 261 

Lowell and Pennington coraraandinff brigades, particularly dis- 
tinguished themselves My losses in this engagement 

will not exceed sixty killed and wounded, which is astonishing 
when compared with the results. The First division returned 
to Woodstock and camped for the night, the Third returned 
about six miles and camped for the night." 

Thus ended " Woodstock Races," the first pitched battle in 
which the Third division took part under Custer's command. 
As always, before and after, he and Merritt were in close ri- 
valry as to distance and results, but Custer was just a little 
ahead. The completeness of the victory was owing to two 
things, the open ground, and the vicious cavalry school in which 
Rosser and his command had been reared. All through the 
Yirginia campaign, the Confederate cavalry displayed the same 
taste for fire-arms, and the same distaste and contempt for the 
sabre as a weapon. In the West the case was even worse, for 
the cavalry in that vicinity abandoned their sabres entirely, 
and trusted to nothing but fire-arms. Out in the woods, this 
method of warfare is possible, but on a plain suicidal. The 
only place in Yirginia besides tlie Yalley, where open fields 
exist, adapted for mounted cavalry fighting, is around Brandy 
Station, where the sabre had always proved triumphant. Ros- 
ser, in common with most of the Confederate officers, distrusted 
the sabre, which was rarely used by the Confederate cavalry- 
after Stuart's death, and not enough during his life. 

Custer, on the other hand, was never more in his element 
than in a sabre charge, and the same thing was true of the 
■whole of the First and Third divisions, especially the former. 
Custer's influence soon gave the same taste to the latter, and 
they became excessively fond of rapid mounted work, wherein 
pistol, carbine and sabre were used, one with the othei', with 
the happiest effect. The moral impetus of that day of charges 
never left the Third division. Henceforth they became imbued 
with a certain contempt for the Confederate cavalry. They had 
found the certain way to drive it in confusion. It never after- 



262 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

wards gave them serious trouble. Tlie time was coming, and 
ijot far distant either, when the cavalry of the Shenandoah 
Army was to measure itself with a more stubborn foe, the 
infantry, and be the means of achieving the last and most 
glorious victory of all at Cedar Creek, only ten days later. 
Meanwhile, let us leave it to its hard earned repose, after 
♦' Woodstock Kaces." 







CHAPTER II. 
CEDAR CEEEK. 

FOE about ten clays after " "Woodstock Races," the cavalry 
and army in general enjoyed comparative quiet. Sheridan 
and Grant were in correspondence as to further movements, and 
it was almost determined by the latter that Sheridan should 
continue his advance and operate on Charlottesville and Gor- 
donsville, through Manassas Gap. Sheridan, on the other hand, 
wished to send back the Sixth Corps to Grant ; and on the 10th 
of October, it actually started and marched toward Front Royal, 
on its way to "Washington. On the 12th, it was at Ashby's 
Gap ; but the same day news came that Early had once more 
advanced to Fisher's Hill. The Federal army was encamped 
at Cedar Creek, near Strasburg, and the Sixth Corps was re- 
called. On the 13th, Rosser, not yet discouraged, came down 
on the extreme right of the army, and drove in Custer's pickets. 
He had three brigades of cavalry and one of infantry, but re- 
tired when Custer moved out of camp. From thence to the 
18th, all was quiet. Merritt and Custer sent frequent recon- 
noissances up the pike and the back road, but found no 
enemy nearer than Fisher's Hill. The Confederate cavalry was 
in the Luray Yalley, and occasionally annoyed the extreme 
right of the army. Everything seemed to point in "Wright's 
opinion to a quiet sulky enemy, with a possible attack on their 
right rear. On the 16th, Sheridan was summoned to AVashing- 
ton to see Secretary Stanton. As he was at Manassas Gap, and 
about taking the train, he received a note from General "Wright 
of the Sixth Corps, who was left in command of the army. It 



264: GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

enclosed a dispatch which the signal officers had just read off 
the Confederate signal flags on Three Top Mountain, near 
Fisher's Hill. It ran thus : 

" To Lieutenant General Early : 

Be ready to move as soon as tny forces join you, and we 
will crush Sheridan. 

LOKGSTKEET, 

Lieutenant General.''^ 

The Union cavalry was at this time moving toward Front 
Koyal, preparatory to going through Manassas Gap, on a raid 
towards Gordonsville. Wright asked that it might be recalled, 
as he expected an attack on his right. Sheridan was inclined 
to believe the dispatch a ruse, as it turned out afterward to be. 
He sent back the cavalry, however, told Wright to be careful, 
and proceeded to Washington, from whence he returned to Win- 
chester on the night of the 18th October. 

During the same night, Early, plucky and enterprising to 
the last, a general who fully deserved, if he did not attain, good 
fortune, left Fisher's Hill, crossed the Shenandoah, and came 
down on Wright just where he was least expected, on the almost 
"unguarded left of the Federal army. Powell, with the Second 
Cavalry division, small as it was, should have been there. In 
Sheridan's last dispatch, dated the 16th, he had distinctly told 
Wright to "close in Colonel Powell," who was then at Front 
Eoyal. Powell was not closed in. One brigade of his skeleton 
force, commanded by Colonel Moore was moved near the in- 
fantry, the only cavalry on that side of the army. 

Early attacked at dawn, nothing between him and Wright's 
camps but a line of infantry pickets, only a few hundred yards 
out. He swept them away like chaff, fell on Crook's demoral- 
ized camps, drove his half-dressed men in utter rout, then fall- 
ing on the Nineteenth Corps in front, drove that, and Anally 
crushed the left of the Sixth Corps, next in line. In less than 
an hour, Wriglit's army was all driven in confusion, twenty- 



CEDAR CREEK. 265 

four guns taken, the camps in possession of the enemj', and the 
Confederate line, in an enveloping crescent of flame, was press- 
ing on, driving the scattered remains in confusion toward Win- 
chester. 

The only force left untouched was the cavalry, on the ex- 
treme right of the army, and the only infantry division not 
broken to pieces was Getty's, of the Sixth Corps. Wright had 
been thus far completely deceived. Expecting an attack on 
one flank, he had received it on the other, and by 10 o'clock 
the battle was virtually over. Between 9 and 10, Wright, see- 
ing his. first mistake, tried to remedy it by ordering the cavalry 
to the left of the army, against Torbert's opinion. The latter, 
however, obeyed the order, but, on his own responsibility de- 
tached three regiments on the flank he was leaving, to protect 
it. The enemy had been trying Custer's pickets on the extreme 
right, since daylight, but without success, being evidently in 
small force there. Wlien the Union cavalry left, he began to 
press harder, and the three regiments were put to their utmost 
efforts to keep Eosser from breaking in, and capturing the 
streams of fugitives going to the rear from the infantry. 

Meantime, Moore's little brigade, which we noticed as be- 
ing the only cavalry on the left of the Union army, had been 
cut off" from the rest in the first attack, and was confronted by 
Lomax's brigade, stronger than himself. In no wise daunted, 
the plucky Moore sent back his trains to Winchester, and boldly 
attacked the Confederate infantry in rear, till Lomax attacked him 
in turn. Then he formed across the pike, and stubbornly con- 
tested every foot of ground all the way to Middletown, thus 
saving the trains and fugitives from being broken in upon by 
Lomax, just as the three regiments on the other flank were do- 
ing with Rosser. 

Merritt and Custer, recalled from the right and put in on 
the left, flung themselves on the advancing infantry, and stayed 
the course of Early's victory. Colonel Powell, with the rest of 
his division, had joined Moore by this time, and the strange 



266 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

spectacle was beheld of six or seven thousand cavalry, with a 
few batteries, holding in check and repulsing charge after charge 
from an army of nearly twenty thousand infantry flushed with 
victory, and acting as a shelter, behind which, at several miles 
distance, Wright's broken infantry was hastily re-forming. The 
only infantry on the line with Custer and Merritt was Getty's 
division of the Sixth Corps. On this line the enemy was held 
till 12 o'clock, by which time Wright had restored a semblance 
of order in the rear, and it seemed as if the battle was turning. 
From that time till 2 o'clock. Early ceased to advance, and at 
2, General Sheridan arrived on the ground, re-formed his whole 
line, and finally ordered the advance which culminated iu that 
crushing defeat of Early, so famous in history. 

In the meantime, let us see what Early had been doing. 
His first conception and execution of the battle had been mas- 
terly. He had completely surprised Wright, and practically 
annihilated all the Union infantry but a single division. This 
and the cavalry, ten thousand men at most, were all that was 
left to oppose Early's infantry, strengthened by Kershaw's arrival 
to at least eighteen thoiisand men, while the Confederate cav- 
alry, still four or five thousand strong, was untouched. Yet 
Early ceased to advance, and his men began to plunder the 
Union camps, giving his enemy time to recuperate and reor- 
ganize. For this conduct the general ofiers the excuse that his 
men were uncontrollable, and that to their plundering solely the 
after disaster was attributable. A calm review of the battle 
points to anotlier cause, Early's improper use of his horse. 
Had he concentrated it at first on his right, he could have 
swept away the feeble resistance of Moore's brigade, and cut in 
on all the stragglers and trains that continued their flight quite 
unmolested. Had he done that, the two hours delay of his in- 
fantry would not have mattered. Infantry are not supposed to 
pursue a defeated foe. 

As it was, the same stragglers that under a vigorous pursuit 
of cavalry would have sm'rendered by whole brigades, were 



CEDAR CREEK 267 

gathered up and re-formed by Wright, and subsequently by 
Sheridan. "When the latter arrived, the rout was over, and 
Wright was entitled to claim that he had retrieved his first 
misfortune, and was i-eady to advance once more. 

Sheridan's arrival, and his immense enthusiasm, effected a 
wonderful change in the beaten army. Much of the work of 
reorganization was already effected, but there was little hope 
that an advance would be made. A stand, and a stubborn 
defence of what was left, was the utmost that could apparently 
be hoped for. It required the magic of Sheridan's name and 
genius to transform defeat into such a complete victory. The 
enemy was skirmishing without much vigor, but preparing for 
a new advance. Early had gathered up most of his plunderers. 
Sheridan's lirst step was to send his cavalry to its true post, on 
the flanks. It had been holding the infantry long enough. 
Accordingly, Custer's division was called out and sent off" to 
the extreme right, while the rest of the Sixth Corps moved up 
to fill the gap. Merritt was sent off to the extreme left, and 
the JSTineteenth corps moved up to take his place. There was 
but little left of Crook's two divisions, but what there was went 
in with the rest, and the stragglers began to pour in from the 
rear once more. From two till four they kept coming in, and 
Getty's line was prolonged further and further, and hasty 
breastworks being thrown up. 

About three, Early's troops, flushed with victory, resumed 
their advance. They assaulted the centre of the line, and were 
repulsed. Their line was longer than Sheridan's, especially on 
the right, showing that fresh troops must have come in there. 
No sooner was the assault repulsed, and the battle again lan- 
guishing, than Sheridan ordered a general advance, at 4 p. m., 
October 19th, 1864. That order may be said to have sounded 
the death knell of the Southern Confederacy, for it was the 
signal for the almost instant and total destruction of its last 
aggressive army in Virginia. The only parallel to the utter 



268 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

ruin of Early, is found in that of Hood's army, two months 
later, by Thomas at Nashville. 

It was moreover, as sudden as the rout of the cavalry of 
Kosser and Lomax at " Woodstock Races," but with this differ- 
ence : Rosser and Lomax saved most of their men aliv^e, only 
losing their guns and wagons. Good horses and spurs saved 
the rest. At Cedar Creek, Early's infantry was not so lucky. 
It w-as scooped in by hundreds. Just what Early had failed 
to do at 9 o'clock in the morning, Sheridan did at 4 in the 
evening. He used his cavalry as it should be used, and com- 
pleted his victory. 

The history of the last advance is thus told by Sheridan : 
" The attack was brilliantly made, and, as the enemy %vas 
protected by rail breastworks and stone fences, his resistance 
M-as very determined. His line of battle overlapped the right 
of mine, and by turning with this portion of it on the flank of 
the Nineteenth Corps, caused a slight momentary confusion. 
This movement was checked, however, by a charge of McMil- 
lan's brigade on the reentering angle, and the enemy's flanking 
party cut off. It Avas at this stage of the battle that Custer was 
ordered to charge, with his whole division, but though the order 
was promptly obeyed, it was not in time to capture the whole 
of the force thus cut off, and many escaped across Cedar Creek. 
Simultaneously with this charge, a combined movement of the 
whole line drove the enemy in confusion to the creek, where, 
owing to the difficulties of crossing, his army became routed." 

Torbert's account explains more fully the part taken by 
the cavalry. "In the general advance, Brigadier-General 
Custer, commanding Third Division, left three regiments to 
attend to the cavalry in his front, and started with the balance 
of his division to take part in the advance on the enemy's 
infantry. Thus the cavalry advanced on both flanks, side by 
side with the infantry, charging the enemy's lines with an 
impetuosity they could not stand. The rebel army was soon 
routed and driven across Cedar Creek in confusion. The 



CEDAR CREEK. 269 

cavalry, sweeping on both flanks, crossed Cedar Creek about 
the same time, charged and broke the last line the enemy 
attempted to form (it was now after dark) and pnt ont at full 
speed for their artillery and trains." 

The captures were forty-five guns (twenty-four being Union 
guns, lost in the morning and now recaptured) besides weapons, 
horses, prisoners, and battle-flags. Only night saved the whole 
of Early's army from capture. From thenceforth it may be 
said to have ceased to exist as an organized body of any import- 
ance, Lee ceased to make any more eftbrts to save it, and 
all that there was of any value in the troops composing it was 
recalled to tlie Array of Northern Virginia, especially Kershaw's 
division. 

The battle of Cedar Creek completed the noteworthy com- 
mencement of Custer's fame as a cavalry division leader. 
Woodstock Races and Cedar Creek showed his abilities to give 
weight to a charge, obstinacy to a defence. In all his valley 
experience, he and Merritt were in constant rivalry as to results, 
and a comparison of their losses and captures will show just 
how they stood. It comes from Torbert's report. 

The First division lost, during the whole campaign, 186 
killed, 778 wounded, 594 missing, total 1558. The Third divis- 
ion lost 67 killed, 385 wounded, 321 missing, total 773.* 

The captures were as follows : — First division, 29 guns, 
12 caissons, 36 wagons, 40 ambulances, etc., 306 horses and 
mules, and 14 battle-flags. 

Third division 29 guns, 30 caissons, 44 wagons, 23 ambu- 
lances, etc., 602 horses and mules and 6 battle-flags. 

* The smaller proportion of loss was probably due to the more rapid 
Btyle of fighting adopted in the Third division, but largely also to the fact 
that in the early part of the campaign it generally operated as an unit, 
while the First was pretty often cut up in detachments, on one occasion 
losing nearly the whole of a single regiment, that was cut off and surrounded 
while guarding an ambulance train. The assailants were Mosby's gueril- 
las and two regiments of Ransom's cavalry, and the regiment lost nearly 
200 men, the rest cutting their way out. 



270 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

During this winter, Custer received, for his brilliant services 
in the campaign, the brevet of Major-General. Merritt was 
similarly decorated, and -Colonels Gibbs of the Regular brigade, 
and Devin, of the Second brigade, First division, were made 
brigadiers. Both were comparatively elderly men, and deserved 
their promotion. Colonel Devin had been the senior colonel 
of the cavalry corps, and in command of his brigade, as early 
as January, 1863. General Gibbs was an old regular cavalry 
officer of many years experience. At the close of the war, 
Devin was brevetted major-general in the regular army, and 
made lieutenant-colonel of the Eighth cavalry, at the same 
time that Custer and Merritt received the same rank in the 
Seventh and Tenth cavalry respectively. Men-itt is now 
Colonel of the Fifth Cavalry. He graduated from West Point 
the year before Custer. Devin's regiment was the Sixth Xew 
York cavalry, to which he was promoted in ISToveraber, 1861, hav- 
ing before been captain in the First New York Militia cavalry. 



Note. At the close of this campaign, the flags captured by the cavalry 
were sent to Wasliington in Custer's charge, carried by the different men 
who had taken them. Custer, on his arrival in Washington, where Mrs. 
Custer had been during the campaign, hurried away to find her. By a 
curious instance of cross purposes, Mrs. Custer went to the War Depart- 
ment on purpose to see him, hearing of his coming with the flags. She was 
kindly received by Mr. Stanton, but was dreadfully frightened when she 
found herself among strangers and that her husband was not there. To add 
to her confusion, in came the sergeants with the captured flags, and a great 
deal of speechifying followed, ending by Mr. Stanton publicly introducing 
her to the brave fellows as the wife of their beloved general. While much 
embarrassed, the dear little lady acquitted herself splendidly, and said some- 
thing appropriate to each. During the winter she was able to remain with 
the general at his headquarters near Winchester. 




CUSTER IN 1865. 



CHAPTER III. 
THE LAST RAID. 

DUPJl^G the fall and winter of 1864-5, after tlie battle of 
Cedar Creek, nothing of importance occurred, the army 
of Sheridan being concentrated around Winchester. The Sixth 
Corps was sent away to join Grant, and Merritt's division was 
sent through Chester Gap to raid on the interior. He met the 
enemy near Gordonsville, took a couple of guns, destroyed the 
railroad, and returned. Custer raided out to Harrisonburg and 
returned about the same time, the middle of December. Both 
columns suffered very much from the cold, and no more move- 
ments were made during January, the cavalry receiving 
recruits, doing its best to feed up its horses, and get ready for 
spring work. 

On the 5th February, Lieutenant-Colonel Whittaker of the 
First Connecticut cavalry, Custer's division, went out with 
Colonel Young, Sheridan's chief of scouts, and they succeeded 
in capturing the renowned Harry Gihnor, the most active and 
enterprising partisan chief of whom the Confederates could 
boast, after Mosby. The latter had by this time ceased to be 
capable of serious mischief; and Gilmor's capture cleared Sheri- 
dan's rear. 

He began to think it was time to advance, and called in all 
his cavalry from cantonments around Winchester, starting out, 
on the 2Tth February, on the last raid to be made by Sheri- 
dan's cavalry. The chief took with him Merritt, now Brevet 
Major-general, as chief of cavalry. Brigadier-General Devin, 
commanded the First division, 4,787 men, and Brevet Major- 



272 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

General George A. Custer commanded the Third, 4,600 men. 
Each division had one section of artillery, and the train con- 
sisted of three baggage wagons, eight ambulances, twenty am- 
munition wagons, and about three miles of pack mules. The 
horses were in good flesh, and each carried thirty pounds of 
grain, with five days' rations for the men and coffee and sugar 
for ten days. One extra wagon, laden with coffee and sugar, 
accompanied the force, and that was all the train, except eight 
pontoons. 

As it turned out, all the lightness and strength of tlie col- 
umn was needed. Its destination was no less a place than 
Lynchburg, and thereafter it was to march into North Carolina, 
to join Sherman, who was then moving north. This part of 
the programme was afterwards altered, through the impossibil- 
ity of crossing the James liiver, the bridges being destroyed. 
Failing Lynchburg, the orders were to destroy all that was left 
of the Virginia Central Railroad and the James Eiver Canal, 
then to return to Winchester. These orders Sheridan took the 
liberty to exceed, by joining Grant, just as the latter needed 
him worst. 

On the 27th February, 1865, the great raiding column, with 
a total strength, including teamsters and artillerymen, of nine 
thousand four hundred and eighty four men, started up the val- 
ley. Before it was the valley pike, a splendid hard road, on 
which, in one or two spots, there was actually dust : on each side 
were broad fields, softened by the early spring thaw into quag- 
mires, in which the horses sunk over their fetlocks. This pike 
lasted to Harrisonburg, and beyond, some seventy miles, followed 
" dirt roads," in red Virginia clay. The first day's march was 
to AVoodstock, thirty miles, and nothing of interest occurred. 
All day long the steady clatter of hoofs was almost uninter- 
rupted, a bright sky overhead, the men talking and singing, 
everybody in high spirits. Occasionally, on the side roads, on 
either flank, a glimpse could be caught of small parties of 
horsemen in grey, keeping pace with the column and evidently 



THE LAST RAID 273 

watching its movements. Once, a few men left the cohimn to 
chase the nearest of these gentry, who kept almost within car- 
bine range, but the state of the fields prevented active pursuit, 
and the enemy were left unmolested. They were a few of 
Mosby's guerillas, latterly joined by some of Rosser's cavalry, 
but no damage was done by or to them. Sheridan's policy to 
the guerillas in general was to leave them alone. They served, 
as he naively tells us in his reports, as " a very good provost 
guard for his army," and prevented straggling. 'Next morning, 
at daybreak, the column moved on, twenty-nine miles further, 
to within nine miles of Harrisonburg. At daybreak of the 
1st of March, the advance pressed on through Harrisonburg and 
Mount Crawford, to Kline's Mills. The advance that day was 
given to Custer's division, and the march was long and weari- 
some, the mud beginning to be troublesome. Devin's rear did 
not get into camp till four in the morning. Next day, by 
right, he should have had the advance, but work was growing 
nearer now, and Sheridan told Custer to press on. Eosser's 
men had come out during the day, and tried to burn a bridge 
over one of the forks of the Shenandoah. Rosser had about 
three hundred men. Colonel Capehart's brigade, of Custer's 
division, came up in time, swam the river above the bridge, 
charged Rosser, sent him flying, saved the bridge, and cleared 
the way for their comrades. Kline's Mills are seven miles 
from Staunton, where Early had his headquarters ; and he, poor 
fellow, seeing his rest so rudely disturbed, left Staunton and 
went to Waynesboro', ten miles further on, leaving word at 
Staunton that he was "coming back to fight." Now it was 
that a man of rapid decision and fiery energj" like Custer was 
worth his weight in gold. A slower and more methodical man 
would have utterly failed in the task set him next day. It 
was to reach Waynesboro' seventeen miles off, in the midst of 
a driving rainstorm, on a dirt road, mud up to the horses' 
knees everywhere, and up to their bellies in the mud holes, to 

18 



274 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

cross a river of unknown depth, and to attack and whip Early 
who had an unknown force. 

He did it with the triumphant success that always 
marked his independent efforts. He had three brigades, each 
about 1,500 strong, commanded by Colonels Wells, Penning- 
ton, and Capehart; and Devin was to follow with Gibbs', 
Fitzliugh's and Stagg's brigades, of Merritt's old division. 
Sheridan's record is brief and to the point. " General Custer 
found General Early as he had promised, at Waynesboro', in 
a well chosen position, with two brigades of infantry, and some 
cavalry under General Rosser, the infantry occupying breast- 
works. Custer, without waiting for the enemy to get up 
courage over the delay of a careful reconnoissance, made his 
dispositions for attack at once, sending three regiments around 
the left flank of the enemy, which was somewhat exposed 
by being advanced from, instead of resting upon, the bank 
of the river in his immediate rear; he, with the other two 
brigades, partly mounted and partly dismounted, at a given 
signal boldly attacked and impetuously carried the enemy's 
works, while the Eighth New York and First Connecticut 
cavalry, who were formed in columns of fours, charged over the 
breastworks, and continued the charge through the streets of 
Waynesboro', sabring a few men as they went along, and did not 
stop until they had crossed the South Fork of the Shenandoah, 
which was immediately in General Early's rear, where they 
formed as foragers, and with drawn sabres held the east bank 
of the stream. The enemy threw down their arms and surren- 
dered, with cheers at the suddenness with which they were 
captured. The general officers present at this engagement 
were Generals Early, Rosser, Long, Wharton, and Lilley ; and it 
has always been a wonder to me how they escaped, unless they 
hid in obscure places in the houses of the town." Custer 
pushed on after Early's trains, and did not halt until he got to 
the Blue Ridge. 

The results of this capture, made by Custer, single-handed, 



THE LAST RAID. 275 

were eleven guns, complete with caissons, teams, etc., two 
hundred wagons, sixteen hundred prisoners, and seventeen 
battle-flags. He had fully balanced his account of rivalry with 
the First division, and passed it fairly. His loss was insignifi- 
cant, owing entirely to the dash and rapidity of his fighting. 
That night he crossed the Blue Ridge and encamped on the 
other side, in full view of that mysterious land which had 
been a sealed book for the Federal army, the country where 
lay Charlottesville, Gordonsville, Columbia, the upper James, 
never visited since the short and hasty raid of Stoneraan at the 
time of Chancellorsville, and then only hastily skimmed, in fear 
and trembling. Thanks to Custer, it was now open to our 
forces in every direction, with not an enemy nearer than Peters- 
burg, and the end was comJng fast. 

Devin's division camped at Waynesboro' that night, and the 
cavalry corps was divided. The horses had been suffering fear- 
fully from grease-heel and scratches, ever since they had left 
the pike and entered the mud roads. The great fatigue, the 
poor food, and finally the change from oats to corn, when they 
used up their first forage and lived off the country, was running 
them lame by fifties and hundreds. Only the toughest were 
able to march well enough to be trusted on a further raid 
through the mud of the low countries, and the next day's work 
to Charlottesville promised to be worse than the road to 
Waynesboro'. It was necessary to send back the Confederate 
prisoners and train to Winchester, and with that object a col- 
umn of 1,500 men, under Colonel Thompson, First New 
Hampshire cavalry, was detached at AVaynesboro', and ordered 
back to Winchester. Colonel Thompson went ofi', followed by 
Rosser, who made a fierce attack on him at Mount Jackson, 
thirty miles from Winchester, trying to rescue the prisoners. 
Rosser failed to do this ; and lost instead some of his own 
men, whom Thompson took safely in with him. 

The valley being tranquil, Sheridan resumed his march, 
Custer ahead as usual. The young general did not seem to like 



2T6 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

to give np the advance, rule or no rule, and Sheridan indulged 
him. Caster marched to Charlottesville, and was met outside 
the town by a polite deputation, headed by the Mayor, who 
brought him the keys of the public buildings. Here the whole 
command rested two days, till the train could be brought up. 
the roads being in horrible condition. The two divisions, now 
reduced to about eight thousand men, all told, enjoyed them- 
selves hugely at Charlottesville, forage and food being plentiful. 
Parties were sent out to destroy the railroads, and did so in the 
most effectual manner, but the necessary delay caused Sheridan 
to abandon all idea of reaching Lynchburg. 

On the 4th of March, the real business of the raid began. 
Merritt took the First division, went up the James Eiver Canal 
to Scottsville, and returned to Columbia. Sheridan took Custer's 
division to Amherst Court House. Each column on its way 
destroyed every piece of public property likely to be of use to 
the enemy, blew up the locks of the canal, ruined it utterly, 
burned the flour mills and factories, and made a dash for the 
bridges at Dugaldsville and Hardwicksville. It was Sheridan's 
intention, had he saved the bridges, to ha re crossed the river, 
struck for Appomattox Court House, and so forced Lee to come 
out, and probably surrender, a month earlier than he afterwards 
did. But the bridges were burned before he could get there, 
and he was left complete master of all the country north of the 
James. He could no longer get at the enemy, nor could the 
latter get at him either. When the columns united at iSTew- 
market, on the James River,. Slierid an finally determined on 
his grand stroke of joining Grant. His plan involved march- 
ing down the north bank of the James, destroying the canal 
as he went. 

Only one danger remained. The railroad from Richmond to 
Gordonsville remained open for some distance, and it was prob- 
able that Lee might send out a heavy force of infantry, to crush 
Sheridan. Custer and Devin were ordered to spread out in 
different directions, and cut this road as near Richmond as they 



THE LAST RAID. 217 

could get. They accomplished the feat successfally, and Sher- 
idan's scouts soon brought him news that showed him what he 
had escaped bj not crossing the James. It turned out that 
Pickett's division of infantry and Fitzhugh Lee's cavalry were 
M'aiting for him on the Southside Railroad, but that no move- 
ment had been made from Richmond to the north. 

When Custer struck the Gordonsville Railroad at Fredericks- 
hall, he came on some very agreeable intelligence in the tele- 
graph office. It informed him that the irrepressible Early was 
not either dead or sleeping. The telegram was from Eai'ly to 
Lee, stating that he was following Sheridan with two hundred 
cavalry, and intended to strike him in rear about daylight. The 
news tickled Custer immensely. He at once dispatched a regi- 
ment after the unfortunate Early, caught and destroyed his 
party, and nearly took Early himself, the latter swimming the 
South Anna to escape, accompanied by a single orderly, after a 
campaign in which he lost all his army, every piece of artillery, 
and all his trains. 

Through the country to the north of Richmond, Custer and 
Merritt now roamed at will for more than a week. On the 
14th March, Custer's scouting parties burned a railway, within 
eleven miles of Richmond itself, while Merritt burned the 
bridges over the North and South Anna Rivers. By this time 
Sheridan's scouts had reached Grant, and returned with the 
welcome news that supplies awaited the cavalry at Whitehouse 
Landing on the Peninsula. The way there was open. Lee was 
at Petersburg, on the other side of the James, and could not send 
much force through to the north of Richmond, but what he 
had he sent. Another telegram was captured, dated at Hanover 
Junction. It was from Longstreet, addressed to a Colonel 
Haskell, presumably a cavalry officer hovering round Sheridan. 
It directed Haskell to " follow the enemy if he goes east,'' and 
to observe whether he struck for the Rapidan or the Peninsula. 
Kext day Custer and Devin struck Ashland, to the northwest 
of Richmond, on the Gordonsville road. Prisoners taken 



278 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

reported Pickett's and Johnson's divisions of infantry, at least 
12,000 men, with Fitzhugh Lee's cavahy division of 4,000 men, 
only four miles off, waiting to bag Sheridan, Longstreet in com- 
mand. This was all Sheridan wanted to know. By his feints 
lie had drawn tlie slow moving infantry far away from White- 
house Landing, which is on the Pamunkey River, on the north 
side of the Peninsula. He pretended an attack with Penning- 
ton's brigade of Custer's division, and moved off towards the 
Whitehouse. Longstreet soon saw it was no use for him to 
follow with infantry, and Fitzhugh Lee did not dare, single 
handed, his force being so far inferior to Sheridan's. The 
latter took his time, reaching Whitehouse on the 19th March, 
to be welcomed by gunboats and supplies. 

Longstreet returned to Lee. He knew how much he was 
wanted. The end was coming faster and faster. Sheridan 
rested at Whitehouse five days, feeding his horses on all the 
oats they could eat. Supplies were prodigal, and with reason. 
The government had saved nearly a month's subsistence for 
ten thousand men, and the Confederates had during the whole 
raid fed Sheridan's men on the fat of the land. On the 
24.th March, the refreshed column started, crossed the Penin- 
sula, and reached the James, filed over the long pontoon 
bridge, and finally on the 26th, went into camp at the rear of 
Grant's army, which lay in front of Petersburg. The last raid 
was over, and Custer was coming to that brief and brilliant 
campaign which was to complete his glory, and leave him a full 
major-general at twenty-six years of age. 



CHAPTER IV. 
riVE FOKKS. 

ON tlie 27th of March the cavahy corps went into camp 
behind the extreme left of Grant's Army of the Potomac, 
at Hancock Station. This station was the terminus of the 
military railroad^ which ran from flank to flank of the besiegers, 
occupying, as they did, a line of nearly fifteen miles in length. 
There they had lain in front of Lee's lines at Petersburg for 
some nine weary months, in the monotony of siege operations, 
wherein incessant picket firing and equally incessant artillery 
duels by day, were alternated with pauses of sulky repose, after 
a more than common expenditure of ammunition. The only 
reliefs to the monotony had been found in the occasional 
attempts of the Federals to extend their left wing and turn Lee's 
right. These attempts had taken place at various intervals, the 
most desperate and successful having been made by the Second 
Corps, under the lead of Hancock. This cause led to the nam- 
ing of the last station of the military railroad after that dashing 
corps commander. 

So far Lee had succeeded in maintaining his main position 
intact, in spite of the inferior numbers with which he confronted 
Grant. His skillful use of fortifications made his lines impreg- 
nable, and he was able to hold them one against ten, with little 
difiiculty or danger. Thus he could always spare for the threat- 
ened flank sufficient force to repel any assault and prevent the 
turning of his position. The country on that flank was for some 
distance much like the Wilderness he had found so favorable 



280 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

for defence — a desolate land of scrub woods, abandoned tobacco 
fields and dirt roads, where the defence and attack were alike 
depressing to the spirits, and where knowledge of the country 
was the one point of importance. 

"When Sheridan, with Custer's and Devin's divisions, went 
into camp at Hancock Station, he received an accession of force. 
The old Second Cavalry division, once Gregg's, was restored to 
its old comrades, this time under the command of General 
Crook. Poor Crook was, at the moment of joining, under a 
cloud. He had done very well in the Yalley, under Sheridan's 
command, till late in the winter. Then, owing to inexcusable 
negligence, he was one night snapped up in his headquarters 
by a party of guerillas, carried off, and made a prisoner. At 
the close of the winter he was exchanged, and found himself at 
Petersburg, where he was given the command of this little 
division. 

The curious and very unphilosophical grades of rank in the 
Federal army at that time, as contrasted with those of the Con- 
federates, was illustrated by the number of major-generals in the 
cavalry corps. Sheridan, Crook, Merritt, and Custer, were all 
major-generals, the last two being brevets assigned. Devin and 
Gibbs were brigadiers. The assignment to command of each 
was curious. Sheridan seemed to have a sort of roving com- 
mission to go where he pleased, and Merritt was in the same 
interesting condition. Devin, Custer and Crook each had a 
division, though each held a different rank, the first a brigadier, 
the second a brevet major-general, the third a full major-gen- 
ej:al. Gibbs, although of the same rank as Devin, had only a 
brigade, and all the other brigade commanders under Custer 
and Devin were colonels. Crook's division was the only one 
that was properly and philosophically officered, having three 
brigadiers for the brigades, and a major-general for the division. 

Apart from all these confusions of rank, the anomalous 
position of Merritt in the campaign, as well as that of Sheridan, 
was marked. Nominally Merritt had been commander of Custer 



FIVE FORKS. 281 

and Devin, but inasmuch as both seemed to be able to take 
care of themselves, he reall}' became very much like the fifth 
wheel on a caisson, only useful in case of accidents. Actually, 
he was most of the time occupied as a sort of dry nurse for 
Devin, who was a slow and cautious officer, new to the 
control of a division, and, in the mixed movements of the follow- 
ing campaign, very apt to get confused and miss opportunities. 
Deviu was one of those safe, steady men who always like 
to keep their enemy straight in front, and who lose their heads 
if they find themselves surrounded. For a stubborn defence 
or straight ahead movement no one was better, but he always 
did best where he could see his whole battle-field. In the 
midst of such haphazard combinations as distinguished the 
campaign before Gettysburg, so long as Devin was united to 
the division to which his brigade was attached, he did splen- 
didly ; and under the fostering care of John Buford, who 
knew w^oll how to develop his officers, the steady old colonel of 
volunteers, all guiltless of West Point as he was, became a first- 
rate brigade commander, who could be trusted out alone on his 
own responsibility. 

For such a series of movements as distinguished the Five 
Forks campaign to Appomattox, Devin was too slow, and when 
compared to the brilliant keen-witted Custer, appeared to singu- 
lar disadvantage, save at the battle of Five Forks, where his 
division had nothing to do but straight bull-dog fighting. He 
utterly lacked that keen instinct, which seemed inborn in 
Custer, that told him where an enemy might be safely pushed, 
and when the most reckless audacity wonMpaT/. While Devin 
was reconnoitring and getting ready to fight, Custer was already 
half through his battle ; and before Devin was fairly engaged, 
on several occasions he found Custer had snatched away the 
prize from under his very nose, gaining glory, guns, and flags, 
with little comparative danger, while Devin was wondering 
what it was all about, and when the enemy were going to 
charge. The trouble was that Devin was old, and Custer 



282 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

young. The quick wit of the latter made hiiu invincible ; and 
Merritt, who was paralyzed by the divided nature of his com- 
mand, appeared to the same disadvantage as Devin. The result 
of the whole campaign was that Ctister was invariably triumph- 
ant. Everything he did succeeded, failure seemed unknown 
to him, and the surrender at Appomattox left him with the 
highest individual fame as a cavalry commander of any man ex- 
cept Sheridan. His name and figure, when only a division com- 
mander, were better known all through the Union, and attracted 
more compliments from Confederates, than those of any corps 
commander then in the Army of the Potomac, and we question 
nmch whether at that time there was not far more curiosity to 
see Custer than either Meade, Hancock, Burnside, or Hooker, 
or indeed any one short of Grant, Sherman, and Sheridan. 
Custer came right behind them in the popular favor, and en- 
thusiasm ; and it was mainly owing to his series of brilliant 
successes in this, his last campaign against a civilized foe. 

Of course this fact (popular favor) attracted much envy to 
Custer, and much detraction from him. Hardly a cavalry officer 
outside of his own commands but was intensely jealous of him, 
and detraction was ready to belittle all of his exploits. A great 
deal of this was due to the boasting and sarcastic remarks of 
his injudicious friends, who could not be satisfied with praising 
their own chief without depreciating others. This caused a 
good deal of bitter feeling at the time ; and, added to the fact 
that part of Custer's success in the last campaign was due to 
his perception of the demoralization of the enemy, gave rise to 
many sneers at Custer's captures, which were ascribed by his 
detractors to mere luck, without serious fighting. A cool and 
candid examination of the evidence however, shows that "■ Cus- 
ter's luck" was peculiar to Custer himself, and, coming toother 
men, would have been lost. It consisted mainly in the quickness 
with which he seized every opportunity as soon as it occurred, and 
this quickness was entirely owing to the difference of his method 
of directing a battle from that adopted by most general officers. 



FIVE FORKS. 283 

The prevalent custom among commanders, whether of com- 
panies, regiments, brigades, divisions, corps or armies, wlien 
their commands are in a battle, is to take post in rear of the 
centre of the line, whence they can see all or most of the line 
of battle of their own men, and be able to order in reserves to 
any threatened part of the line. For a defensive position this 
is well, and if an eminence can be secured for the commander, 
from which he can survey the field, so much the better. If the 
country is open and the enemy in plain sight from the com- 
manders post, nothing better could be desired. The ideally 
perfect position for such a general would be up in a balloon, 
from whence he could see both armies spread out as on a chess 
board, and direct the operations of his own by telegraph. Un- 
fortunately, no means has yet been found by which a balloon 
can be anchored at a great elevation, in any weather except a 
dead calm, and consequently the balloon plan has been aban- 
doned, lofty hills being preferred. Some commanders, like Mc- 
Clellan at Antietam, take the highest ground in the neighbor- 
hood, no matter how far back it is, and trust to their glasses to 
tell them of the movements. This again, is only possible in an 
open country. In a heavily wooded place, such as the AVilder- 
ness or the vicinity of Five Forks, no chief, in rear of the centre 
of his line, can learn anything of what is going on, save by 
listening to the firing and requiring constant reports to be sent 
in from the skirmish line. ^ 

There is, however, another position, which may be taken by 
a leader in any country and which offers special advantages in 
a closely wooded one. This position was the one habitually 
taken by Custer. It was wj9 with the skirmish line itself^ keep- 
ing in constant motion from end to end of the line. This position 
has many advantages over the rear centre post. The general 
sees more, and knows by experience over what ground his men 
are going. He sees as much as any one can, for he is nearest 
to the enemy. If the latter lalters or presses, he is on the spot, 
and gives suitable orders, viva voce, not through an aide-de-camp. 



284: GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

The only orders he needs to send^ are those which go to the 
reserves in rear. Moreover, his constant presence is a great 
encouragement to the soldiers, who value kind words exactly 
in proportion to the rank of the person from whom they come. 
The general who shares their dangers they are ready to adore, 
after one or two battles, as Custer always found. 

The objections to this position for a general are two. First, 
it is fatiguing, and uses up horses very fast. Second, the gen- 
eral may get shot. These risks Custer always took, along with 
Sheridan, Phil. Kearny, and one or two others in the army who 
followed the same plan. To be always in the advance, and 
always in rajpid motion, was their secret. It showed them 
the opportunities, the moment they occurred. This was the 
secret, the real secret, of Custer's wonderful success in Sheridan's 
last campaign, and the difference between him and Devin. 
While the latter was watching his own line, Custer was watch- 
ing that of the enemy. Who shall deny that his laurels were 
fairly won ? 

It was a fine sight to see Custer and his staff on the field, 
during that last campaign. The appearance of the leader had 
slightly changed, since he was brevetted major-general. The 
old blue shirt, with its star in the corner, remained, but the 
velvet jacket was replaced by a blue sack with major-generaPs 
shoulder straps, and his trousers were now of the regulation sky- 
blue. The cavalier hat, long curls, and flaunting red necktie, 
were as conspicuous as ever, and every man in the division had 
apparently mounted the same insignia, with an attempt to imi- 
tate the careless grace of their leader. There were more shocks 
of long, shaggy, unkempt hair in the Third Division than any- 
where else in the army. As for neckties, Custer's division could 
be recognized a mile off, by its fluttering, scarlet handkerchiefs, 
and they were to be met with all over the country. 

Witli his forces under this leadership, Sheridan left camp 
on the 29th of March, starting out to the extreme left of the 
army. It was Grant's first intention that the cavalry should 



FIVE FORKS. 285 

only make a raid in Lee's rear, cut the Southside Railway, and, 
after ravaging the country, join Sherman's force. It was ex- 
pected that this raid would be along and weary one, and Sheri- 
dan weeded his force of all weak and broken down horses and 
dismounted men, who were left at Petersburg. It will give 
some idea of how tremendously severe the last raid through 
the mud had been on Sheridan's horses, to note the numbers 
he now took with him. The First and Third divisions had 
started from Winchester, a month before, 9484 strong. They 
had been weeded of 1500 men at Waynesboro, leaving about 
8000 men ; and now all they could muster was 5700 men, all 
told, fit for a march. To this 5700 was added Crook's 3300 
men, and at a later date McKenzie's skeleton cavalry division 
from the Army of the James, 1000 strong. This made Sheri- 
dan's total cavahy force 10,000 men, and to his command was 
subsequently added the Fifth Corps. Sheridan was no longer 
attached to the Army of the Potomac. He took his orders 
direct from Grant, without the interposition of Meade, and the 
fact of his having been made a major-general in the regular 
army made him senior to every one but Meade. Grant gave 
him a sort of general command over the left wing of the Army 
of the Potomac during the subsequent operations. 

On the 29th March, the cavalry moved out of the lines, 
striking off to the southwest. The first night they crossed 
Hatcher's Run, and moved on in the direction of Dinwiddle 
Court House, which was reached by Devin, who had the ad- 
vance, about 5 o'clock. Devin and Crook went into camp there. 
Custer was left behind at Hatcher's Run (called Rowanty Creek 
there, having been joined by Gravelly Run). It had begun to 
rain, the roads were horrible, the creek was only bridged by 
pontoons, and it was supposed that Fitzhugh Lee's cavalry was 
off to the south, ready to pounce on Sheridan's trains if he saw 
an opportunity. It turned out that this was an error. The 
Confederate cavalry was really to the north, inside of Lee's 
lines, on the very right of his army. Sheridan, by his rapid 



286 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

march, had left a gap of about ten miles between himself and 
the head of the Union column of infantry. This was composed 
of the Fifth Corps, near Custer, and the Second Corps next 
behind it. 

For a clear understanding of w^hat follows, a rough formu- 
lated diagram of the country, showing the general direction of 
points of subsequent importance, will be found of use. It is 
taken from General Warren's sketch, annexed to his subsequent 
vindication of himself. [See map, end of chapter.] 

In this sketch the curves are roughly indicated, but it will 
show the directions in straight lines, with sufficient accuracy. 

On the morning of the 30th of March,* Sheridan sent 
Devin, together with Davies' brigade of Crook's force, from 
Dinwiddle, due north, to gain Five Forks, on the White Oak 
road. Slicridan himself remained behind, to help out Custer 
and the trains, a job which was not over at dark of the 30th. 
Devin came to Five Forks, and found the enemy in such force 
that he could not dislodge him. It rained all day, and Devin's 
pickets were lighting all the time, but made no impression. 

The position on the morning of the 31st was this. [See map.] ' 
Sheridan was at Dinwiddle, about seven miles from the head 
of the infantry, over roads so muddy that the distance must be 
doubled to give an idea of the time necessary for help to reach 
him. Grant's column was curling round Lee's left, but the latter 
saw an opportunity for a brilliant stroke. It was to send down 
a heavy force by the White Oak road to Five Forks, smash 
Devin, roll him. back on Sheridan, and crush the latter, separa- 
ting him from Grant by entering the gap between them. To 
do this, Lee detached Pickett's division, part of Johnson's, and 
all the Confederate Cavalry. The whole force was about 

* During the niglit of the 29th March, Grant changed his mind as to 
Sheridan's ultimate disposition, and sent him word to that effect. He had 
passed the flank of Lee's army. Instead of sending him oflF to ravage the 
country and join Sherman, Grant now ordered him to turn on Lee's right 
flank. This order was the one that sent Devin to Five Forks, and determined 
the issue of the campaign. 



FIVE FORKS. 287 

11,000 men. The only trouble was, Lee did it too late. 
Had he struck Devin and Sheridan on the 30th, the Fifth 
Corps was still out of supporting distance. On the evening of 
the 31st, it was within five miles of Sheridan. 

He tried it on the 31st, in the style in which Lee always 
delivered his attacks. It was carefully and secretly prepared, 
and executed about two in the afternoon. Striking Devin, 
whose total force did not exceed four thousand men, of whieli 
one-fourth were horse-holders, the fighting being dismounted, 
the Confedei'ates drove him out of the woods into the I'oad to 
Dinwiddie, with crushing force. They formed a perfect horse- 
shoe of fire around the little division, and resistance was useless. 
It was made, however, with that savage obstinacy peculiar to 
dismounted cavalry, covering the retreat of their horses. The 
men held on till the beasts were out of danger, rallied and 
charged again and again, and finally emerged in the fields, 
repulsed but not conquered, having saved every horse and gun, 
and without the loss of a prisoner. 

This was the last brilliant move Lee's army, or any portion 
of it, ever made. This dashing corps of eleven thousand men, 
starting from the White Oak road, first drove back the head 
of the Fifth Corps, then swung over and beat Devin, followed 
him down the road and charged Crook, and was only brought 
to a final halt in front of Dinwiddie Court House, by the rest of 
the cavalry corps, deployed in the open fields, dismounted. 
Devin's division was separated from the rest. Custer brought 
up two brigades from the belated train, and with three others 
managed to hold the victorious foe till night, when Pickett 
rested on his arms in front of Dinwiddie Court House. 

Such was the position at nightfall of the 31st. Sheridan 
was isolated, and Pickett was in front of him, but a glance at 
the diagram will show that Pickett was also isolated from Lee, 
and that Warren, with the Fifth Corps, was right behind 
Pickett. All Warren had to do was to move down the Boydton 
plank road, to strike the enemy directly in the rear. 



288 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Sheridan saw this plainly enough, and sent another officer to 
Warren, telling him to " attack Pickett at daylight." It appears, 
from General Warren's "Narrative," that Sheridan misconceived 
Warren's position, imagining that he was about two miles 
nearer to Five Forks than he really was. Actually, the bulk 
of the Fifth corps was nearly six miles off, but Warren's head- 
quarters were only four miles from Sheridan's, on the Boydton 
plank road. We have been careful to take, in regard to the 
subsequent battle, the exact statements of fact of General War- 
ren as true, and it seems quite clear that the difficulty which 
ensued between the two generals was one of temperament 
wholly. Warren was a cool, cautious, methodical man, whose 
training as an engineer had assisted to make him, like McClellan, 
careful and painstaking. He did his very best, but his tem- 
perament rendered it an absolute impossibility for Warren to 
do anything in a hurry. Sheridan, on the other hand, was rapid 
and impetuous, and his contact with such a totally dissimilar 
character as Warren was sure to bring difficulty, unless indeed 
the latter, like Devin, was willing to obey orders blindly, no 
matter what the consequences to himself. This, however, was 
just what Warren's character again rendered him incapable of 
doing. Being a polished and pei'fectly educated soldier, who 
had graduated high at West Point, he set a value on his own 
notion of how a thing should be done, and this is very evident 
in his " JSTarrative." When Sheridan asked him to hurry, he 
replied in effect that he was doing the best he could ; he differed 
in opinion from Sheridan as to the proper place of a general on 
the battle-field ; and whenever the opinions of the two came in 
conflict, as they did on almost every point of real importance, 
Warren stuck to his own opinion, and tacitly implied that he 
was going to do as he pleased. This fact develops itself in his 
subsequent " K"arrative," in one very important point, on which 
we have already touched in speaking of the difference between 
Custer and Devin. 

Sheridan's idea of the proper place of a general was at the , 



FIVE FORKS. 289 

front, in rapid motion, where he could see for himself. War- 
ren's idea was that of rear of the centre, and out of fire. He 
justifies it in the following sentence in his narrative. " While 
giving orders thus, I did not think it proper to leave my place 
in the open field, because it was one where my stafl'ofiicers, sent 
to difierent parts of the command, could immediately find me 
on their return, and thus I could get information from all points 
at once, and utilize the many eyes of my staff and those of my 
subordinate commanders, instead of going to some special point 
myself, and neglecting all others." 

This sentence shows the radical difference between the two 
men. It was a clash of wills, and Warren would not yield. 
Sheridan sent word to him, that night, where the cavalry was, 
and where the enem}^ was ; also that he, Warren, was behind 
the enemy. He concluded, " I will hold on here. Possibly they 
may attack Custer at daylight : if so, attack instantly, and in 
full force. Attack at daylight anyhow." 

He pointed out that by so doing Sheridan and Warren could 
bag the whole of Pickett's isolated force. The message reached 
Warren at 4.50 a. m. April 1st ; too late for obedience. The 
Fifth Corps could not get to Sheridan by daylight, as the near- 
est brigade was four miles off, and the sun rose at six. It 
seems too, that although Sheridan knew Warren was under his 
orders, Warren did not. It was not till an hour and a half 
after receipt of Sheridan's order that Warren received one from 
Meade, the immediate commander of the Army of the Potomac, 
directing him " to report to Sheridan." 

As it happened, no harm was done. Pickett was just as as- 
tute as Sheridan. He saw his danger, and quietly left in the 
morning, falling back to Five Forks, where he held a line of 
breastworks to the north of the White Oak road ; and there 
the cavalry followed him. The position was some three miles 
to the north of Dinwiddle, and about three miles and a half 
to the west of Warren. The latter did not join Sheridan, un- 
der his orders, till eleven d'cloch. One can fancy how this must 
19 ^ 



290 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

have irritated the impatient cavahy leader. His men had been 
out since six o'clock, pnsliing Pickett back to Five Forks, and 
here was Pickett before him, separated bj a gap of about 
five miles from Lee's army, while Warren, with 15,000 men, 
ready to occupy that gap, was letting the precious moments 
slip. It seemed almost impossible that Pickett could be fool 
enough to stay where he was, to be trapped ; and it was much 
more reasonable to suppose, from his obstinate attitude, that 
Lee was bringing up more forces behind, to serve Sheridan as 
he had served Devin. In such a case, an ugly and dishearten- 
ing check to the Army of the Potomac, such as had happened 
so often before, was pretty certain. 

When at last Warren was up, Sheridan did not hurry him 
unduly. McKenzie's little division reported to the general at 
the same time, coming down the White Oak road, and brought 
the news that the country in that direction was clear, so that it 
was settled that the gap between Lee and Pickett really ex- 
isted. Sheridan sent backMcKenzie to Dinwiddle as a reserve, 
and to guard the trains, while Custer and Devin, under Mer- 
ritt's orders, proceeded to assault the works at Five Forks, 
threatening especially to turn the right flank of the enemy. 
Not till one o'clock did Sheridan deem the attack sufficiently 
serious to hold the enemy ; then he sent word to Warren to 
bring up his infantry, which was lying about half a mile from 
the works. It was ordered to advance in the following order : 

Ayres and Crawford's divisions in the first line, and Grif- 
fin's behind Crawford, were to strike the left of Pickett's line, 
and sweep down behind the breastworks, while Custer and 
Devin were to charge home in front. Crook was not engaged. 
It must be remembered that Custer and Devin, with only 5,700 
men, had been fighting and driving the enemy all the morn- 
ing, and that the Fifth Corps had not 3'et struck a blow that 
day. Imagine then, the impatience M'ith which Sheridan saw 
Warren bringing up his corps of 15,000 men, the order given 
at one o'clock, and he not ready iiW four. Three whole hours 



FIVE FORKS. 291 

consumed in putting a single corps, already massed, into line 
of battle, were more than enough, and we can see the sarcasm 
of the remark which Sheridan made to him, as Warren reports 
in the " Narrative." " General Sheridan expressed to me his 
apprehension that our cavalry, which continued to fire on the 
enemy, would use up all their ammunition before my troops 
would he ready. I informed him that they would not all be in 
position before four p. m." 

Here the difference of the two men was again manifest. 
Sheridan was all hurry, with no such word as "impossible" ; 
Warren, with a constitutional inability to huny, was finding so 
many things impossible. 

At last, however, Warren was ready, and advanced. After 
that he had no more trouble. With a simultaneous charge, 
Pickett's men and Wise's brigade were swept out of existence 
as an organized body, and Five Forks was won. As soon as 
Warren entered the fight, SheridaTi at once possessed twenty 
thousand men to Pickett's ten, and the surrender of the Con- 
federate infantry was a foregone conclusion. When the Fifth 
Corps charged, Custer and Devin followed suit, swept over the 
breastworks, and captured all the guns and battleflags in the 
works. Pickett was no longer a division commander. 

No sooner was the fight fairly over, than Sheridan sent a 
curt note to Warren. 

'-'■Major-General Warre7i, commanding the Fifth Army 
Corps, is relieved from duty, and loill report at once for orders 
to Lieutenarit General Grant, commanding armies United 
States:' 

It came like a thunderbolt to Warren. Pie had evidently 
not expected it. He, even in his " Narrative," seems to be 
seriously impressed with the idea that the victory at Five Forks 
was owing to his exertions, and that he had done his whole 
duty, for which he should have been praised. He complains, 
in this ''Narrative," of the peculiar hardship and injustice of 
relieving him, at the very moment when he had done his work 



202 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

and was triumphantly successful. After a careful examination 
and comparison of his account with that of Sheridan, the con- 
duct of the latter is easy to explain. Sheridan was above all 
things a practical soldier, with little solicitude for any one's 
feelings, in a matter where success was involved. When he 
found, as he early did, that he and Warren could not pnll 
together, there is little doubt that he determined to relieve him, 
as he had the power to do. But to have relieved Warren from 
command at the cominenccment of a movement like this — an 
assault in force — would have been very perilous. Had he been 
suddenly removed, it would have involved a change of leaders, 
all through the corps, nnfamiliar officers, and a prospect of fail- 
ure, Avith a perfect certainty of delay, even greater than Warren 
caused. Through Sheridan's own activity in reaching Dinwid- 
die Court House in a single day, he had gained time on the 
enemy, and Lee's hesitation to abandon Petersburg had given 
him more. It M'as clear that the cavalry conld hold Pickett sta- 
tionary till night, and a single honr was time enough to consum- 
mate the victory of Five Forks, once the combined attack was 
made. Sheridan weighed his chances and calculated that he 
would have just about enough time, even if he gave Warren his 
own M-ay, which he did. Success attained, he had no further 
need to keep Warren, and every reason to get rid of him. In 
the further prosecution of the campaign, activity and hearty 
cooperation were absolutely necessary, and neither of these was 
to be looked for from Warren. Sheridan wanted a man who 
would obey orders, not dispute them, and Warren's weakness 
lay in the latter direction. By the sudden exercise of arbi- 
trary power, there is no doubt that Sheridan made a bitter 
enemy of Warren, and excited much ill-feeling in the whole 
Fifth Corps, but the practical success of the future movements 
in pursuit justified him to the country. Pightly considered, the 
relief of Warren was no discredit to that officer, as a soldier 
employed in scientific warfare. He was as good a commander 
as he had ever been, but in the pursuit of Lee, scientific warfare 



FIVE FORKS. 293 

was not needed so much as unremitting activity. The enemy 
had little or no force left to fight in open country ; the only 
difficulty was to catch him. Warren was an engineer, Sheri- 
dan a huntsman, and the latter needed more huntsmen, not 
engineers. The best proof that AVarren's relief was not re- 
garded by Grant as an indication of incapacity, was afforded by 
Warren's almost immediate assignment to the command of the 
Department of the Mississippi. He was as good as ever for any 
purpose, except the one for which Sheridan needed him, that 
was all. 

We have been somewhat lengthy in our account of the diffi- 
culty between Warren and Sheridan at Five Forks, because it 
is essential to the complete understanding of the campaign in 
which Custer bore so important a part. Another thing must 
be taken into account in estimating the subsequent operations, 
to explain the difference between the cavalry and infantry. 

When Sheridan arrived at Petersburg, he came from a 
campaign in the open field, wherein intrenchments had played no 
part. He was used to activity, as were his cavalry. He found 
the Army of the Potomac enfeebled by a long siege, of which 
the effects are well known. They disincline men to long 
marches and active exertions. What was a mere bagatelle to 
Slieridan's riders, was a terribly long march to the infantry, fresh 
from winter quarters, out of condition and heavily loaded as 
they were. Infantry generals are so much used to being ham- 
pered by the exhaustion of their men, that they are apt to sink 
down and pronounce a long march " impossible," especially at 
the beginning of a campaign. It needed all the fiery energy of 
Sheridan and the example of the cavalry to nerve the infantry 
up to their work. They would fight as well as ever, but had 
got out of the habit of marching ; and it was marching that was 
now needed. Moreover, so used was the whole army to en- 
countering a foe rendered formidable by fortifications, and 
always ready to fight, that it was not dreamed of by any, till 
some days after, that Lee was on his way to surrender. Besides 



294 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Grant, Slieridan seems to have been the only man who had the 
idea, and it was he who sng-gested it to Grant, in his laconic 
dispatch, " I think, if things are pushed, Lee will surrender." 
The still more laconic reply of Gi^ant is equally well known — 
" Push things." Sheridan did push them, and his right arm 
was Custer. 

The present chapter, while part of the life of Custer, has 
unavoidably wandered away from him to the principal actors in 
the battle of Five Forks. Custer's division liad not had the 
advance on the march to Dinwiddle, and the difficulties with 
road and train had kept it back to Rowanty Creek, all of the 
thirtieth of March, and till evening of the thirtj^-first. Even 
then, only two of Custer's brigades were able to get up to help 
Crook's two brigades and one of Devln's, and it was these five 
brigades that held Pickett's entire force that evening. In the 
morning of the first of April, Custer and Devin did all the 
fighting in advance, Crook being held in reserve. Custer's di- 
vision held the extreme left of the line, threatening Pickett's 
right. The fighting was dismounted, and quite severe, the cav- 
alry driving back the enemy from two lines of defence to the 
last breastwork at Five Forks. Here they stopped, a lull tak- 
ing place in the fight at noon, till one o'clock, when the assault 
was resumed and seriously pressed. 

The dismounted lines of skirmishers never dreamed but 
what it was their duty to carrj'^ the works unassisted, and with 
that notion, savage over the reverses of the day previous, they 
made two desperate charges over the tangled brushwood, piled 
in front of the works, right in the teeth of the rebel infantr3\ 
The heaviest fire fell on Devin, who occupied the centre, but 
Custer's men, by their audacity in trjnng to turn Pickett's 
flank, suffered nearly as heavily. It was their bitter and deter- 
mined assaults that caused Sheridan's sarcastic remark to War- 
ren about the ammunition. When at last the rolling volleys of 
the Fifth Corps, to the right of the enemy, showed they were 
really at work, the excitement of the cavalry rose once more. 



29 G FIVE FORKS. 

Twice tliey had been repulsed before the fearful fire from the 
works, but now they rose again. Their eagerness was ehanged 
to a perfect frenzy, a moment later, when Sheridan himself, 
with his battle flag behind him, and all his staff, came gal- 
loping down the line, through a storm of bullets, waving his 
sword and pointing onwai'ds. In a moment, every brigade 
commander caught the impulse and dashed forward, while Ous- 
ter, his red necktie and golden curls shining like a star, galloped 
out in front of his line, and rode right at the breastwork. Such 
a yell was never heard as then burst from the whole line of 
men, as they swept forward. The volleys of the enemy were 
answered by a perfect hell fire from the carbines, and the works 
M^ere taken with a rush. 

What a spectacle presented itself then ! A crowd of fleeing 
men in grey, running wildly and confusedly together from side 
to side, while a long line of fire and smoke was coming through 
the woods from the right, sweeping away the hapless Confed- 
erates. 

Only for a moment that sight was seen, and the next the 
grey-coated crowds were throwing down their arms and waving 
their handkerchiefs, or any thing white, in token of surrender. 

The battle was over, the Confederate infantry annihilated. 
What M-as left of the cavalry made its escape to the left of Cus- 
ter, and struck off to the west, followed by McKenzie's and 
Ouster's men, for about six miles, after dark. 

The last fight had been fought. The pursuit was now to 



CHAPTER V. 
APPOMATTOX. 

THE night of the 1st of April was passed in serious work, 
and events were still in a doubtful condition. Lee's main 
army, of unknown strength, was still intact, and Pickett's defeat 
was after all only the capture of a detachment. Sheridan 
was on Lee's ilank, with 25,000 men, including cavalry 
and Fifth Corps, but they were facing west, while Lee's 
main, force was at Petersburg, to the northeast, and probably 
not more than live miles of!'. Obviously, it was still possible 
for Lee to crush Sheridan in the morning, if he turned on him 
with all his force. Sheridan perceived this so clearly that he 
at once sent back two divisions of the Fifth Corps to open 
connection with the Second, and to face toward Petersburg. 
They found the advance of the Second Corps before they had 
gone two miles on the White Oak road. That night, the 
sound of heavy guns was incessant from Petersburg, all night 
long, and at 4 a. m. increased to a tempest. At daybreak, came 
the news that Wright, with the Sixth Corps, had assaulted 
Lee's lines in front, found them to be weakly guarded, that 
Petersburg was taken, and that Lee had evacuated all his posi- 
tions, and was moving away to the open country, in the hope 
of joining Johnston for an offensive campaign. 

On the morning of the 2d of April, the pursuit began. The 
cavalry pushed on to the westward, and reached Ford Station, 
on the railroad from Petersburg to Lynchburg. In order to 
understand the further movements of the pursuit, a clear idea 
of the country is necessary. 



\ 



298 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Previous to the battle of Five Forks, Lee's lines were nearly 
north and south, running between Petersburg and Richmond, a 
distance of nearly twenty miles. His army was now concen- 
trated and moving west. There were two railroads crossing 
the country he was in. One ran from Richmond, southwest to 
Danville, North Carolina, known as the "Danville road." The 
other ran from Petersburg, nearly due west, to Lynchburg. 
These roads crossed each other at Burke's Station, some forty 
miles west of Petersburg. Lee's first plan was to move on the 
Danville road, so as to get to North Carolina and join Johnston. 
The way to block his game was for the cavalry and Fifth Corps 
to push for Barkesville, throw themselves in his way, entrench, 
and tight, to give time for the rest of the army to come up and 
take Lee in rear. On the 2d of April, Custer, in advance, 
reached Ford Station, about half-way to Burke's Station, on 
the Lynchburg road. On the 3d, the Union cavalry pur- 
sued its march. Nothing was met but Fitzhugh Lee's cav- 
alry, which gave way wherever struck. Lee's main army was 
pressing on in a parallel line, some six or seven miles north, 
toward Amelia Court House, on the Danville road. This place 
is about ten miles northeast of Burke's ; Custer and Devin 
pursued the road to Burke's, but Crook and McKenzie were 
sent out towards Amelia Court House, along with the Fifth 
Corps, and soon found the enemy's infantry and trains. Lee 
%vas.come to the turn of his fortune. He was encumbered by 
an enormous train, full of all that accumulation of rubbish that 
marks the exit of troops from winter quarters. He had been 
compelled to leave in such a hurrj^ that this train was perfectly 
unmanageable, and entirely unlit to go on campaign. Grant 
was able to move out with only the pick of his troops and 
trains, leaving the rest in safety at his lines before Petersburg. 
Lee had to take everything, good and bad, or leave it to be 
captured. 

The result was quickly visible to the cavalry and Fifth 
Corps. The enemy was completely demoralized. Prisoners 



APPOMATTOX. 299 

dropped in by dozens, fifties and hundreds, giving themselves 
up without resistance, wagons were found abandoned, and — 
surest sign of all — guns, limbers, and caissons j^uZZ of amniuni- 
tion, were found all along the road. Custer pushed on, and by 
the evening of the fourth, cavalry and Fifth Corps had struck 
the Danville Road, and interposed, at a village called Jeters- 
ville, between Lee and Burke's Junction. Sheridan arrived at 
Jetersville at dusk, and learned without doubt that Lee was at 
Amelia Court House, hardly five miles oiF. The Second Corps 
was moving right in Lee's rear, and the Sixth Corps was com- 
ing up between the Fifth aud Second. 

That night was Lee's last chance. It was a desperate one 
at best ; but the Lee of Chancellorsville, who had Stonewall 
Jackson to back him, would have seized it. The chance was to 
march down on Sheridan with all his force, and crush him out 
of the way, then go ahead to Danville. This Lee feared to do. 
He was still encumbered with his long train, and the worst 
part of his position was, that the train carried no rations. His 
army was already short of food. Sheridan that very night in- 
tercepted a despatch from the sorely tried Confederate general 
to the commissaries at Danville and Lynchburg, ordering 
200,000 rations to be sent to Burkesville. They never reached 
there. Xext morning Lee, finding his road to Burkesville 
barred, stretched out for Lynchburg, directly across country, 
hoping to strike the railroad at Appomottax Court House, forty 
miles from Amelia. 

Sheridan had first curled around Lee's right at Five Forks, 
compelling him to fall back. Now he had again curled round, 
blocked his southern road, and left his only way open to the 
tcest. Very soon he was to bar even that way. 

During the fifth of April, the cavalry and Fifth Corps lay 
quiet at Jetersville. Crook was sent out on the left, to the 
northwest, to find what the enemy was doing. Davies' brigade 
of his division struck a wagon train, going west towards Ap- 
pomattox, by wa}^ of Deatonsville. It was guarded by cavalry. 



300 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Davies took the train and five guns. In the afternoon, Lee 
came down and attacked Jetersville, but without vigor. His 
old pluck was gone. He simply desired to gain time by the 
demonstrations, to get his trains off. The road to the west was 
still free. Had Sheridan staid at Jetersville, Lee might have 
got off yet. 

That evening, the rest of the army came up from Petersburg 
and the Fifth Corps was taken from Sheridan, to be replaced by 
the old Sixth, with' which he had fought in the valley. This 
was done at Meade's request, as we are informed in Sheridan's 
report. 

On the morning of the 6th of April, the Second, Fifth and 
Sixth Corps struck north towards Amelia Court House, only 
to find that Lee had gone, and was ali-ead}^ past Deatonsville, 
and near Farmville, on the road to Appomattox. 

Away went the cavalry after him, Crook leading, Custer and 
Devin following. It was only five miles to Deatonsville ; and 
there, in the bright spring morning, the whole Confederate army 
was to be, seen, its trains stretching for miles and miles, trying 
to escape. Close to Deatonsville ran the little stream known as 
Sailor's Creek, which gave its name to the fight that followed. 
Now was the time to catch Lee's trains, and capture at least his 
rear guard. If the whole Confederate army stopped to fight, so 
much the better. The Union infantry was moving off towards 
Amelia Court House, but a dispatch reaching it, the direction 
of the columns was speedily changed, and it only remained for 
Sheridan's cavalry to hold Lee long enough for the infantry to 
catch up. 

Sheridan's method of action was verj' simple, as he records 
it in his report. " Crook was at once ordered to attack the 
trains, and if the enemy was too strong, one of the divisions 
would pass him, while he held fast and pressed the enemy, and 
attack at a point farther on, and this division was ordered to do 
the same, and so on, alternating, and this system of attack 
would enable us finally to strike some weak point. This result 



APPOMATTOX. 301 

was obtained just south of Sailor's Creek, and on the higli 
ground over tliat stream. Custer took the road, and Crook and 
Devin coming up to his support, sixteen pieces of artillery were 
captured, and about four hundred wagons were destroyed, while 
three divisions of the enemy's infantry were cut off fronrtheir 
line of retreat." 

The description that follows of the part taken by Custer's 
division in this fight is taken from the account of one of Cus- 
ter's staff officers. It is so picturesque and life-like as to be 
worth full quotation : 

Early on the morning above mentioned our command was 
watering and massing, when a staff officer from General Wesley 
Mcrritt, then commanding the cavalry corps, came with orders 
directing General Custer to move forward at once with his com- 
mand and attack the enemy's wagon train at a certain point which 
he, the staff officer, would designate. General Custer, turning to 
his staff, selected me to convey the order to cease watering the 
command and direct the different brigade commanders to forward 
their commands at a trot. When I reached the road again, after 
having delivered the order, I found General Custer at the head of 
his column, returning. I learned from him afterward that he 
had gone forward, as directed, but did not like the position desig- 
nated as the attacking point, and seeing in the distance a position, 
in his opinion, more desirable, he rode forward just in time to 
meet the Confederates placing a battery of nine guns in position. 
He immediately charged the battery, capturing the nine guns be- 
fore they could be placed in position, and with the guns he took 800 
prisoners. Still charging, a mile beyond, he cut the enemy's wagon 
train, capturing and destroying nearly 1,000 wagons. Returning 
betook up his position in a sort of a ravine. Here he re-formed 
his command for the very active work that was to follow. Just 
over the brow of the hill the enemy had thrown up earthworks be- 
hind which was stationed the Confederate General Kershaw, one of 
the best generals commanding the finest division of the Confederate 
army. All day, until dark, General Custer was charging these works, 
always retreating to and re-forming his command in the ravine first 
selected. He knew they must give way sooner or later, as the 
Sixth Corps were doing excellent execution just beyond and would 
soon have their flank turned. About five o'clock in the afternoon 



302 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

I rode out toward our battery, which had been in position all day 
shelling the enemy. My attention was attracted to a large batch 
of prisoners off to the left of our position, and, my curiosity being 
somewhat excited, I rode out to the guard for the purpose of 
inquiring whether there were any distinguished officers among the 
captives. But a short distance from me, mounted on a^thorough- 
bred mare, I saw what I at once knew to be a rebel officer of dis- 
tinguished rank. In a moment his eye caught mine, and he 
beckoned me to come within the enclosure, as he desired to talk 
with me. I did so, and the following conversation ensued : — 
" Are you not one of General Custer's staff ? " 
" I am, sir ; a surgeon, however." 

" Sir, I desire to surrender my sword to General Custer. A 
non-commissioned officer is continually demanding it, but I con- 
sider that I have the right to request the privilege of surrender- 
ing it to a commissioned officer." 

'' Whom have I the honor of addressing ? " I asked. 
'' My name," said he, "is Kershaw — General Kershaw, sir." 
'' General," I said, " I am glad to meet you. I assure you, 
sir, Ave always had great respect for you and your command when 
you confronted us in the valley." 

" I look upon General Caster as one of the best cavalry officers 
that this or any other country ever produced. I shall, indeed, 
consider it an honor to surrender my sword to him." He contin- 
ued, "Ever since the battle of Cedar Creek, when he and General 
Sheridan embraced each other after the battle, I have had a most 
perfect admiration for the man. I read a full account of it in 
the New York Herald some days after the engagement. All 
through to-day's battle I directed my men to concentrate their fire 
upon his headquarters flag, knowing he Avas there always at the 
front. While I should have deprecated the idea of killing a man 
so brave, good and efficient, yet I knew it was my only hope." 

*' General," I said, " yon merely succeeded in killing his best 
horse. Now, if you will accompany me outside the guard, I Avill 
take you over to Woodruff's Battery, and leaA^e you in charge of 
its commanding officer, while I communicate your desires to Gen- 
eral Custer." 

In company Avith two or three other rebel generals of minor 
importance, he folloAved me. As General Custer Avas then mak- 
ing another charge, I aAvaited the result. It was the last and 
proved to be the grandest success of the day, as the balance of the 
enemy's command surrendered. 



APPOMATTOX. 303 

The capture of the day was upward of 7,000 prisoners, thirty- 
seven battleflags, and a large number of guns. The Third Cav- 
ahy division at no time during the day had more than 600 en- 
gaged against the enemy. As General Custer was returning from 
tlie charge with his prisoners, battleflags, etc., I rode forward and 
met him. After congratulating him, I communicated the desires 
of General Kershaw. The general seemed very much pleased, 
and rather accelerated his movement in direction of the battery. 
In presenting his sword General Kershaw was exceedingly com- 
plimentary in his remarks. After the surrender General Ker- 
shaw and friends, by invitation, spent the night with Custer and 
his staff, and in the morning they were sent to the rear with the 
rest of the prisoners. 

This account gives a very fair idea of Sailor's Creek. Cus- 
ter was its grandest ligure. Crook struck the enemy first, 
and then Devin, but neither could make an impression, and 
did not demonstrate seriously. Custer passed Devin, and took 
up the first real attack, charging again and again, mounted.* 
All tlie while, the infantry was coming up. When Custer was 
hotly engaged, Devin was withdrawn, and sent on still further, 
but only one of his brigades charged mounted. This was 
Stagg's Michiganders, Custer's old brigade. As Devin left, 
the Sixth Corps came up. Succor had been delayed a long time 
by Meade's withdrawal of the Fifth Corps. In the morning, the 
Second, Fifth and Sixth Corps had started to the north, the Sec- 
ond nearest Sheridan, the Fifth next, the Sixth furthest of all. 
Instead of ordering in the Second to help Sheridan, Meade trans- 

* It was in one of these desperate charges that Tom Custer, the general's 
brother, took with his own hand, his second flag within ten days. Tom had 
been a private soldier in an Ohio infantry regiment, in wliicli he enlisted at 
the age of sixteen. The general procured him a commission in the Michigan 
cavalry in the winter of 1864, and put Tom on his staff, where he was serv- 
ing at Sailor's Creek. In the charge Tom leaped the breastworks, seized 
the flag, and at the same moment was shot by the color-bearer, the bullet 
entering his cheek and going right through out of the back of his neck. 
Nothing daunted, Tom shot the color-bearer, took the flag and got back safely, 
when the doctor ordered him to the rear. His previous flag was taken at 
Namozin Church. 



304 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

ferred tlie Sixth all tJie way over from right to left, thus losing 
valuable time, according to his own report. When it came into 
action however, as with the Fifth at Five Forks, it finished the 
battle in a very short time. Humphreys, with the Second 
Corps, also joined in, at a further point to the north, on his own 
responsibility. All through the campaign indeed, he seems to 
have acted with more energy, without orders, than any of the 
corps commanders. 

When Humphreys came up, Lee's rear guard was sur- 
rounded. One of Stagg's Michigan men, in the last charge, 
went riglit over the Confederate breastworks, and dashed through 
their whole line, reacliing Sheridan, who was on the otlier side, 
hurrying up the infantry.* 

General Ewell and all his corps were taken bodily, and so 
ended the battle of Sailor's Creek. Sheridan says, " 1 have 
never ascertained exactly how many prisoners were taken in 
this battle. Most of them fell into the hands of the cavalry, 
but they are no more entitled to claim them than the Sixth 
Corps, to which command equal credit is due for the good re- 
sults of this engagement." 

That night, nearly the u'hole of the old Army of the Yalley 
encamped together by Sailor's Creek. Sheridan, Merritt, Cus- 
ter, Devin, Crook, and Wright, were all there, and their old 
success had attended them. 

Next morning, away went the cavalry again, after Lee, 
Crook in advance. By this time, another corps had come up, 
Ord, with the little Army of the James, once Butler's command. 
Sheridan, still thinking Lee was as bold as ever, and knowing 
well that the Confederate leader's objective point must be Dan- 
ville, if he hoped to join Johnston, imagined that he would 
cross the Lynchburg railroad, and move south through the 
open country. 

In the morning of the 7th April, therefore, he sent Custer 

Sheridan's Report. This incident would seem almoet incredible did not 

Sheridan personally vouch for it. 



APPOMATTOX. 305 

and Devin off, under Merritt's command, to the southwest, 
awaj from the raih'oad, to Prince Edward Court House. Crook 
was pushed directly after Lee, in the direction of Farmville, 
which lies due north of Prince Edward Court House, and some 
seven miles therefrom. 

It turned out that Sheridan had overrated Lee's boldness, 
and still more his supplies. The Confederate leader was only 
intent on his western road to Appomattox, where, at last, pro- 
visions awaited him. Crook struck him at Farmville, and at- 
tacked him with his division, but it proved too weak to capture 
the whole rebel army, and was driven back, badly punished, 
General Gregg, one of the brigade commanders, being taken 
prisoner. As it happened, he was only held for a couple of 
days. 

Devin and Custer arrived at Prince Edward Court House, 
to find the country deserted. 

The part taken by Custer shall be told by Custer's surgeon, 
already quoted. 

Nothing of importance in the way of an engagement occurred 
until the afternoon of the 8th. Among the prisoners captured was 
one who seemed to be well posted and desired to give information. 
From him the general learned that the enemy were loading four 
trains of cars at Appomattox station with artillery, ammunition, 
etc. Just as we had learned these facts a staff officer came from 
General Merritt directing General Custer to halt, mass his com- 
mand and rest. By the same staff officer General Custer sent his 
compliments and requested him to state to General Merritt what 
he had heard from this prisoner, and say to General Merritt that 
" unless I get further orders from him I shall continue my march 
and capture those trains of cars." Immediately after the depart- 
ure of General Merritt's staff officer General Custer despatched two 
of his own staff officers to reconnoitre. They quickly returned, 
reporting everything as the prisoner had stated. We were now 
only two miles away from the station. General Custer directed 
two regiments of the division to move forward at a trot as advance 
guard. The balance of the command followed at the same gait. 
The advance had orders to charge the station the moment they 
20 



306 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

came in sight of it and capture the trains. As we were nearing 
the station, and surely not a mile away, an exciting incident oc- 
curred which I must stop a moment to relate, as it helps to illus- 
trate the noble character of the man of whom I am writing. Two 
young ladies came running, screaming, down the walk leading to 
the road, from a large and elegant mansion. 

" They are robbing us ! " " They are robbing and trying to 
murder us ! " they screamed with all their might. General Cus- 
ter without saying a word, stopped short, and, quickly dismount- 
ing, ran up the walk just in time to catch a man in United States 
uniform running from the front door. "With his fist he almost 
annihilated the miserable scalawag. Then, running through the 
house, he caught another making his exit from the rear door. 
Catching up an axe, he threw it, hitting the brute in the back of 
his head, thus quickly disposing of the two wretches. In a mo- 
ment he was in his saddle again, and after hurriedly directing 
Captain Lee, the provost marshal, to place a guard on the prem- 
ises, he charged down the road at terrific speed, capturing the four 
trains in less than five minutes after this event. Now commenced 
a brisk cannonading from some rebel guns near the station. Gen- 
eral Custer, through colored prisoners, learned of their position, 
and, although he was advised by one of his brigade commanders 
and other officers not to attempt their capture that night, he at 
once dismounted his command, as he was obliged to go through 
the woods and heavy undergrowth, and caught up his headquarters 
flag, saying, " I go ; who will follow," and the result was that, after 
hard fighting, some thirty guns were brought in by hand that night. 
The next morning General Lee surrendered. The flag of truce — 
a towel on a pole — was brought to the command of General 
George A. Custer, and to him the desire of General Lee to sur- 
render was first communicated. The towel is still in possession 
of the family, along with many other relics of that noted event.* 

This account is confirmed by Sheridan's report, and the 
action closes Custer's career during the war. The incidents of 

* This famous towel, the flag of truce which so suddenly terminated a 
bloody four years' war, is still in Mrs. Custer's possession, together with the 
little table on which the agreement was signed. Both are accompanied by 
letters of authentication, and were given to "Custer by Sheridan, as the most 
proper person to possess them, he having been first in the pursuit all the 
time, and having received the first flag. 




/ In I i ' ' ^ 



APPOMATTOX. 307 

the surrender are too well known to need enlarging on. Once 
more, by his wide sweep, Sheridan had headed Lee, and the 
slower infantry, following directly, had come up in time to bag 
the game the cavalry had brought to bay. In all the pursuit, 
Custer had been the foremost and he was fairly entitled to 
wear his laurels, for by his audacity he had taken more trophies 
than any man in the army. We can hardly close this part of 
liis life better than by a literal copy of his farewell order to the 
Third Division, written the same day. It rings like one of 
Napoleon's : 

HEADQUARTERS THIRD CAVALRY DIVISION. 

Appomattox Court House, Va., April 9, 1865. 
Soldiers of the Third Cavalry Division : 

With profound gratitude toward the God of battles, by whose 
blessings our memies have been humbled and our arms rendered 
triumphant, your Commanding General avails himself of this his 
first opportunity to express to you his admiration of the heroic 
manner in which you have passed through the series of battles 
which to-day resulted in the surrender of the enemy's en are army. 

The record established by your indomitable courage is unpar- 
alleled in the annals of war. Your prowess has won for you even 
the respect and admiration of your enemies. During the past six 
months, although in most instances confronted by superior num- 
bers, you have captured from the enemy, in open battle, one 
hundred and eleven pieces of field artillery, sixty-five battle-flags, 
and upwards of ten thousand prisoners of war, including seven gen- 
eral officers. Within the past ten days, and included in the above, 
you have captured forty-six field-pieces of artillery and thirty- 
seven battle-flags. You have never lost a gun, never lost a color, 
and have never been defeated ; and notwithstanding the numer- 
ous engagements in which you have borne a prominent part, 
including those memorable battles of the Shenandoah, you have 
captured every piece of artillery which the enemy has dared 
to open upon you. The near approach of peace renders it 
improbable that you will again be called upon to undergo the 
fatigues of the toilsome march, or the exposure of the battle-field ; 
but should the assistance of keen blades, wielded by your sturdy 
arms, be required to hasten the coming of that glorious peace for 



308 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

which we have been so long contending, the General command- 
ing is firmly confident that, in the future as in the past, every 
demand will meet with a hearty and willing response. 

Let us hope that our work is done, and that, blessed with the 
comforts of peace, we may be permitted to enjoy the pleasures of 
home and friends. For our comrades who have fallen, let us 
ever cherish a grateful remembrance. To the wounded, and 
to those who languish in Southern prisons, let our heartfelt 
sympathy be tendered. 

And now, speaking for myself alone, when the war is ended 
and the task of the historian begins — when those deeds of daring 
which have rendered the name and fame of the Third Cavalry 
Division imperishable, are inscribed upon the bright pages of our 
country's history, I only ask that my name may be written as 
that of the Commander of the Third Cavalry Division. 

G. A. CUSTER, 
Brevet Major General Commanding. 
Official ; 

L. W. Barnhart, 

Gai^ain and A. A. A. G. 

Custer had his wish. It is as commander of the Third Cav- 
ab'j Division that his name will be cherished as long as there 
are survivors of the war. When that memorable flag of truce 
came into his lines it was an honor well deserved that he should 
be the first to receive it, and none more fitting than he to keep 
it, for as Sheridan said in his letter accompanying it, " I know 
no one whose efibrts have contributed more to this happy result 
than those of Custer." 




CHAPTER VI. 
THE GKEAT PARADE. 

THE negotiations for surrender and the tedious operation 
of paroling Lee's array occupied several days, and then 
the cavalry started on their return to Petersburg, living on the 
country as they proceeded. So great had been the hurry of 
the last nine days, that supplies were short, and the trains had 
not arrived with forage. They were met, however, at ISTotta- 
way Court House, where also something else was met, in the 
shape of a dispatch which thrilled the whole country and army 
with horror and indignation. It convej^ed the news of the as- 
sassination of President Lincoln, at a theatre in Washington, by 
John "Wilkes Booth. At the same time came news that Sher- 
man had been outwitted by Johnston in the latter's surrender, 
and that the capitulation was annulled. Then came fresh orders. 
The work of the cavalry was not quite over yet, and away they 
went again to the Eoanoke, marching rapidly towards John- 
ston's army. The advance had actually reached the Eoanoke, 
and looked into iN'orth Carolina, when the order was recalled. 
Johnston had surrendered on the same terms as Lee, and the 
war was over. 

Once more the cavalry corps took up its march for Peters- 
burg, which was reached without special incident. There it 
remained a few days, resting, and then parted forever from its 
beloved chief. Sheridan was called to Washington, and ordered 
away to Texas. The work of the volunteer army was done, but 
that of the regulars was only just commencing. The last 
glimpse the volunteers caught of Sheridan was when he rode 



310 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

through their camps, as they lay above Petersburg, just before 
his departure. Little did the men dream they would never see 
liim again, or they would have been crazy with excitement. As 
it was, the sight of " Little Phil " brought them out from their 
tents to look at him, but it was remarkable that little cheering 
greeted his progress. The men looked happy to see him, and 
he conversed freely as he passed along, but all the cheering 
business seemed to have died out of the cavalry corps except in 
action. None the less their love and confidence in their leader 
was greater than any other chief had known, since McClellan's 
removal, and Sheridan never encouraged cheers, rarely bowed 
in response, generally laughed at the men who cheered him, or 
made some good humored "chaffing" response. 

After some days' rest at Petersburg,* the cavalry corps under 
the command of General Crook, started on its homeward way 
by eas}' stages, passing through the long sought city of Rich- 
mond in parade style. How proud they all felt, few can re- 
alize but those who marched with them. Their toils were over 
and they were going home to be disbanded ; that was in every 
one's heart. Some regret at the loss of a life of excitement and 
adventure troubled a few, but as a rule every one was thinking 
of home and civil life. The column passed through Richmond, 
gazed at by curious crowds, and thence over the back country, 
where the men had raided and fought so often. They passed 
Trevillian Station, and found the ruined railroad just as they 

* No one needed this rest more tlian Custer, wliose work during the past 
campaign had been tremendous. It was one of his peculiarities that when 
under strong excitement he could do with very little sleep or food, but the 
last campaign had nearly worn even his iron frame out. His portrait, taken 
just after the surrender, shows the effect of the hard work in his gaunt, hag- 
gard appearance. Petersburg restored him, however. He was met by Mrs. 
Custer before he got there, the brave little woman being the first Northern 
woman who went out on the Southside Railroad, after the surrender of Rich- 
mond. Together with Mrs. Pennington, wife of one of Custer's brigade 
commanders, Mrs. Custer made the whole of the march to Washington 
with the cavalry corps, the ladies riding on horseback at the head of the 
column, where the author first saw Mrs. Custer. 



THE GREAT PARADE. 311 

had le-ft it a year before, crossed Rappahannock Bridge, the old 
battle grounds at Brandy Station, and camped on the Bull Run 
battle field. Every where the landscape was full of memories, 
sad and joyful, glorious or disastrous, but every where they were 
now sources of pleasure. They visited all the old friends they 
had made at the different places where they had sojourned du- 
ring four years of strife, these wandering raiders, and congratu- 
lated each other that the " war was over." Then at last they 
reached Alexandria, and were dispersed all over the landscape, 
some in the very camps they had occupied in 1861 or 1862, 
when they were first mounted and sent to the front. 

For several days the difi'erent regiments rested in their 
camps, and then they were ordered over the river, to take 
ground near Washington. Clothing awaited them by the car 
load, provisions were plentiful, they drew everything needful to 
make a good appearance. For the first time in years they be- 
gan to experience the pleasant part of a soldier's life, the pomp 
and circumstance of war, with all its glitter and glory. Then 
at last came the order for the grand parade at Washington. 
The whole Army of the Potomac, with Sheridan's cavalry at the 
head of the column, was to pass in review before the President, 
through the streets of Washington, and Sherman's army was to 
follow next day, in the same ceremonies. 

And what a review that vas ! The first, and it may be well 
hoped the last, of its kind in America, the passage of two ar- 
mies of veterans, who had fought for four years, in such a series 
of battles as had not been seen in Europe for half a century. 
There was no sham about that parade. Every man was a 
veteran soldier. It might have been swelled to much larger 
proportions if need be, for every regiment had been joined, 
since it reached its safe camp, by crowds of recruits, malinger- 
ers, quartermaster's men, and all those who had been left back 
at Remount Camp. But in the review, as a rule, only those 
who had shared in the last campaign took part, and the camps 
were left behind full of men. There you might see regiments 



312 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

reduced to a single squadron, tattered banners muffled in crape 
for the President's death, but every man a veteran. The uni- 
forms were neat and quiet. Every man wore the undress uni- 
form, blouse and fatigue cap, in which the array was arrayed 
for work. The only diiference was that all were neat and clean, 
boots inside trowsers, sergeants' stripes fresh and new, bright 
brass letters and numbers on every cap, buttons brightly 
brushed up. 

In the parade, as in the pursuit, Custer had the advance, 
and, not to be behind his men, he had, for the first time, dofi'ed 
his careless attire, and wore a full-dress major-general's coat, 
over the collar of which his bright curls played merrily. The 
broad hat was the only remnant of his old careless yet dandified 
costume. He submitted to regulations otherwise. 

The route of the column was from the east of "Washington 
to the Capitol, where it turned to the right and swept straight 
up Pennsylvania Avenue. At this turning point, the regiments 
of cavalry successively drew their sabres as they passed, and 
here the crowd began. 

Such a crowd as that was, will never be seen again. They 
seemed to be crazy with joy, and they shouted and hurrahed at 
every fresh regiment. There was a perfect jam on the side- 
walks, and halfway into the road, and every window was 
crammed. Girls in white, in large bands, were singing sweet 
songs of welcome and throwing flowers and garlands to the 
soldiers. 

The girls thought how gallant the soldiers looked : they lit- 
tle dreamed how nearly divine they appeared to the soldiers, who 
had not seen a pretty girl for so long. Still it was these very 
floral angels that caused Custer's mishap at this place, a mishap 
which attracted more attention, admiration, and cheering to 
him than anything else could have done. It is thus described 
by one of the bystanders, who calls it " One glimpse of Custer," 
and the incident is correctly told in the main.* 
* Detroit Evening News. 



THE GREAT PARADE. 313 

One bright May morning in 1865, when the very sky seemed 
brighter and the air lighter and purer for the exultant sense of the 
fact that the war was over and that thousands had gathered under 
the shadow of the capitol's dome to welcome the nation's children — 
the dust-stained, battle-scarred veterans of the Union army — the 
writer caught a glimpse of the brave, yellow-haired chief, whose 
fate has so recently thrilled the hearts of all who admire true 
heroism and sublime courage. Never can the picture made by 
the gallant Custer that day be forgotten. Soon after the formal 
head of the line, Provost-Marshal Gen. Patrick, had ridden down 
the broad avenue, bearing his reins in his teeth and his sabre in 
his only hand, and had passed by a few rods, a cry was raised, 
" See him ride I " " That's Custer and his raiders," and like a 
flash came a gallant Arab* horse up the avenue, bearing in its 
headlong gallop a young officer, on whose shoulders shone the stars 
of a major-general, and as Custer dashed past the President's 
stand and the stand for the wounded soldiers, the latter caught 
up the shout, and such a scene as followed ! The gallant cripples 
staggered to their feet or crutches and hailed him with cheer after 
cheer, and then looked about for his gallant followers — but they 
were not there. The secret soon became plain. Soon after the 
column had set in toward Pennsylvania Avenue a bevy of white- 
clad maidens, stationed near the side of the street (there were 300 
of them), had, as the brave fellow drew nigh, risen simultaneously, 
and bursting into the song, " Hail to the Chief," each threw a 
bouquet or wreath at him. It Avas the first surprise he ever had, 
but instead of dodging the floral missiles he began trying to catch 
them. The sudden rush, the pelting of bouquets and the peal of 
the 300 voices frightened his steed, and before he could gather up 
the reins the excited animal had made the rush we saw from the 
other end of the Avenue. As the gallant general flew past the 

* Quite a history belongs to this horse. He was a thoroughbred " four 
mile racer," who had ruu thirty-three races, of which he had won twenty-six. 
Just before Appomattox surrender, Custer's scouts captured this horse, 
who was named " Don Juan," from the stable on the stud farm, and brought 
him to Custer. The horse was regularly appraised as captured property, 
contraband of war, and sold to Custer by the Quartermaster, Custer holding 
the receipt. The horse was a magnificent dark bay stallion, of a most furi- 
ous temper. Custer sent him home to Monroe, and had him exhibited at the 
State fair, where "Don Juan" killed a groom. The horse finally dropped 
dead in his stall of heart-disease a year later. 



314 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

President's stand he bethought him to salute Johnson aud Gen. 
Grant, but in doing so, in the rush his sabre caught in his wide 
hat, and sabre and head-gear fell to the ground. Tlien, with his 
long, yellow, curly hair floating out behind, he settled himself in 
the saddle as if he grew there, and by one of the most magnificent 
exhibitions of horsemanship he in a moment reined in the flying 
charger, and returned to meet his troops. An orderly had picked 
up his hat and sword, and pulling the hat down over his eyes 
Custer dashed back past the assembled thousands, and soon 
reappeared at the head of his division. "Will those of us who saw 
that last grand review ever forget those two pictures — Custer 
conquering his runaway horse, and Custer at the head of the well 
" dressed " lines of the most gallant cavalry division of the age, 
as with the hot flush of victory yet visible on their bronzed faces, 
he led it through the capital at a gallop march ? It was but a 
momentary vision, but one that has fixed itself upon at least one 
memoi-y in indelible lines. 

That very evening, Caster was going to fresh labors in the 
Southwest, while his old comrades were to disperse to their 
homes : the close of the review was also the close of his connec- 
tion with the Third Cavalry division. As soon as the column 
left tlie front of the Grand Stand it filed off toward its old en- 
campment, and was drawn up on the familiar parade ground ; 
then the oflicers of that proud little division were summoned 
to the front to take their last leave of their beloved general. 
The solemnity and mutual affection of that parting has been 
beautifully described by one of the participants : it was such a 
leave-taking as comes to few in a lifetime, like the parting by 
death of near relatives, sad and solemn. When it was over, 
Custer rode slowly down the line and off the ground, while 
many of the rough men in the ranks could not cheer for the 
choking in their throats. He passed from their view as a be- 
loved chief, and all felt, as we feel to-day, that never shall we 
look on his like ao-ain. 



SIXTH BOOK.— AFTER THE WAR. 

CHAPTER I. 

THE VOLUNTEEES IN TEXAS. 

THE close of the war found the forces of the United States 
in a very cnrions and anomalous position. The sudden 
collapse of the rebellion, while it took every one by surprise, 
still had its disadvantageous side. The armed occupation of 
the Southern States that followed the surrender of Lee, assumed 
the attitude not so much of a fair conquest as of a mere mili- 
tary progress. There was no more fighting to do. The same 
men who had been so stubborn up to the 9tli of April, sud- 
denly abandoned all hope, and voluntarily dispersed to their 
homes, in apparent peace and quietness. 

Then it was found that the real strain on the wheels of 
government was to begin. The United States was not a 
kingdom, but a republic ; and a large party of the people held 
that just as soon as the population of the revolted States chose 
to cease armed opposition to the government, they were enti- 
tled to resume their old relations with the general body of the 
nation, with all rights unimpaired. To these views another 
party objected that self-preservation was the first law of nations, 
as well as of nature, and higher than any written constitution ; 
and that it was manifest folly to invite men who had fought 
the general government till all hope was lost, to become legisla- 
tors for their conquerors. Thus the few months next after the 
surrender of Lee witnessed the two new parties taking shape. 
One was the " constitution party," headed by the President, the 



316 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

other was the "expediency party," which held the majority of 
Congress in both houses. 

The uncertainty and excitement of the contest that ensued 
had its effect on the army, and especially on that portion 
of the volunteers that remained in the service. As long as 
the war lasted, these men had been to all intents and purposes 
regular troops. Their term of service, their pay, rations, dress 
and privileges were the same, and it was difficult to distinguish 
one from the other, in the case of old regiments. So long 
as the duration of the war was uncertain, the feelings and 
esjprit de corps of the volunteer service were identical with 
those of the regulars. They were simply soldiers, and entirely 
different from militia, who are always looking forward to the 
termination of their brief terms of service, as a release from 
irksome slavery. 

The close of the war changed all this, as if by magic. At 
once it became the universal desire of the volunteers " to go 
home." They were enlisted " for three years or during the war," 
and the war was over : they ought to be disbanded forthwith 
and sent home. This was the universal logic of their reasoning, 
and it must be admitted that it was sound on the premises. 
The only trouble was, who should decide that the war was 
over. The President at one time undertook the job, and 
was formally rebuked by Congress, after which followed the 
long contest between the Executive and Legislative branches of 
the government, culminating in the President's impeachment, 
and terminating in the election of General Grant. But in the 
meantime, the close of the year 1865 and the early part of 
1866 were distinguished by uncertainty and disorder, which to 
a great extent affected the troops in the field. 

After the surrenders of Lee and Johnston, there still re- 
mained a third army to the Confederacy, and towards this 
Jefferson Davis was making his way when he was captured. 
This army was commanded by Kirby Smith, the very man 
who had brought up the Confederate brigade which decided the 



THE VOLUNTEERS IN TEXAS. 317 

battle of Bull Kun. His numbers were larger than those of 
either Lee or Johnston, his force well equipped, and — most favor- 
able circumstance of all — the State of Texas in which he was 
stationed was entirely untouched by the war, and offered excel- 
lent strategic positions for a defensive fight. There is little 
doubt that had Davis, with his indomitable pride and energy, 
succeeded in reaching Kirby Smith, the two might have contin- 
ued the war for some time to come, with a fair prospect of 
making an independent slave State out of Texas. The capture 
of Davis, however, put an end to any such schemes, and Kirby 
Smith, in his turn, peaceably surrendered his army to General 
Sheridan. 

On the events of the surrender and subsequent occupation 
of Texas we do not intend to dwell, save so far as they concern 
Custer and the volunteers, and especially the latter. In the state 
of uncertainty which still prevailed as to the ultimate state of 
affairs in the South, it was found necessary to retain a consid- 
erable force under arms, to meet expected insurrections. It was 
fully anticipated that the ex-Confederates would resolve them- 
selves into bands of guerillas, and harass the country. In order 
to guard against this possibility, considerable forces retained their 
army organization in bi-igades and divisions, and were stationed 
at railroad junctions and other strategic points, instead of being 
scattered at small company posts through the country. These 
forces were largely composed of volunteers. Any other arrange- 
ment would have been an impossibility. The regular army, 
which had entered the war less than 16,000 strong, hardly mus- 
tered that number now, after all its recruiting, and was totally 
unequal to the task of holding such an immense territory as now 
demanded military occupation. 

But the volunteers, almost without exception, were clamor- 
ous to be discharged and sent home. The officers, who were 
receiving good pay and doing easy duty, were comparatively 
reconciled to their lot, but the men were sullen and discontented. 
The weakness of the volunteer organization, which had not re- 



318 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

vealed itself during the war, became plain now. It was only 
a temporary make-slnft, after all, and the close of the war 
showed it. The same men who in campaign had been docile 
soldiers, in perfect discipline, beoftme once more the same self- 
opinionated mob which had been beaten at Bull Run. The 
men resumed their functions as citizens, began to think and to 
grumble, disputing orders, disobeying them, and fast sinking 
into a state of demoralization that would appear incredible when 
compared with the experience of a few months back, were it not 
recorded. During the war, it seemed as if America had 
become a military nation. Peace revealed the fact that it had 
not done any such thing. Some million of citizens, lander the 
pressure of national pride and self-preservation, had consented 
to play the part of soldiers while necessity existed. Now they 
had done their work, were heartily sick of the unnatural life, and 
wanted to return to a natural one. 

The disgust and anger of the volunteers who were retained 
in the service was further increased by the disbandment of so 
many of their comrades. Most of the eastern regiments were 
mustered out, and the Army of the Potomac entirely broken 
up, while the regiments retained in service were generally from 
the West. This was in consequence of their being nearer to 
the dangerous places in the southwest, and in no sense a dis- 
crimination against them, but they would not listen to explana- 
tions. They heard of their friends who had gone home, who 
were now in business and prosperous, while they felt only too 
keenly that they were wasting their own time, that opportuni- 
ties were slipping away and could never be replaced, and that 
by the time they got home all the avenues to employment 
might be filled, and they turned out to starve. All this grum- 
bling and discontent increased daily among the volunteers, while 
among the regulars it was unknown. 

A calm retrospect of the facts, at this late day, ten years 
after the event, shows the cause to be very simple. The real 
trouble was that the volunteer organization, coming as it did 



THE VOLUNTEERS IN TEXAS. 319 

from the individual States, was merely a temporary loan to the 
United States. New York, or New Jersey, or JMiehigan, or 
Illinois, as the case might be, had lent the government a regi- 
ment bodily, officers and all, for a certain purpose, and the men 
keenly realized that the purpose was accomplished. They en- 
listed to end the war, not to help in reconstruction. A new 
force was needed for this. In a regular regiment, with diflfer- 
ent traditions, the case was different. The men enlisted to 
serve their time out individually. The organization was fixed 
and perennial. No matter if every man in the regiment was 

killed : something invisible, — the United States regiment 

— remained : all it needed was to be recruited. "With the volun- 
teers it was different : they could not be recruited : the war 
was over, and there was no authority for them to recruit under. 
As the men deserted, the regiments dwindled. Then consoli- 
dation was tried, but with even worse effect. The members of 
the old regiments had a bond of union, esprit de corps. It 
kept many a man from desertion, for fear of disgracing his old 
command, that carried the name of so many battles on its flag. 
For the new regiment, the "provisional" oi'ganization, they 
cherished no feeling but dislike. Even the officers hated it. 
They secretly sympathized with the men, and connived at dis- 
order, or only checked it feebly. The new regiments dwindled 
away even more rapidly than the old. The only thing that 
kept most of the men in the service was the fact that the gov- 
ernment owed them many months' pay, and that they did not 
care to forfeit that by desertion. At last the government was 
obliged to give up the attempt to make professional soldiers of 
the volunteers, and to do what it should have done at first, 
increase the regular army. The last of the volunteers were not 
discharged, however, till the spring of 1866. During this time, 
Custer found his hands pretty full, as far as discipline was con- 
cerned. He was first sent from Washington, after the great 
parade, to follow Sheridan to Texas. Mrs. Custer was able to 
travel with him, and his old staff accompanied him. At the 



320 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

time Custer left for the Southwest, he was very much pulled 
down by the tremendous labor which he had imposed on him- 
self during the last campaign, and the relaxation of the present 
journey was very pleasant to him. Before he had arrived at 
New Orleans, the news of Kirby Smith's surrender announced 
that all was safe, so that he was no longer obliged to hurry; 
and the trip was consequently delightful. For the first time in 
his life Custer was tasting the sweets of a major-general's life, 
which he had not hitherto enjoyed. With a large staff, free 
transportation, plenty of horses, ample pay, his family with 
him, travelling luxurious, he began to enjoy life thoroughly. 

The party went from Washington by railroad to Parkers- 
burg, on the upper Ohio, where they took one of the great luxu- 
rious western river boats, and thence travelled down the Ohio and 
Mississippi all the way to JSTew Orleans. Of all methods of 
travel, this is perhaps the pleasantest, on account of the ample 
and commodious quarters, the beauty of the scenery passed 
through, and the length of time occupied in the passage, just 
sufficient to form pleasant acquaintances. There is always 
ample room on the three or four different decks for all the 
exercise one needs, the dinner table is plentifully and well sup- 
plied, the evenings are enlivened by a band of music in the 
main saloon, while the passengers almost invariably get up a 
dance. It resembles life on an ocean steamer, without the 
formidable drawback of sea-sickness, and is altogether delight- 
ful. Custer and his little wife found it entirely so. 

Hitherto their life had been strange and peculiar. To Cus- 
ter, with his earnest, impatient temperament, his different steps 
of promotion had brought little of luxury and enjoyment, but a 
great deal of hard work, which had at last completely worn him 
out. He owns as much in a letter written home to his sister 
from Petersburg, just after Appomattox surrender. He says 
that he feels completely exhausted, and needs rest badly. Dur- 
ing the easy marches back to Washington, together with his 
little wife, he obtained some rest, and this long pleasant boat 



THE VOLUNTEERS IN TEXAS. 321 

journey was another resting time. He enjoyed it with a per- 
fect dreamy delight, such as he had never felt, and all the more 
because he could not help feeling that he had earned it. 

Arrived at New Orleans, he stepped ashore a new man, fit 
for any amount of work, and already tired of rest. He was sent 
up the river to Alexandria, Louisiana, there to take charge of a 
division of cavalry, gathered from the Western States. Here 
his troubles commenced. Very few of these troops had been 
in action to any great extent. They were green regiments, and 
therefore all the harder to discipline. For all that, Custer set 
to work at them, as he had with his Michigan Bi'igade in old 
days, and established the most rigorous discipline from the first. 
The sort of success he had was not very gratifying, however : no 
one could have hoped that in those days. The trouble lay in 
the penny-wise, pound-foolish policy of Congress, which pre- 
ferred the temporary employment of half a million of discon- 
tented volunteers, to the authorization at once of a permanent 
standing army of a hundred thousand regulars, such as could 
then have been organized in three weeks. To Custer, with his 
memories of the perfect adoration extended to him by his for- 
mer commands, the present experience'*^'as very trying. The 
men under his orders all hated him furiously. He needed a 
battle to make them love him, and there were no more battles 
to be fought. His charging days were over. 

"What he could do he did, to get his troops into decent or- 
der, and accomplished a great deal, but nothing satisfactory to 
himself, when the division was finally ordered to Austin, Texas. 
The transfer was made by easy marches, and once on the road 
there was not so umcli trouble with the troops. They had 
something to do, and were not so full of discontent. The great 
difficulty then, as always after the war, was to keep the men 
from marauding. They were so used to living off the country 
in war time, that it required a powerful provost-guard to pa- 
trol the flanks of the column to keep the stragglers from going 
off to plunder. 
21 



322 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Apart from these troubles, the march was delightful. Mrs. 
Custer inarched at the head of the column, riding on horseback 
nearly all the way. A large roomy spring wagon, with a team 
of four matched greys, belonging to the general, accompanied 
headquarters, and was so fitted up that it could be used as a 
tiring room or a sleeping apartment while on the march, 
should the delicate little woman get tired out. She used it but 
little, however, making the journey as well as any of the men. 
At last they arrived at Austin, where their command, still called 
the "Third Division," found itself with Merritt's, still known as 
the " First." The state of affairs there was worse than at Alex- 
andria, Merritt's division aggravating the troubles of Custer's. 

A little extract will give an idea of the state of things. It 
is quoted from the correspondence of the New York Times, 
March, 1866. The correspondent gives an explanation of the 
unpopularity of General Custer with the enlisted men : 

Every one who glances at the heading of this paragraph will 
say, " Well, there's no discount on him." But there is, though, 
in the estimation of some. The soldiers are down on him like a 
thousand of brick, and so are their friends. And why ? I'll tell 
you. As a general th??ig, the Volunteers wanted to go home as 
soon as the war was over, and that portion of them who were 
sent out have acted badly, and were encouraged in such perform- 
ance by their friends in the North, who Avrote them letters, in 
which they told them to come home — that the war was over, and 
that it would not be desertion. General Custer, knowing that 
the trial for desertion Avas a farce, tried every humane way to 
save his army from going to pieces, but failed. He then tried a 
new way; and flogged several men and shaved their heads. This 
had the desired effect, but brought down the friends of these sol- 
diers upon him, who charge him with being disloyal, inhuman, 
and everything that is bad. Now, I leave it to every one if Cus- 
ter didn't do right. The Volunteers are not acting in a good spirit 
here, while nearly half of them have deserted. Tliis state of things 
operates badly in the two regular cavalry regiments which are sta- 
tioned in this section, nearly one-third of whom have deserted. 
These deserters turn murderers and robbers and horse-thieves, 
and are a terror to the traveling community. Scarcely a night 



THE VOLUNTEERS IN TEXAS. 323 

passes but that some poor fellow is waylaid and killed. The great 
necessity of the increase of the Regular Army, and the discharge of 
all the Volunteers — white and colored — must be apparent to all. 

He also gives an account of the mutiny of the Third Michi- 
gan Cavalry, for the truth of which he vouches : 

It is pretty well known that this regiment has had the repu- 
tation of being one of the best bodies of cavalry in the service. 
For fighting, marching or drilling it is unequaled by any cavalry 
regiment in the United States. Like all of the Volunteers, the 
men composing this regiment wanted to go home. A few weeks 
ago, while upon parade, General Thompson complimented the 
regiment in eloquent terms, and stated to them that it was an 
honor to be kept in the service. Says the general: " To say noth- 
ing about your past services, no inspector in the army would per- 
mit such a well-organized, well-dressed and well-disciplined regi- 
ment to quit the service as long as any necessity exists for retaining 
the services of Volunteers." It happened that the next day they 
were to be inspected by one of General Sheridan's staff officers, 
and they prepared themselves accordingly. Such a crowd never 
before appeared upon inspection, except the Ancients and Horri- 
bles. Some had on caps, some had on hats with the corners 
jammed out or stuck in, some had on boots, and some had on 
shoes covered with oil and ashes; some had on coats, some had on 
Jackets, and some were in their shirt sleeves ; some had their 
breeches stuck into their boots, some had their belts and car- 
tridge boxes on bottom side upward; and, on the whole, presented 
a most Avry appearance. All those men who were not dressed in 
this manner were ordered to arrest their " Horrible " companions, 
when they refused, and the whole regiment mutinied. Subse- 
quently the thing was fixed up, and ninety of them are in confine- 
ment and are to be tried for mutiny. 

As may be imagined, the trial for mutiny amounted to very 
little, and the regiment was at last disbanded, to its own relief, 
and that of every one else. 

In this matter, just as before and since the war, Custer and 
the regular army officers suffered in common with their com- 
rades, from the incompetency and stupidity of their manage- 
ment by Congress. During the war, this sapient body was 



324: GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

confined to its true functions, as regards the army. These 
were to legislate on general subjects, and to provide money : 
the executive arranged all the details. Instead of many mas- 
ters, the army had but one, Stanton, a harsh and severe ruler' 
sometimes, but generally just and sensible. Good or bad, every 
man knew what to expect, and as a wliole, the army was man- 
aged by men who knew their business. Now all this was 
changed. The law, whether good or bad, had to be obeyed, 
and expediency was no longer consulted. Troops were gov- 
erned not according to necessity, but according to what Congress 
chose to order; and Congress, like all deliberative bodies, 
halted and hesitated and did nothing, while discontent increased. 
This state of things is peculiar to a republic, and especially to 
a federative government like the American. It is part of the 
price paid for personal liberty. 

To a king or emperor, the situation would have offered no 
difficulties, either at the beginning or close of the war. He 
would have levied his troops, used them, and disbanded them, 
as seemed fit to him : the increase or diminution of his army 
would not have affected its stability. President Lincoln could 
not raise a company : he was obliged to ask the States for regi- 
ments. President Johnson could only return the regiments 
lent him, and the fact of his needing many of them made no 
difference. He could only retain them by a legal fiction, for 
the rebellion had ceased. Had Congress, on Kirby Smith's 
surrender, at once increased the regular force, and authorized 
the change of volunteer regiments into regular regiments, 
leaving their formation to volunteering from the " natural sol- 
diers" of the old regiments, and retaining the traditions of the 
war, the trouble would never have arisen. A. change from 
temporary to permanent organization was needed, and it came 
too late to save the volunteers from unmerited reproach. Cus- 
ter, among the rest, paid the penalty of doing his duty, in 
unpopularity among the men who had adored him. At last. 
Congress thought better of it, and passed the bill of 1866, " to in- 
crease and fix the military establishment of the United States." 



CHAPTER II. 
THE EEGULAR ARMY. 

IT is one of the consequences of republican institutions as 
affecting modern civilization, that the standing army of a 
republic is pretty sure to be constantly abused. The fact is 
that republics and standing armies are incompatible, and always 
will be so. The one theory of government is predicated on the 
libert}'- of every man to go where he pleases, and do what he 
pleases, so long as he does not hurt his neighbors. The other 
is founded on the duty of every man to obey his superior offi- 
cer without question, and to stir no step without permission. 
The only footing on which standing armies have ever been tol- 
erated in free republics has been as a police force, to control 
the criminal classes. As such the regular army of the United 
States before the war acted. It was kept up solely to control 
tlie dangerous Indians, and to keep burglars out of the nearly 
deserted forts. The people at large saw but little of it, soldiers 
being rare spectacles in the ante-helliim days. 

During the war, this little police force practically vanished 
from the struggle. A brigade of cavalry and a division of in- 
fantry in a single array, both mere skeletons, constituted all the 
regulars, except in the batteries of artillery and the headquarter 
escorts of a few generals. These, from the feebleness of their 
numbers, attracted little attention. It might have been and 
probably was expected, that this small force, by its innate su- 
periority, should fill to the volunteers the office of Napoleon's 
Old Guard to the rest of the French army, to be the last re- 
serve, steady and invincible, capable of deciding every battle. 



326 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

This expectation, if entertained, was disappointed. The regu- 
lars, after Bull Run, ceased to be distinguished for any special 
valor or constancy, and merely fought alongside of the rest of 
the army, neither better nor worse. 

The cause for this state of things was simple. At Bull Run, 
the small force of regulars present was made up of veterans, and 
shone by contrast with the rest of the army. As time went 
on, the veterans grew less and less in number, and were replaced 
by green recruits. Worse still, tlie regular officers, instead of 
remaining with their old commands, sought, and easily obtained, 
volunteer commands, far higher than any the regulars could 
offer. Lieutenants and captains were jumped to colonels, and 
field officers became generals of brigade and division, to the 
benefit of the volunteers and the detriment of the regulars. 
The vacancies thus created, were either unsupplied, or filled 
by new appointments, and more than half of these latter were 
from civil life. The " civil appointments," as a rule, were per- 
fectly green young gentlemen, precisely the same as those who 
entered the volunteers as officers and privates, but they hap- 
pened to possess political influence, to know a senator or repre- 
sentative, and so they were commissioned. Thus it very soon 
resulted that, as a rule, only the poorest of the old officers 
remained with the regulars. The energetic and ambitious had 
left for the volunteers ; what remained may be divided into 
three classes. First were the lazy ones and plodders, who pre- 
ferred the old groove ; second were the few who looked down 
on the volunteers, and fancied themselves of a superior class ; 
third were the new officers, who needed training. To these 
must be added, however, a fourth class, of modest and capable 
officers, who had not sufficient influence to secure high volun- 
teer commands, and who remained with their old regiments 
from necessity. 

It was the influence of this last class that kept up the repu- 
tation of the little skeleton force of regulars, and enabled them 
to hold their own with the volunteers. It is indeed surprising 



THE REGULAR ARMY. 327 

how strong was their influence over the new material from civil 
life. The same men who came in, raw unlicked cubs, proud of 
their political friends, and chiefly anxious for every one to 
understand that they were " regulars," at a time when their 
ignorance would have disgraced a squad of country militia, 
found their level in a very short time. Within a year from 
their first entrance, it was hard to recognize, in the quiet and 
self-possessed ofiicer, in command of his picket post or scouting 
party, the rude gawky bumpkin who had joined in 1861. The 
old hands had licked him into shape, while the veterans in the 
ranks had done the same kind ofiice for the recruits below. In 
the old regiments, which dated from before the war, this change 
was very marked, in the few new regiments that had been 
authorized since tlie commencement of hostilities, much less so. 
Even there, however, there was some difference, and it was 
noticeable at the very close of the war. It consisted chiefly in 
a diff'erent standard of discipline, a difference of condition 
between officers and men, which was most prominent in camp. 
At the close of hostilities it made itself visible in the different 
behavior of regulars and volunteers. 

On the march and in the battle there was nothing to choose 
between the regulars and the old first class regiments of volun- 
teers, especially where the latter had been commanded by 
a "West Point graduate. On the drill ground, if any thing, the 
volunteers were smarter, and they almost always attacked 
in battle with an energy slightly superior to that of the regu- 
lars. Their camps were often much handsomer than those 
of the regulars, and at permanent camps they always displayed 
far more taste in adorning their habitations, while in cleanli- 
ness there was little to choose between the two. 

But between the officers and men of volunteers, there was 
always, even to the last, a kindly and cordial feeling, which was 
the perfection of ideal relations. It was very different from 
the loose style prevalent at the beginning of the war, when the 
men elected their officers, or the latter were appointed to 



328 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

exercise duties of which they were totally ignorant. That 
class had vanished. What remained of officers were men of 
experience, who had either risen from the ranks, or from being 
subalterns had become field officers. The men knew that in 
case of vacancies in the lower ranks these would be filled from 
among themselves. The career was open to all, and while the 
war lasted was excellent. This bred between the two classes 
a certain mutual respect which was noticeable. The men were 
punctilious in saluting, neat in their dress, and obeyed orders 
promptly. The officers were kind in their manner, and only 
maintained the due distance essential to discipline in public. 
When . an officer and a sergeant, formerly comrades and tent 
mates, were alone together, with no one to see them, they talked 
like the old friends they were, while the presence of a third 
party, especially' an enlisted man, would instantly freeze up the 
sergeant into haughtily profound respect. The secret of subordi- 
nation was that every man respected the rank lie hoped to attain 
himself. During winter quarters there was little or no trouble 
in maintaining perfect discipline among the old volunteer 
regiments, on this account. 

In the regular regiments a very different state of things 
prevailed. Officers and men were practically distinct classes, 
with lines of demarcation irrevocably fixed. The distance 
between them was impassable. The youngest subaltern newly 
joined was entitled to the same respect shown to a general, and 
the marks of respect enforced were and still are decidedly 
slavish. A little instance will show the contrast. 

A company of regulars is in barracks. Their captain is 
detailed on stafl' duty, the first-lieutenant is on a court martial, 
the second lieutenant is in his quarters, smoking a pipe, when 
some citizen friends arrive to pay him a visit. After a cigar, 
and a visit to the bar-room, " for officers only," the young sub 
proposes to show his friends the barracks, and after seeing the 
parade ground, goes quietly to the door of the company room 
and opens it to take his friends in. Instantly a voice is heard 



THE REGULAR ARMY. 329 

shouting " Attention ! " and 'in a moment every man in the 
room is standing at the foot of his bunk, bareheaded, cap in 
hand, and stiff as a post. The lieutenant touches one of his 
buttons with his forefinger and drops it in a careless way, (meant 
for the return of a salute) looks around the room, makes a few 
remarks on its condition to his friends, as if the men were 
insensible blocks who could not hear, and goes out. Thence 
he takes his friends to the guard-house, full as it is of manacled 
men, resting from their sentences of labor ; and the same scene 
is repeated. Every prisoner has to stand up and be inspected 
like a prize ox, while the little sub moves about as if he were 
a demigod amid slaves. 

A visit to a volunteer barrack or the camp of a crack regiment 
at the close of the war was very different. In the first place, the 
lieutenant would not have voluntarily taken his friends round to 
exhibit his men in their bedrooms, neither would he have taken 
them to the guard-house. If his friends had asked to see the 
men, he would have gone with them, the men would have stood 
to attention and saluted, and afterwards the friends might have 
conversed with the soldiers, who would have received them po- 
litely, but as a rule the friends of an officer would have remained 
with him alone, or viewed the men at such a distance as not to 
constrain the latter. 

In the one case was a constant strain on the reins of disci- 
pline, making the men feel the curb all the while, in the other a 
constant endeavor on the part of the officers to carry a light 
hand, to make things easy, to insist only on the needful, and not 
to regard the men as private property. During the war the 
second system M'orked well, and the men fought cheerfully for 
officers whom they loved. Even in the regular regiments the 
old slavish system of discipline was much relaxed, and princi- 
pally in consequence of the fact that during the war some pro- 
motions were made from the ranks. At the close of hostilities 
all was changed. It was no longer possible to get men to do duty 
cheerfully. The duty was disagreeable and irksome, devoid of 



330 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

excitement or glorj-, promotion had ceased, there -was no cam- 
paigning, and instead of the cheerful volunteer, fighting for the 
cause lie loved, the hired mercenary was to be the soldier of the 
future. The change was great, and demanded different disci- 
pline. Instead of willing obedience and easy government, abso- 
lute servility and rigid authority were needed. The class of 
men that enlisted in the volunteers would not have entered the 
regulars for double pay. They had been trained from boyhood 
to look down on soldiers, as men too lazy to work, and only one 
remove above criminals. The same feeling exists in England, 
and in fact in every country where military service is wholly 
voluntar}'. It is only in countries where the conscription and 
the soldier are universal, that the latter is treated with respect 
by the citizen. The feeling with which the regular soldier is 
regarded in England and America, is a curious compound of 
contempt and fear. The hard working artisan, who maintains a 
family by his labor, looks down on the soldier because the latter 
is content to live on contemptibly small pay, and is unable comfort- 
ably to keep a wife and children ; and the same sentiment is com- 
mon to the clerk, salesman, shopkeeper, and every man who makes 
a comfortable living above the degree of a common laborer. They 
all look on the soldier as a poor creature, who cannot make a 
living. At the same time, whenever they see him drunk, they 
give him a wide berth, and as a great many "hard cases" en- 
list in the array, and afterwards become prominent for disorder, 
the citizen learns to regard the rank and file of the regular army 
as being made up entirely of the scum of the population. The 
truth is, that he only sees their worst side, in the cities. The old 
soldiers, men who have served more than one enlistment without 
a desertion, are quiet and unobtrusive; he hardly ever sees 
them, and takes little notice of them when he does : the 
chronic deserters and re-enlisters, the drunkards, the malingerers, 
are always thick around the recruiting ofiices in the cities, and 
help to give tone to the current idea of the army private. 

Were the army, as in France and Germany, constantly in 



THE REGULAR ARMY. 331 

sight among the people, the citizens would discover that soldiers 
are men the same as themselves, with all sorts of characters. 
As a class, a little more inclined to be reticent and silent to 
strangers than workmen, the best of them have a certain depre- 
catory air when tbrown into a crowd of citizens, dashed with a 
spice of defiance. They know there is a prejudice against 
them, and they feel that it is unjust, so they keep among them- 
selves as much as possible, and nourish regimental pride to con- 
sole them for civil depreciation. All they need to make their 
position happier, is to be better known. 

Another cause of the depreciation is found in the nature of 
a soldier's duties. There is nothing which is more inexplicable 
to the ordinary civilian than the true military spirit, that glories 
in hardships, danger and death, and that despises fine uniforms. 
He cannot understand it. To be a militia man in a gorgeous 
uniform, and to march through the streets behind a splendid 
band is his idea of soldiering, and when he finds that his real 
soldier friend hates this and loves the excitement of a battle 
pure and simple, the civilian is puzzled. In a conscriptional 
country, where every one is liable to service, the feeling of pity 
and sympathy for men who are forced against their will to 
endure the hardships of real military life, extends to every 
member of the population in the country who has a relative in 
the army, and helps to make the army popular. During the 
war of the rebellion, when the overpowering necessity of the 
times operated instead of the conscription, the same feeling 
tended to make the volunteers popular. They went (according 
to the public idea) not because they loved a soldier's life, but 
because it was their duty. The men in the regular army after 
the close of the war, could plead no such excuse. They enlisted 
either because they loved military life, or because they were 
too indolent or unskillful to make a living at anything else. In 
either case, the average citizen disliked the motive and despised 
the man. 

This state of public estimation reacted injuriously on the 



332 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

army. It was so unpopular a thing to enlist, that no one would 
do it, save as a last resort, if he had a character to lose. The 
very worst men of the old volunteers — the bounty jumpers — 
enlisted by hundreds, and practiced on the regular officers the 
tricks which they had learned for the purpose of duping provost- 
marshals in draft times. The percentage of desertions was 
larger than it had ever been before, and the few good and 
decent soldiers were lost in the scamps that made up the popu- 
lar idea of the regular army. It was in the midst of these in- 
fluences that the bill of 1866, "to increase and fix" the regular 
army, went into operation. Forty-five regiments of inflmtry, 
ten of cavalry, and five of artillery, were announced as the basis 
of the future army. Half of the regiments of horse and foot 
were quite new, and others dated from the period of the war. 
To officer these regiments, about fifteen hundred new officers 
were required, and here, as in the case of the enlisted men, great 
difficulties lay in the way of procuring good material. 

As with the men, so with the officers, the best and most 
energetic of the volunteer material had returned to civil life, 
where it was pushing forward and prospering. There were not 
enough graduates of West Point to fill the bill. The old army 
of twelve thousand men had been compelled to rely for officers 
to a great degree on civil appointments ; and out of that old 
army, at least half of the graduates had passed away, some into 
the Confederate service, others by death, others on the retired 
list. The four years of the war had produced about fifty grad- 
uates a year, and the coming years would furnish the same 
proportion. A large residue still remained, that must be filled 
up by civil appointments. In these latter, the preference was 
to be given to ex -volunteers, and for the next few 3'ears all the 
so-called " civil appointments '' came from the volunteer 
officers. 

This might have been expected to produce a very good class 
of officers, but it was soon found that this was far from being 
the case, principally owing to the baneful influence of politics. 



THE REGULAR ARMY. 333 

Had it been possible for the pick of the old volunteer officers to 
have been recommended, at the very close of hostilities, by 
their superior officers, on a strictly military basis, for military 
aptitude alone, the results might have been good. As it was, 
the lower appointments were made entirely through the influ- 
ence of members of congress or senators, who recommended 
their friends ; and only those volunteers possessed of such in- 
fluence obtained commissions. In many cases they were given 
to men who had tried civil life for a time, failed therein, and 
went into the army to make a living. Some actually purchased 
their commissions through claim agents, who for the price of 
about five hundred dollars, engaged to procure a senator's influ- 
ence, and bring the candidate for a commission before the 
examining board.* 

This last-named body was composed of old regular officers, 
and was authorized to examine the candidates, to see whether 
they were fit for commissions. The test was chiefly educational. 
Tactics and regulations had little to do with it. The officers 
were examined in the ordinary branches of English education, 
including algebra up to quadratic equations, with a little plane 
trigonometry, and that was about all. Like all examinations, 
of whatever character, they failed to touch the real capacity of 
the applicant, who generally " crammed " for the test. If he 
failed to pass, and had influence, he secured a second trial, in 
some instances a third. Influence was sufficient to pull almost 
any one through. 

The consequence of this state of things was that, instead of the 
best of the volunteer element, the army secured, in too many 
cases, only the worst, and the incompetency of the new officers to 
control the army became very painfully evident. Contrary to 
the general idea, the task of a regimental officer of the United 
States army in time of peace, is far more difficult than in time 

* This statement is founded on facts in the knowledge of various gen- 
tlemen who shall be nameless, but is not made loosely or from general or 
hearsay evidence. 



334: GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

of war. Then he is in the midst of comrades, in a brigade, part 
of a division, a corps, an army. All he has to do, is to keep 
his men together on the march and in the battle, and to obey 
orders. His superiors do the thinking. 

In time of peace all is changed. The officer is often, nay 
generally, thrown much on his own responsibility. The troops 
are scattered in small posts, always short-handed ; and officers 
are constantly detailed on special duty. Moreover, the array is 
always in the midst of a population intensely hostile to its spirit 
and traditions, in active sympathy with all deserters, and exceed- 
ingly jealous of military authority. The officer is subject to a code 
of minute regulations, born of the jealousy of the civil author- 
ity, which are all the more vexatious that half the time he does 
not know what they are. The case in 1866 was even worse than 
it is now. The old army regulations of 1861 had become ob- 
solete. They were replaced by a host of new laws, new gen- 
eral orders, decisions of departments and what not, none of 
which were gathered together in an accessible form. The heads 
of departments and their clerks, who had been grinding away 
for years in the same mill, had all these laws at tlieir finger- 
ends. The new officers, whose idea of militarj' life was confined 
to handling troops in campaign, found that in time of peace 
they were also expected to be expert lawyers, and in this they 
failed dismally. They were constantly receiving sharp repri- 
mands from headquarters, as to the improper phraseology of a 
report or return, the absence of red ink on an endorsement, the 
bungling manner in which they tied their red tape. In the 
matters of discipline, they were also constantly in trouble. 
They had an unruly lot of men to control, desertion to check, 
and tlie evil required sharp measures. These they were not 
allowed to use, under the law. Corporal punishment was abol- 
ished, stocks, tying up, bucking and gagging, all those rudely 
effective methods which had been used among the hard cases 
of the volunteers. They were compelled to manage their men 
wholly by moral suasion, or punish them by the slow process 



THE REGULAR ARMY. 335 

of court-martial. Thej generallj preferred the latter, and 
revenged themselves for their impotence in other directions by 
excessive punishments in this. At the same time, they retained 
too much of the old free and easy, hard drinking habits, which 
the war had induced in them, and found that in time of peace, 
drunken officers were not allowed. Thus the spectacle was 
presented of frequent court-martials of men and officers, for 
substantially the same oiFence, drunken excesses, and the mani- 
fest injustice of the different sentences was almost always visi- 
ble. A man would be dishonorably discharged, and sent to a 
military prison at hard labor for two years, for what in an offi- 
cer would only entail a reprimand or suspension from command 
for a month or two. 

All these -circumstances combined to render the regular 
army of 1866 a very different and far inferior body to that 
which fought in the Mexican war. The men were discontented 
and unruly, the officers not fully up to their work, and the 
amount of trouble that took place during that and the follow- 
ing year, had a great influence on the future of Cnster. 

Under these circumstances the Seventh Cavalry was formed, 
and to it Custer was assigned as Lieutenant-Colonel. 

It might be supposed that his declension in rank from the 
proud position of a major-general would be accompanied by 
some compensations, and that at all events the duty in his new 
rank would be easier. To a certain extent this is true, and yet 
in many respects the contrary is the case. It doubtless sounds 
paradoxical to a civilian, to be told that the command of a regi- 
ment is in anything harder than that of a division, while at the 
same time it is asserted that the position of a general officer 
demands far more military knowledge and capacity than that of 
a colonel ; and yet both these propositions are held to be true, 
and have been acted on by the few great conimanders whose 
actions have settled the principles of success in military science. 
Napoleon, in particular, frequently expressed the opinion that 
generals ought to be young and colonels old, and always acted 



336 



GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 



on it. By this opinion he intended to convey two important 
lessons, which arc elaborated in other maxims. A short analysis 
of the conditions of military success may make the reason clear 
to those who have not studied mihtary history in a professional 
light. 

War requires two elements for its prosecution ; troops, and 
a general. A good general may handle poor troops, so as to 
beat a poor general with good troops. The troops are the tools, 
the general the workman. With perfect tools, the perfect 
workman makes perfect work, and the best general can work 
better if he has good troops than if he has poor ones. Troops 
are made by their sergeants, captains, and colonels, handled by 
their generals. To make them, requires patience and experi- 
ence, qualities in which the old excel the young ; to handle 
them requires adroitness, quickness, and magnetic ardor, qual- 
ities in which the young excel the old. 

So far Custer had been content to take his troops ready 
made, good or bad, and to use them as he best could : now he 
was to try his success at fashioning them out of the raw mate- 
rial. The rest of his life will show what measure of success he 
attained in his task ; for, from first to last, he commanded his 
regiment whenever it was assembled, and had more to do with 
its training than almost any other regimental commander with 
any other regiment of the army since the civil war. 




CHAPTER III. 
THE SEVEN'TH CAVALRY 

AMONG all the anomalies at the close of the rebellion, 
none was greater than the position in which the officers 
of the regular army found themselves. Many field officers of 
the old army had become major-generals of volunteers, and 
during the war this office carried all the privileges of command. 
The sudden end of hostilities showed the real hollowness of the 
title, and one by one, all the general and other officers of the 
volunteers, were " mustered out '' anS paid off. To those who 
were originally civilians, this did not matter. They had re- 
turned to their former stations. The old army officers, however, 
found it veiy different. They beheld themselves stripped of 
the privileges of rank, but still remaining soldiers. In Custer's 
ease, the drop was all the way from Major-General to plain 
captain of the Fifth Cavalry. This rank was all that really re- 
mained to him. He had been brevetted major in the regular 
array in July, 1863, but brevets amounted to nothing, any more 
than volunteer commissions. 

The formation of the new regiments offered a salve in some 
respect for the wounded pride of those officers who felt the 
change too keenly, while the retired list provided for many 
more. The great chiefs of the war found themselves retained 
in their rank, and the minor chiefs were consoled by field posi- 
tions and brevets of general officers in the regular army. 

The most conspicuous of these were to be found in the new 
regiments of cavalry. Sheridan's division commanders in the 
22 



338 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

last campaign, Coster and Devin, also JVIerritt who had been 
their nominal chief, were made lieutenant-colonels, and brevetted 
brigadier and major generals in the regular army, all at the 
same time, on the recommendation of their chief. It marked 
the estimate which he placed on them all, apart from popular 
praise or censure. Modest, hard working old Devin, coming 
from the militia, with little political influence, and nothing but 
his own perseverance and faithful work to recommend him, was 
placed on the same plane as Custer and Merritt, who had started 
with all the advantages of a West Point education in their fa- 
vor. The only difference between them was that of seniority. 
Merritt had been an oflacer a year before Custer, and Custer's 
army commission ranked him over Devin, otherwise all were 
equal. "With Merritt and Devin we have finished in this his- 
tory. Their paths no longer run near Custer's. The latter 
was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel of the new Seventh Cavalry, 
and henceforward will appear identified with that regiment, of 
which it would appear thfit a short sketch is here proper. 

The Seventh U. S. Cavalry was called into existence as a 
regiment and its first ofticei'S commissioned July 28th, 18G6. On 
that day, the skeleton of the regiment was as follows: Colonel 
A. J. Smith, Lieutenant-Colonel George A. Custer, Major 
Alfred Gibbs, all three West Pointers, and Brevet Major Gen- 
erals U. S. A. 

Smith was quite an old soldier, having entered the service 
in 1838, and Gibbs dated from before the Mexican war. Du- 
ring the rebellion, Gibbs had latterly commanded the Eegular 
Cavalry brigade in the First division of the Cavalry Corps. 

Eight captains were appointed at the same date, of whom 
not one was from the academy. All came from the volunteers, 
or had risen from the ranks in the regular army during the war. 
Their names were William Thompson, Frederick W. Benteen, 
Myles W. Keogh, Edward Myers, Eobert M. West, Louis M. 
Hamilton, Albert Barnitz, and Michael Y. Sheridan. Of these, 
Thompson and West had been brigade commanders, Benteen a 



• THE SEVENTH CAVALRY. 339 

colonel, and the rest. Lieutenant-Colonels bj brevet or otherwise. 
Six first-lieutenants were commissioned the same day, Samuel 
M. Robbins, Mathew Berry, Owen Hale, Myles Moylan, F. Y. 
Commagere and Thomas "VV. Custer. Of these, Custer and 
Commagere had been Majors, the rest captains of volunteers. 
T. W. Custer was the brother of the General. He had entered 
the army on the 23d February, 1866, as second-lieutenant of 
the First Infantry, an office which he was allowed to resign on 
the 27th Julj^ being appointed next day in his brother's regi- 
ment. 

These were the first officers of the Seventh Cavalry appointed 
just ten years ago. To-day hardly one of them is left. The 
Colonel was retired fi-om service not long after his appointment, 
and Major Gibbs died at Fort Leavenworth, a year after the 
formation of the regiment, from the effects of an old lance- 
wound received before 1860. Before going any further, it will 
be well to trace here Custer's official and private career during 
the time of the formation of the Seventh Cavalry till the open- 
ing of his first Indian campaign. 

He was mustered out of service as a major-general of volun- 
teers in March, 18^6, in Houston, Texas. During the year then 
past, his position in the regular army had been that of a simple 
captain in the Fifth Cavalry, on leave of absence. His leave 
was granted him in April 1865, and read " till further orders." 
His successes, then, just after Sailor's Creek and Appomattox, 
were too public and brilliant to be ignored, and as yet he had 
not excited the envy which afterwards assailed him. In the 
volunteer service, he had only experienced this envy for a few 
weeks, at his first elevation, and there were so many prizes in 
those days that the envy was soon forgotten in hope. Besides 
this, his services had been so wonderfully successful that he had 
conquered envy by admiration, in almost all cases. No one 
therefore seemed to be disposed to shorten his enjoyment of 
hard earned leisure by intriguing to get him ordered back to 
his regiment as a captain. 



340 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

During 1865 and the beginning of 1866 he enjoyed full 
major-general's pay, and allowances, then about $8000 a year. 
While in Texas, his expenses for living were very small, as ap- 
pears from many of his letters home, and he saved a great deal 
of money. Moreover, there were so many opportunities of 
making money that he was very sorely tempted at times to 
leave the service and settle down in Texas. 

His muster out, while it sent him home to Monroe, left him 
in a very different position. He became a captain once more, 
with only about $2000 a year pay, and a small allowance of 
quarters. It was a heavy fall in pecuniary circumstances, mod- 
ified by his savings and by the fact that he was still on leave. 
He went therefore to ISTew York, and while there, entered into 
negotiations with the Mexican government to become chief of 
cavalry for Juarez, in his last struggle with Maximilian. The 
history of this application will bring out the esteem in which 
he was then held by General Grant, as evinced in the following 
letter of introduction. 

"We append this letter as of special interest, in view of the 
altered relations of the parties in after days. His letter was 
written to Senor Komero, the Mexican Minister to "Washington. 
It shows Grant's opinion of Custer in the days when Grant was 
nothing but an honest soldier. 



Headquakters Armies of the United States, 

Washington, D. C, May 16, 1866. 

Dear Sir : — This will introduce to your acquaintance Gen. 
Custer, who rendered such distinguished service as a cavalry officer 
during the war. There was no oflBcer in that branch of the ser- 
vice who had the confidence of Gen. Sheridan to a greater 
degree than Gen. C, and there is no officer in whose judgment 
I have greater faith than in Sheridan's. Please understand 
then that I mean by this to endorse Gen. Custer in a high 
degree. 

Gen. Custer proposes to apply for a leave of absence for one 
year, with permission to leave the country, and to take service 



THE SEVENTH CAVALRY. 341 

while abroad. I propose to endorse liis application favorably, and 
believe that he will get it. Yours truly, 

U. S. Grant. 
To Sr. M. Romero, Minister, etc. 

Sr. Romero was delighted with the application, as he 
well might be. Mexico was then in the worst possible state, 
and the Liberal cause in a desperate condition. The Juarez 
people had plenty of men, but neither arms, money, nor equip- 
ments. Carvajal, the head of the Juarez military government, 
offered Custer the position of Adjutant General of Mexico, 
with double tlie pay of an American Major General, in gold, if 
he could only come to Mexico with one or two thousand men, 
Americans ; the Mexican Liberal government offering to as- 
sume any debt he miglit incur in raising this force. After 
events proved that the expedition would have been perfectly 
feasible, for the hold of Maximilian on Mexico, never strong, 
was weakening daily, and the arrival of Custer, with his bril- 
liant reputation and the men he could easily have raised, would 
have ended the war with a blaze of glory. Money and men 
were both forthcoming, and success was certain. All these bright 
prospects, however, were destroyed by a simple formality : the 
American government refused to grant Custer the year's leave 
he asked for, and he was compelled to choose between the 
smaller certainty of a captaincy in the American army and the 
glorious uncertainties of a soldier of fortune. The native good 
sense and sturdy habits of mind inherited and taught him by 
family influence saved him from the role of the last, and the 
first was soon bettered for him by the increase of the army. 

"While his application was still pending, however, he was 
recalled, together with his wife, to Monroe, by the news of the 
dangerous illness of Judge Bacon. They arrived there only 
just in time to witness the Judge's death, which took place 
May 17th, 1866, and was a heavy blow to both. Long before 
this time, the good old Judge who had been so careful and 



342 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

anxious about the future of his daughter, had learned to lay 
aside all fears in that direction, and to feel for her husband a 
respect and liking, all the stronger for his previous mistrust. 
He died in Custer's arms, resting on his strong breast, and 
blessing with his latest breath his two children, finding that 
instead of losing a daughter he had gained a son, as attentive 
and affectionate as any of his own could have been, had he 
possessed one. 

While the brilliant deeds of Custer had so far gained him 
the applause of the world at large, the victory in which he felt 
the greatest pride of any was that gained during the latter part 
of his life, over the reluctance and distrust of the Judge, and 
the conversion of those feelings into the warmest respect and 
esteem. He had reason to be proud of it, for it was no com- 
mon victory. It was obtained by a single course of conduct. 
The Judge, who was the kindest and most idolizing of fathers, 
full of fears at the future of his daugliter on her marriage, was 
quite overcome by the fact of her entire happiness, and by that 
alone. The real unselfishness of paternal love, as distinguished 
from that between lovers, is illustrated by this, that the Judge 
not only forgave, but learned to love, the man who had taken 
away his daughter. 

The death of Judge Bacon made some difference in the 
prospects of the young couple, most of the Judge's property, 
which included the house in Monroe in which she now lives, 
going to his daughter, but as it was not large, it did not alter 
their ordinary style of living. They continued to reside at 
Monroe for the next month or two, till, in July, Custer re- 
ceived his commission from President Johnson, as lieutenant- 
colonel of the new Seventh Cavalry. 

He w^as still anxious to obtain his year's leave, so as to be 
able to go to Mexico, and with that object set out for Bufialo, 
in August, to meet President Johnson, who was then engaged 
in that celebrated operation known as " swinging round the 
circle." Mrs. Custer went with him. 



THE SEVENTH CAVALRY. 343 

Inasmuch as the present book will fall into the hands of 
many too young to remember distinctly the meaning of the 
expression "swinging round the circle," it may be well to 
explain it here. President Johnson, originally a strong South- 
ern Democrat, had been nominated for Yice-President, during 
the war, on the same ticket with Lincoln, as a " War Demo- 
crat" and as a sort of compromise, beating Seymour and 
McClellan. When the assassination of Lincoln placed Johnson 
in power, he soon returned to his old ante-bellum associations, 
the result of which was a furious contest between Congress and 
himself, in which the former had the best of it, through hold- 
ing the legislative power, with a compact majority. The strife 
was, at this time, August, 1866, at its very hottest. Congress 
had adjourned, and the President then indulged in a trip which 
took him all round the country, and in which he was in the 
habit of stopping at every railway station to make a political 
speech to the crowd that gathered on the platform to see the 
presidential party. He took along with him his whole cabinet 
and General Grant, and the ludicrous nature of the tour was 
commemorated by the term " swinging round the circle." 
When Custer met President Johnson at Euffiilo, the young gen- 
eral was still, as far as civil affairs went, a frank, innocent boy. 
Of political lore he was perfectly guiltless, and an old politician 
like Johnson could wind him round his finger with his wily 
tricks. Johnson saw at once what a political and popular help 
Custer s presence would be to him, and accordingly, instead of 
granting his request for leave, ordered him to accompany the 
party in its tour, on duty. And that is the way Custer came 
to join Johnson in " swinging round the circle." 

To the young couple, the whole jaunt was a pleasure trip, 
which cost them nothing, where they had delightful times, and 
nothing to do but enjoy themselves. Of the political aspect of 
the trip Custer was at first unaware, and as his commission as 
lieutenant-colonel was already safe, he had " no axe to grind," 
after his first visit, when the President told him he could not 



344: GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

2:1 ve him leave to go to Mexico. The party travelled by the 
Lake Shore Railroad to Cleveland, Toledo, then to Monroe, 
Detroit, Chicago, and so to Springfield, Illinois, the late resi- 
dence of the murdered President Lincoln. 

Johnson had at the time a great idea that his political 
enemies would try to assassinate him on the road, and insisted 
on Custer's occupying the next room to his own at every hotel, 
and keeping loaded revolvers by him, to protect the Executive 
from murder, a danger which, however, existed chiefly in his 
own heated imagination. The ostensible cause of the tour 
was the inauguration of a monument to President Lincoln, 
which took place at Springfield, the nominal termination of the 
journey. Political efi'ect and the President's monomania for 
speeches on the constitution continued the journey to St. Louis, 
whence the party returned to Washington another way. Cus- 
ter got tired of the trip at last, when he found that it was en- 
tirely a political movement and one productive of ridicule to 
all the participants, and as soon as the last semblance of danger 
was removed by their return to the civilized Eastern States, he 
parted from the President, refusing an invitation to Washing- 
ton. He refused also, during this trip, the full colonelcy of the 
Ninth Cavalry, a black regiment, which was offered him, pre- 
ferring a lower step to a lower grade of service. 

On leaving the President, he went to the Soldiers' and Sail- 
ors' Convention at Cleveland, and excited quite a commotion 
by introducing to the meeting the ex-rebel cavalry general 
Forrest, a rough hewn man, something of his own stamp for 
fiery energy, and who had been far the most dangerous cavalry 
commander possessed at any time by the Confederate cause. 

Nothing hurt Custer's political and military future like the 
movements of this summer, all of which were owing to his gen- 
erous impulsive way of doing things. Honest to the backbone 
himself, he could not imagine that others could be less so, and 
he fell, as it were, bound hand and foot, into the midst of a 
den of hungry political wolves, who would have picked his 



THE SEVENTH CAVALRY. 345 

bones clean had he staid much longer. Like Juvenal refus- 
ing to go to Konie, he could reply, when he was asked the 
cause of his non success in polities, " Nescio mentireP It tells 
the whole story. He and Sheridan were political failures for 
the same reason, on opposite sides. Kilpatrick, Slocura, Ban- 
ning, Logan, Butler, Garfield, and a host of others, were suc- 
cesses for the opposite reason. 

At last he was saved from the consequences of his indiscreet 
utterance of the truth, by receiving orders to report at Fort Riley, 
Kansas, and assume his command. Never was order more wel- 
come. It found him at Monroe, longing for the plains and the 
new life which he was to lead there. He was already develop- 
ing into the sportsman he afterwards became. During his 
Texan residence he had accumulated a pack of some twenty fox 
hounds, and had invested in rifles, having become a fair shot. 
In his letters home from Texas he frequently speaks of his 
hunting expeditions after deer, rabbits, coons, possums, and other 
animals. In those days to all appearance he was as innocent as 
a child about the relative dignity of game, and talks of going 
on a coon hunt with an old negro, with all the zest of a vet- 
eran trapper after a grizzly. He seems to have felt like a reg- 
ular big boy out of school, eager for anything in the way of 
game, and making no distinctions. 

The foxhound pack of Texas was broken up, except one or 
two of the finest dogs, which he took to Monroe, but during 
the "swinging round the circle" trip, he became wonderfully 
interested in the Scotch deerhound, of which he saw one or 
two specimens. He ended by buying a pair, bred in Canada 
from imported dogs, and afterwards received a present of an- 
other, an imported dog. From these others were afterwards 
bred, so that in a few years he possessed quite a pack of these 
dogs, besides foxhounds, setters, spaniels and others. He had 
always managed to have dogs, at all periods of his career, even 
when as a lieutenant he took old " Hose " to Washington with 
him, but, as soon as he was able to indulge his fancy freely he 



346 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

perfectly revelled in the collection of animals, having as many 
and varied a pack as used to attend Sir Walter Scott at Abbots- 
ford in days gone by. 

The General and Mrs. Custer started for Fort Riley, which 
they reached when it was 3'et the terminus of the Pacific Rail- 
road. A year later, in spite of an Indian war, ninety miles 
more were finished. Fort Riley, when they came there, was a 
perfect sink of iniquity, as far as concerned the village outside the 
military post. During the winter and spring, this sink of in- 
iquity was moved on to Fort Hays — cause, extension of the rail- 
road. All the desperate characters of the frontier flocked to the 
terminus of the railroad, gamblers, thieves, murderers, outcasts of 
all kinds. In Fort Hays, one year old, were thirty-six graves, 
every grave that of a man who had died " with his boots on," 
that is to say killed in a brawl. 

The tedium of life inside the post was only relieved by the 
arrival, from day to day, of the new officers of the Seventh 
Cavalry, come to report to Custer, in command. On the 
appointment of these officers, the next thing in order was to 
provide them a regiment to command, and with that object the 
rest of the year was occupied in recruiting. The original in- 
tention seems to have been to form a regiment of only eight 
companies, but the Seventh, in common with the other cavalry 
regiments, was subsequently raised to one of three battalions, 
each of four companies, necessitating two more majors and four 
additional captains, besides lieutenants. Major Joel H. Elliot 
was appointed March 7, 1867, from Indiana. He had been a 
colonel of volunteers. Major W. S. Abert followed on the 8th 
June. He had been one of the old army officers, a civil appoint- 
ment, since 1855, and during the war had been brevetted briga- 
dier-general of volunteers. 

The new captains were Thomas M. Dayton, Lee P. Gillette, 
George W. Yates, and Thomas B. Weir, of whom three had 
been lieutenant-colonels. The new first-lieutenants were Henr}' 
H. Abell, Charles Brewster, James M. Bell, D. W. Walling- 



THE SEVENTH CAVALRY. 347 

ford, William W. Cook, and Heurj Jackson. All these entered 
the regiment in 1867. 

In the same year the regiment also received five second- 
lieutenants. Three of these, James T. Leavy, Bradford S. 
Bassett, and William B. Clark, came from the volunteers, where 
Bassett had been a captain. The other two, John M. Johnson 
and Edward S. Godfrey, had just graduated from the " Point." 
Such was the composition of the Seventh Cavalry when Custer 
assumed command of the regiment in 1867. Colonel A. J. Smith 
was the department chief, and therefore never saw his regiment, 
the whole responsibility falling on Custer. The material of 
which the men were composed was decidedly bad, as was the case 
with all the regular regiments at the close of the war. Recruits 
came from the large towns, and included a great many of the 
rough classes, men who enlisted with the purpose of shirking 
as much duty as they could, and of deserting whenever they 
got tired. We shall see, before long, how much trouble they 
brought on Custer, and how he at last licked them into shape. 
There is perhaps to-day no regiment in the army which bears so 
strongly on itself the imprint of its leader as the Seventh Cav- 
alry. What it is, Custer's name and influence have made it. He 
found it a crowd of green recruits. He made it into a regiment 
of veterans and heroes. How he did it, will appear in the 
course of his life on the plains. Sufiice it here to say that he 
managed to make the regiment too hot for officers Avho in- 
dulged in drunkenness on duty, and either drove them out 
entirely, induced them to take the pledge, or compelled them 
to reserve their excesses for places where it concerned them- 
selves alone, and did the least possible injury to the service. 

This trait of Custer's character had always been prominent 
during his volunteer service. He began with it in the Michi- 
gan brigade, continued it in the Third division, and now 
brought it into the Seventh Cavalry. He realized so strongly 
the dangers of excess in his own nature, that he always sympa- 
thized with and aided all whom he found in the same difficul- 



348 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

ties, trying to escape from evil influence. In all t-liis, he waa 
very far removed from those total abstinence fanatics who have 
brought so much discredit on the name of "temperance" by 
their intemperance. He never interfered with the free will of 
those officers who possessed enough self-control to remain 
moderate drinkers, and never forced his views on others, unless 
it became a question of the interest of the service and the 
career of the individual. He found that his own highstrung, 
nervous temperament was utterly unfitted to indulge in stim- 
ulants, and he totally abandoned the habit. He induced his 
brother Tom to take the pledge, and abstain from liquors and 
tobacco, because he saw that their temperaments were very 
similar; and the result was that Tom Custer became an orna- 
ment to his profession, inspired by his brother's example. 
"Whenever Custer found a brave and otherwise capable officer 
caught in the toils of dipsomania, he always did his best to 
reform and save him. It was only those wilful and habitual 
debauchees who gloried in tempting others, on whom Custer 
was remorselessly severe ; and there he had no compassion. To 
those who know to what an extent the inroads of intemperance 
have penetrated in the army, and who are frank enough to 
acknowledge, instead of denying the evil, his conduct needs no 
excuse. For the opinions of others he never cared. As he 
began, so he followed to the last, the right way as it ajpjpeared 
to him, regardless of consequences. 




SEVENTH BOOK.— ON THE PLAINS. 

CHAPTER I. 

THE HANCOCK EXPEDITION. 

THE Seventh Cavalry was first moimted, armed, and sent 
to the plains in the spring of 1867, and as this was the 
opening of a fresh experience for Custer, it is peculiarly fortu- 
nate that we are able to present his impressions in his own words. 
It was the first time in his life, it must be remembered, that he 
officiated as the commander of a single regiment; and against 
Indians, and all his former experience was at fault. He had to 
learn everything anew, and the record of his first experiences is 
so fresh and interesting that we shall extract freely therefrom. 
Of the many important expeditions, says he, organized to 
operate in the Indian country, none, perhaps, of late years has 
excited more general and unfriendly comment, considering the 
slight loss of life inflicted upon the Indians, than the expedi- 
tion organized and led in person by Major-General Hancock, in 
tlie spring of 1867. The clique generally known as the " In- 
dian Eing " were particularly malevolent and bitter in their 
denunciations of General Hancock for precipitating, as they ex- 
pressed it, an Indian war. This expedition was quite formida- 
ble in appearance, being made up of eight troops of cavalry, 
seven companies of infimtry, and one battery of light artillery, 
numbering altogether about 1,400 men. As General Hancock 
at the time and since has been so often accused of causelessly 
bringing on an Indian war, a word iii explanation may not be 
amiss. 



350 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Being in command of the cavalry connected with the expe- 
dition, I had ample and frequent opportunities for learning the 
true purposes and objects of the march into the heart of the 
Indian country. 

It may be asked, What had the Indians done to make this 
incursion necessary ? They liad been guilty of numerous thefts 
and murders during the preceding summer and fall, for none 
of which had they been called to account. They had attacked 
the stations of the overland mail route, killed the employees, 
burned the stations, and captured the stock. Citizens had been 
murdered in their homes on the frontier of Kansas ; murders 
had been committed on the Arkansas route. The principal 
perpetrators of these acts were the Cheyennes and Sioux. The 
agent of the former, if not a party to the murder on the Arkan- 
sas, knew who the guilty persons were, yet took no steps to 
bring the murderers to punishment. Such a course would have 
interfered with his trade and profits. It was not to punish for 
these sins of the past that the expedition was set on foot, but 
rather by its imposing appearance and its early presence in the 
Indian country to check or intimidate the Indians from a repe- 
tition of their late conduct. This was deemed particularly 
necessary from the fact that the various tribes from which we 
had greatest cause to anticipate trouble had during the winter, 
through their leading chiefs and warriors, threatened that as 
soon as the grass was up in spring a combined outbreak would 
take place along our entire frontier, and especially against the 
main routes of travel. To assemble the tribes for the desired 
council, word was sent early* in March to the agents of those 
tribes whom it was desirable to meet. The agents sent runners 
to the vilhxges, inviting them to meet us at some point near the 
Arkansas River. 

General Hancock, with the artillery and six companies of 
infantry, reached Fort Riley, Kansas, from Fort Leavenworth, by 
rail, the last week in March ; here he was joined by four com- 
panies of the Seventh Cavalry and an additional company of 



THE HANCOCK EXPEDITION. 351 

the Thirty-seventh Infantry. It was- at this point that I joined 
the expedition. 

From Fort Riley we marched to Fort Harker, a distance of 
ninety miles, where our force was strengthened by the addition 
of two more troops of cavalry. Halting only long enough to 
replenish our supplies, we next directed our march toward Fort 
Larned, near the Arkansas, about seventy miles to the south- 
east. A march from the 3d to the 7th of April brought us to 
Fort Larned. The agent for the Comanches and Kiowas accom- 
panied us. At Fort Larned we found the agent of the Chey- 
ennes, Arapahoes, and Apaches; from the latter we learned that 
he had, as requested, sent runners to the chiefs of his agency in- 
viting them to the council, and that they had agreed to assemble 
near Fort Larned on the 10th of the month, requesting that the 
expedition would remain there until that date. To this request 
General Hancock acceded. 

On the 9th of April, while encamped awaiting the council, 
which was to be held the following day, a terrible snow-storm 
occurred, lasting all day until late in the evening. It was our 
good fortune to be in camp rather than on the march ; had it been 
otherwise, we could not well have escaped without loss of life 
from the severe cold and blinding snow. The cavalry horses suf- 
fered seriously, and were only preserved by doubling their ration 
of oats, while to prevent their being frozen during the intensely 
cold night which followed, the guards were instructed to keep 
passing along the picket lines with a whip, and to keep the 
horses moving constantly. The snow was eight inches in depth. 
The council, which was to take place the next day, had to be 
postponed until the return of good weather. ISTow began the 
display of a kind of diplomacy for which the Indian is peculiar. 
Tlie Cheyennes and a band of the Sioux were encamped on 
Pawnee Fork, about thirty miles above Fort Larned. They 
neither desired to move nearer to us nor have us approach 
nearer to them. On the morning of the 11th, they sent us 
word that they had started to visit us, but discovering a large 



352 GENERAL GEORGE A, CUSTER. 

herd of buffiilo near their camp, they had stopped to procure a 
supply of meat. This message was not received with much 
confidence, nor was a buffalo hunt deemed of sufficient import- 
ance to justify the Indians in breaking their engagement. 
General Hancock decided, however, to delay another day, when 
if the Indians still failed to come in, he would move his com- 
mand to the vicinity of their village and hold the conference 
there. 

Orders were issued on the evening of the 12th for the march 
to be resumed on the following day. 

Rightly concluding that the Indians did not intend to come 
to our camp, as they had at first agreed to, it was decided to 
move nearer to their village. Our entire force therefore 
marched from Fort Larned up Pawnee Fork in the direction 
of the main village, encamping the first night about twenty- 
one miles from the fort. Several parties of Indians were 
seen in our advance during the day, evidently w^atcliing our 
movements ; while a heavy smoke, seen to rise in the direction 
of the Indian village, indicated that something more than 
usual was going on. This smoke we afterward learned arose 
from the burning grass. * The Indians, thinking to prevent 
us from encamping in their vicinity, had set fire to and burned 
all the grass for miles in the direction from which they 
expected us. Before we arrived at our camping-ground we 
were met by several chiefs and warriors belonging to the 
Cheyennes and Sioux. Among the chiefs were Pawnee Killer 
of the Sioux, and White Horse of the Cheyennes. It was 
arranged that these chiefs should accept our hospitality and 
remain with us during the night, and in the morning all the 
chiefs of the two tribes then in the village were to come to 
General Hancock's headquarters and hold a council. On the 

* This was the dried grass of the previous year, always peculiarly easy 
to fire. The battles of Hooker's and Grant's troops in the Wilderness of Vir- 
ginia, in the early spring, were almost always noted by similar fires, the 
dead grass catching first from the artillery flashes. 



THE HANCOCK EXPEDITION. 353 

morning of the 14th, Pawnee Killer left our camp at an early 
hour, for the purpose, as he said, of going to the village to 
bring in the other chiefs to the council. Nine o'clock had been 
agreed upon as the hour at which the council should assemble. 
The hour came, but the chiefs did not. Now an Indian coun- 
cil is not only often an important but always an interesting 
occasion. And, somewhat like a famous recipe for making a 
certain dish, the first thing necessary in holding an Indian 
council is to get the Indian. Half-past nine o'clock came, and 
still we were lacking this one important part of the council. 
At this juncture Bull Bear, an influential chief among the 
Cheyennes, came in and reported that the chiefs were on their 
way to our camp, but would not be able to reach it for some 
time. This was a mere artifice to secure delay. Gen- 
eral Hancock informed Bull Bear that as the chiefs could 
not arrive for some time, he would move his forces up the 
stream nearer to the village, and the council could be held at 
our camp that night. To this proposition Bull Bear gave his 
assent. 

At 11 A. M. we resumed the march, and had proceeded but a 
few miles when we witnessed one of the finest and most impos- 
ing military displays, prepared according to the Indian art of 
war, which it has ever been my lot to behold. It was nothing 
more nor less than an Indian line of battle drawn directly across 
our line of march ; as if to say, thus far and no further. Most 
of the Indians were mounted ; all were bedecked in their bright- 
est colors, their heads crowned with the brilliant war-bonnet, 
their lances bearing the crimson pennant, bows strung, and 
quivers full of barbed arrows. In addition to these weapons, 
which with the hunting-knife and tomahawk are considered as 
forming the armament of the warrior, each one was supplied 
with either a breech-loading rifle or revolver, sometimes with 
both — the latter obtained through the wise forethought and 
strong love of fair play which prevails in the Indian Depart- 
ment, which, seeing that its wards are determined to fight, is 
23 



354: GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

equally determined that there shall be no advantage taken, but 
that the two sides shall be armed alike ; proving, too, in this 
manner the wonderful liberality of our government, which not 
only is able to furnish its soldiers with the latest improved 
style of breech-loaders to defend it and themselves, but is equally 
able and willing to give the same pattern of arms to their com- 
mon foe. The only difference is, that the soldier, if he loses 
his weapon, is charged double price for it ; while to avoid mak- 
ing any charge against the Indian, his weapons are given him 
without conditions attached. In the line of battle before us 
there were several hundred Indians, while further to the rear 
and at diiferent distances were other organized bodies acting 
apparently as reserves. Still further were small detachments 
who seemed to perform the duty of couriers, and were held in 
readiness to convey messages to the village. The ground 
beyond was favorable for an extended view, allowing the eye 
to sweep the plain for several miles. As far as the eye could 
reach, small groups or individuals could be seen in the direction 
of the village ; these were evidently parties of observation, 
whose sole object was to learn the result of our meeting with 
the main body and hasten with the news to the village. 

For a few moments appearances seemed to foreshadow any- 
thing but a peaceful issue. The infantry was in the advance, 
followed closely by the artillery, while my command, the cav- 
alry, was marching on the flank. General Hancock, who was 
riding with his staif at the head of the column, coming sud- 
denly in view of the wild fantastic battle array, which extended 
far to our right and left and not more than half a mile in our 
front, hastily sent orders to the infantry, artillery, and cavalry 
to form line of battle, evidently determined that if war was 
intended we should be prepared. The cavalry, being the last 
to form on the right, came into line on a gallop, and, without 
waiting to align the ranks carefully, the command was given to 
'• draw sabre." As the bright blades flashed from their scabbards 
into the morning sunlight, and the infantry brought their mus- 



THE HANCOCK EXPEDITION. 355 

kets to a carry, a most beautiful and wonderfully interesting 
sio-lit was spread out before and around us, presenting a contrast 
which, to a military eye, could but be striking. Here in battle 
array, facing each other, were the representatives of civilized 
and barbarous warfare. The one, with but few modifications, 
stood clothed in the same rude style of dress, bearing the same 
patterned shield and weapon that his ancestors had borne cen- 
turies before; the other confronted him in the dress and sup- 
plied with the implements of war which the most advanced stage 
of civilization had pronounced the most perfect. Was the com- 
parative superiority of these two classes to be subjected to the 
rude test of war here? Such seemed the prevailing impression 
on both sides. All was eager anxiety and expectation. ITeither 
side seemed to comprehend the objector intentions of the other; 
each was waiting for the other to deliver the first blow. A 
more beautiful battle-ground could not have been chosen. Not 
a bush or even the slightest irregularity of ground intervened 
between the two lines which now stood frowning and facing 
each other. Chiefs could be seen riding along the line as if 
directing and exhorting their braves to deeds of heroism. 

After a few moments of painful suspense. General Han- 
cock, accompanied by General A. J. Smith and other officers, 
rode forward, and through an interpreter invited the chiefs to 
meet us midway, for the purpose of an interview. In response 
to this invitation Roman Nose, bearing a white flag, accompa- 
nied by Bull Bear, White Horse, Gray Beard, and Medicine 
Wolf, on the part of the Cheyennes, and Pawnee Killer, Bad 
Wound, Tall Bear that Walks under the Ground, Left Hand, 
Little Bear, and Little Bull on the part of the Sioux, rode for- 
ward to the middle of the open space between the two lines. 
Here we shook hands with all of the chiefs, most of them ex- 
hibiting unmistakable signs of gratification at this apparently 
peaceful termination of our encounter. General Hancock very 
naturally inquired the object of the hostile attitude displayed 
before us, saying to the chiefs that if war was their object we 



356 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

were read_7 then and there to participate. Their immediate 
answer was that thej did not desire war, but were peacefully 
disposed. They were then told that we would continue our 
march toward the village and encamp near it, but would estab- 
lish such regulations that none of the soldiers would be per- 
mitted to approach or disturb them. An arrangement was then 
effected by which the chiefs were to assemble at General Han- 
cock's headquarters as soon as our camp was pitched. The 
interview then terminated, and the Indians moved off' in the 
direction of the village, we following leisurely in rear. 

Custer then proceeds to tell at some length how the Indians 
managed to deceive them, and the whole affair is very charac- 
teristic of the difference between savage and civilized warfare. 
The preliminary councils, the threatening demonstrations, were 
all part of a scheme to gain time, and M'hen the troops were 
safely encamped close to the village, it was found that all the 
women and children of the Indians had left the lodges and fled,, 
in anticipation of a massacre. The chiefs themselves announced 
this, at the same time that two of them volunteered to follow 
after the fugitives and bring them back, if General Hancock 
would lend them two Government horses to ride on. This 
was done, and they set off at seven in the evening. It was 
the last seen of them or the horses. Two hours later, one of 
Hancock's scouts, who had been into the Indian camp, reported 
that the chiefs themselves were saddling up to leave. This 
scout was a half-breed Cheyenne, and the result showed that he 
was in all probability playing a double game. 

Custer was at once directed to mount his cavalry, to sur- 
round the Indian village and prevent the departure of its in- 
habitants. This was done, and the village was found all peaceful 
and quiet, as if every one was asleep. When it was entered, 
however, it was found that the birds had flown, that the. camp 
\vas empty. The Indians had left all their goods and fled in 
the night. The suddenness of their departure, and their aban- 
donment of so much property gives color to their own plea, that 



THE HANCOCK EXPEDITION. 357 

they feared a repetition of the " Chivington Massacre," that had 
taken place only a year previous. 

The next thing was to pursue the Indians. The scout who 
reported their approaching departure, had in all probability 
seen them go before he came, and the long operation of stealth- 
ily surrounding the camp had consumed much valuable time. 
Custer's description of the affair and of his own cautious ap- 
proach, reminds one strongly of his first scout after Confeder- 
ates, under Kearny. The cavalry was now ordered to follow 
the Indians ; and the time occupied in getting ready was 
another illustration of how perfectly green every one then was 
in Indian warfare. It must be remembered that the Indians 
were off and marching, and that speed was absolutely needed 
to catch them. This was the sort of speed of which the Seventh 
Cavalry in those early days was capable. 

Mess kits were overhauled, says Custer, and fresh supplies of 
coffee, sugar, flour, and the other articles which go to supply 
the soldier's larder, were laid in. Blankets were carefully rolled 
so as to occupy as little space as possible; every nseless pound 
of luggage was discarded, for in making a rapid pursuit after 
Indians much of the success depends upon the lightness of the 
order of march. Saratoga trunks and their accompaniments are 
at a discount. Never was the old saying that in Rome one must 
do as Romans do more aptly illustrated than on an Indian cam- 
paign. The Indian, knowing that his safety either on offensive 
or defensive movements depends in a great measure upon the 
speed and endurance of his horse, takes advantage of every cir- 
cumstance which will favor either the one or the other. To 
this end he divests himself of all superflruous dress and orna- 
ment when preparing for rapid movements. The white man, 
if he hopes for success, must adopt the same rule of action, and 
encumber his horse as little as possible. Something besides 
well-tilled mess chests and carefully rolled blankets is necessary 
in preparing for an Indian campaign. Arms must be re-exam- 
ined, cartridge-boxes refilled, so that each man should carry 



358 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

about one hundred rounds of ammunition "on liis person," 
while each troop commander must see that in the company 
wagon there are placed a few boxes of reserve ammunition. 
Then, when the equipment of the soldier has been attended to, 
his horse, without whose assistance he is helpless, must be looked 
after; loose shoes are tightened, by the driving of an additional 
nail, and to accomplish this one may see the company black- 
smith, a soldier, with the few simple tools of his kit on the 
ground beside him, huiTiedly fastening the last shoe by the un- 
certain light of a candle held in the hands of the rider of the 
horse, their mutual labor being varied at times by queries as to 
" How long shall we be gone ? " "I wonder if we M'ill catch Mr. 
Lo? " " If we do, we'll make it lively for him." So energetic 
had everybody been that before daylight everything was in 
readiness for the start. 

Before daylight, however, according to Custer's own account, 
all chance was over. The cavalry followed the trail, preceded 
by their company of plainsmen and friendly Indians, but they 
failed to catch the Indians. The cavalry pressed the latter so 
close that they compelled them to disperse into small parties 
to lose the trail, but finally the trackers were obliged to give it 
up as a bad job. 

It was while on this march and before the Indians had dis- 
persed, that Custer had his first buffalo adventure. He says 
that he felt satisfied that the Indians must be manj^ miles ahead, 
and that the country was full of game. Therefore he called 
his dogs around him, and galloped off after some antelope in 
the distance. He says : 

Although an ardent sportsman, I had never hunted the 
buffalo up to this time, consequently was exceedingly desirous of 
tasting of its excitement. I had several fine English grey- 
hounds, whose speed I was anxious to test with that of the ante- 
lope, said to be — which I believe — the fleetest of animals. I 
was mounted on a fine large thoroughbred horse. Taking with 
me but one man, the chief bugler, and calling my dogs around 



THE HANCOCK , EXPEDITION. 359 

me, I galloped ahead of the column as soon as it was daylig-ht. 
A stirring gallop of a few minutes brought me near enough 
to the antelope, of which there were a dozen or more, to enable 
the dogs to catch sight of them. Then the chase began, the 
antelope running in a direction which took us away from the 
command. By availing myself of the turns in the course, I 
was able to keep w^ell in view of the exciting chase, until it was 
evident that the antelope were in no danger of being caught by 
the dogs, which latter had become blown from want of proper 
exercise. I succeeded in calling them off, and was about to set 
out on my return to the column. The horse of the chief bugler, 
being a common-bred animal, failed early in the race, and his 
rider wisely concluded to regain the command, so that I was 
alone. How far I had travelled from the troops I was trying 
to determine, when I discovered a large, dark looking animal 
grazing nearly a mile distant. As yet I had never seen a wild 
buffalo, but I at once recognized this as not only a buffalo, but 
a very large one. Here was my opportunity. A ravine near 
by would enable me to approach unseen until almost within 
pistol range of my game. Calling my dogs to follow me, I 
slowly pursued the course of the ravine, giving my horse oppor- 
tunity to gather himself for the second run. When I emerged 
from the ravine I was still several hundred yards from the buf- 
falo, which almost instantly discovered me, and set off as fast 
as his legs could carry him. Had my horse been fresh the 
race would have been a short one, but the preceding long run 
had not been without effect. How long or how fast we flew 
in pursuit, the intense excitement of the chase prevented me 
from knowing. I only knew that even the greyhounds were 
left behind, until finally my good steed placed himself and me 
close alongside the game. It may be because this was the first 
I had seen, but surely of the hundreds of thousands of buffaloes 
which I have since seen, none have corresponded with him in 
size and lofty grandeur. My horse was above the average size, 
yet the buffalo towered even above him. I had carried my 



360 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

revolver in my hand from the moment the race began. Ee- 
peatedly could I have placed the muzzle against the shaggy 
body of the huge beast, by whose side I fairly yelled with wild 
excitement and delight, yet each time would I withdraw the 
weapon, as if to prolong the enjoyment of the race. It was a 
race for life or death, yet how different the award from what 
could be imagined. Still we sped over the springy turf, the 
high breeding and mettle of my horse being plainly visible over 
that of the huge beast that struggled by his side. Mile after 
mile was traversed in this way, until the rate and distance 
began to tell perceptibly on the bison, whose protruding tongue 
and labored breathing plainly betrayed his distress. Deter- 
mined to end the chase and bringdown my game, I again placed 
the muzzle of the revolver close to the body of the buffalo, when 
as if divining my intention, and feeling his inability to escape 
by Hight, he suddenly determined to fight, and at once wheeled, 
as only a buffalo can, to gore my horse. So sudden was this 
movement, and so sudden was the corresponding veering of my 
horse to avoid the attack, that to retain my control over him I 
hastily brought up my pistol hand to the assistance of the 
other. Unfortunately as I did so my finger, in the excitement 
of the occasion, pressed the trigger, discharged the pistol, and 
sent the fatal ball into the very brain of the noble animal I 
rode. Running at full speed he fell dead in the course of 
his leap. Quick as thought I disengaged myself from the stir- 
rups and found myself whirling through the air over and beyond 
the head of my horse. My only thought, as I was describing 
this trajectory, and my first thought on reaching terra firma, 
was, " what will the buflalo do with me ? " Although at first 
inclined to rush upon me, my strange procedure seemed to 
astonish him. Either that, or pity for the utter helplessness of 
my condition, inclined him to alter his course and leave me 
alone to my own bitter reflections. 

Such was the close of Custer's first buffalo hunt. He re- 
mained by his dead horse a little while, decidedly cresttallen, 



THE HANCOCK EXPEDITION. 861 

and then started for his command, attended by his dogs only. 
Luckily, the course of his last chase unwittingly took him 
ahead of his own column, and he was found by them. 

The pursuit having failed to catch the village, it was judged 
best that the column should push on for the Smoky Hill Kiver 
stage route, to warn the stations that the Indians were up and 
would soon be on the war-path. This was done, but too late 
for useful purposes. The Indians were already out, and war 
had begun. General Hancock had lost his opportunity when 
he first had the Indian village in his power and allowed it to 
escape. Henceforth, the Indians were more than his match- 
It was Custer's first introduction to Indian warfare, and the 
lesson he then received sunk deep into his heart. He made no 
more mistakes. 

To be sure he was not responsible for the blunders of the 
campaign, not holding chief command. Being a young officer, 
naturally modest, he did not pretend to be competent to advise 
measures in Indian warfare, in which he had as yet no experi- 
ence. Hancock was an old soldier, his experience dating back 
to 1844, and had served on the plains long before the rebellion. 
It was not for Custer to presume to offer an opinion that the 
Indians were fooling his commander, although such was the 
fact. All the remedy left to Hancock was to do what he act- 
ually did, burn up the abandoned village of the Cheyennes and 
Sioux. He did so, and war was formally opened, a war in 
which the Indians had decidedly the best of it. 

Having burned the village, the next thing in order was a 
council. Hancock called one of all the Indian chiefs, and it 
was held at Fort Dodge, Kansas. The result of this council is 
thus adverted to by Custer: 

" The most prominent chiefs in council were Satanta, Lone 
Wolf, and Kickiug-Bird of the Kiowas, and Little Raven and 
Yellow Bear of the Arapahoes. During the council extrava- 
gant promises of future good conduct were made by these chiefs. 
So effective and convincing was the oratorical efltbrt of Sa- 



362 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

tanta, that at the termination of his address the department 
commander and stafi' presented him with the uniform coat, sash, 
and hat of a major-general. In return for this compliment 
Satanta, within a few weeks after, attacked the post at which 
the council was held, arrayed in his new uniform." 

Custer, with the cavalry, had in the meantime marched 
down the stage route, and finally camped at Fort Hays, where 
he was joined by Hancock with the rest of the expedition, at 
the termination of the council. Hancock then left for Fort 
Leavenworth, and, as it soon appeared that the war was fairly 
opened, Custer started on the 1st of June, from Fort Hays, the 
spring grass being fairly started at last. His column consisted 
of three hundred and fifty men of the Seventh Cavalry, and 
twenty wagons, and his course was towards Fort McPherson on 
the Platte River, two hundred and twenty-five miles off. 

It was his first Indian scout. 




CHAPTER II. 
THE FIEST SCOUT. 

G ENSEAL CUSTER gives the object of his journey in 
the following words : It had been decided that m j com- 
mand should thoroughly scout the country from Fort Hays 
near the Smoky Hill river, to Fort McPherson, on the Platte ; 
thence describe a semicircle to the southward, touching the 
head waters of the Republican, and again reach the Platte at or 
near Fort Sedgwick, at which post we would replenish our sup- 
plies ; then move directly south to Fort Wallace, on the Smoky 
Hill, and from there march down the overland route to our 
starting-point at Fort Hays. This would involve a ride of up- 
wards of one thousand miles. 

In telling the story of this, his first Indian expedition, we 
shall, in all cases, adopt Custer's own words, where they are 
practicable. The column saw bat one war party of Indians on 
the way to Fort McPherson, and they were off before they 
could be caught. The scouts learned from the trail that the 
Indians were mounted on stage-horses, showing that they must 
have swept the stage routes clean by this time. 

" At Fort McPherson," says Custer, " we refilled our wag- 
ons with supplies and forage. At the same time, in accordance 
with my instructions, I reported by telegrapli my arrival to 
General Sherman, who was then further west on the line of the 
Union Pacific road. He did not materially change my instruc- 
tions, further than to direct me to remain near Fort McPherson 
until his arrival, which would be in the course of a few days." 

The interval was diversified by another "council," this time 



3Gtt GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

with Pawnee Killer, a Sioux cliief. Like all the other councils 
it amounted to nothing. Pawnee Killer came in to fool the 
white man, to find what he was doing and where he was going. 
The chief promised to bring in his band to encamp by the fort, 
and received from Custer presents of coffee and sugar and such 
finery as gratified his Indian f anc}'. Of course he lied, but Custer 
was in his first season, and learning Indian tactics. Pawnee 
Killer left the fort, and soon after General Sherman arrived. 

The common sense of Sherman realized that Custer, like 
Hancock, had been duped, and he at first proposed to send after 
Pawnee Killer and his band, and to retain some of them as 
hostages. It was too late, so that Custer only learned a valua- 
ble lesson from the transaction. This was, never to trust to 
the professions of an Indian in time of war, when it is his inter- 
est to deceive. 

Failing in catching Pawnee Killer, Custer was ordered 
to move to the forks of the Kepublican river, a country full 
of Indians at all times, and there to try and find Pawnee 
Killer's village, and make that chief do as he had promised. In 
the coming war, it was important to discriminate between friends 
and enemies, not so much for the sake of the Indians as on ac- 
count of the Indian agents and Congress, and still more for fear 
of the newspapers at home. Custer was also to look after the 
Cheyennes and Sioux whom Hancock had let slip. He thus 
describes his departure : 

" Owing to the rough and broken character of the blufis 
which bound the valley of the Platte on the south side, it was 
determined to march np the men about fifteen miles from the 
fort and strike south through an opening in the bluffs known as 
Jack Morrow's canon. General Sherman rode with us as far as 
this point, where, after commending the Cheyennes and Sioux 
to us in his expressive manner, he bade us good-bye, and crossed 
the river to the railroad station on the north side. Thus far we 
had had no real Indian warfare. We were soon to experience 
it, attended by all its frightful barbarities." 



THE FIRST SCOUT. 365 

Nothing particular happened for the first few days ; on the 
fourth, the column reached t!ie forks of the river in the heart of 
the Indian country, and as the adventures of the next few days 
were affected by Custer's determination on reaching that spot, 
it is well to resume in his own words. It must be remembered 
that his force consisted of the Seventh Cavalry, (350 strong and 
20 wagons), exclusive of scouts and guides. Pie thus proceeds : 

When I parted from General Sherman the understanding 
was, that after beating up the country thoroughly about the 
forks of the Republican river, I should march my command to 
Fort Sedgwick, and there I would either see General Sherman 
again or receive further instructions from him. Circumstances 
seemed to favor a modification of this plan, at least as to march- 
ing the entire command to Fort Sedgwick. It was therefore 
decided to send a trusty ofiicer with a suflicient escort to Fort 
Sedgwick with my despatch, and to receive the despatches 
which might be intended for me. My proposed change of pro- 
gramme contemplated a continuous march, which might be pro- 
longed twenty days or more. To this end additional supplies 
were necessary. The guides all agreed in the statement that 
we were then about equidistant from Fort Wallace on tlie south 
and Fort Sedgwick on the north, at either of which the re- 
quired supplies conld be obtained ; but that while the country 
between our camp and the former was generally level and un- 
broken — favorable to the movement of our wagon-train — that 
between us and Fort Sedgwick was almost impassable for heav- 
ily-laden wagons. The train then was to go to Fort Wallace un- 
der sufficient escort, be loaded with fresh supplies, and rejoin 
us in camp. At the same time the officer selected for that mis- 
sion could proceed to Fort Sedgwick, obtain his despatch, and 
return. 

Major Joel A. Elliot, a young officer of great courage and 
enterprise, was selected as bearer of despatches to Fort Sedgwick. 
As the errand was one involving considerable danger, requiring 
for the round trip a ride of almost two hundred miles, through 



366 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

a country which was not only ahnost unknown but infested by 
h^rge numbers of hostile Indians, the Major was authorized to ar- 
range the details in accordance with his own judgment. 

Knowing that small detachments can move more rapidly 
than large ones, and that he was to depend upon celerity of 
mov^ement rather than strength of numbers to evade the numer- 
ous war parties prowling in that vicinity, the Major limited the 
size of his escort to ten picked men and one of the guides, all 
mounted on fleet horses. To elude the watchful eyes of any 
parties that might be noting our movements, it was deemed ad- 
visable to set out from camp as soon as it was dark, and making 
a rapid night ride get beyond the circle of danger. In this way 
the little party took its departure on the night of the 23d of 
June. 

On the same day our train of wagons set out for Fort "Wal- 
lace to obtain supplies. Colonel West * with one full squadron 
of cavalry was ordered to escort the train to Beaver Creek, about 
midway, and there halt with one of his companies, while the 
train, under escort of one company commanded by Lieutenant 
Rob bins, should proceed to the front and return — Colonel West 
to employ the interval in scouting up and down Beaver Creek. 
The train was under special management of Colonel Cook, who 
on this occasion was acting in the capacity of a staff officer. 

After the departure of the two detachments, which left us 
in almost opposite directions, our camp settled down to the dull 
and unexciting monotony of waiting patientlj" for the time when 
we should welcome our comrades back again, and listen to such 
items of news as they miglit bring to us. 

It will be remembered that Custer set out to find Pawnee 
Killer's village. He thus relates how Pawnee Killer found 
him next morning : 

* The rank of the officers of the Seventh Cavalry, owing to the strange 
system of brevets and titles of courtesy in use in our army at the close of the 
•war, is often very puzzling. It is the etiquette of the army to call a man by 
the highest title he has borne, brevet or volunteer, except on duty. West 
was really only a captain, Cook, subsequently mentioned, a lieutenant. 



THE FIRST SCOUT. 367 

It was just that uncertain period between darkness and day- 
]io;ht on tlie following morning, and I was lying in my tent 
deep in the enjoyment of that perfect repose which only camp 
life offers, when the sharp, clear crack of a carbine near by 
brought me to my feet. I knew in an instant that the shot came 
from the picket posted not far from the rear of my camp. At 
the same moment my brother. Colonel Custer, who on that 
occasion was officer of the day and whose duties required him 
to be particularly on the alert, rushed past my tent, halting only 
long enough to show his face through the opening and shout 
" They are here ! " 

Now I did not inquire who were referred to, or how many 
were included in the word " they," nor did my informant seem 
to think it necessary to explain. " They," i-eferred to Indians, 
I knew full well. Had I doubted, the brisk fusillade which 
opened the next moment, and the wild war-whoop, were con- 
vincing evidences that in truth " they were here ! " 

My orderly, as was his custom, on my retiring had securely 
tied all the fastenings to my tent, and it was usually the work of 
several minutes to undo this unnecessary labor. I had no time 
to throw away in this manner. Leaping from my bed, I grasped 
my trusty Spencer, which was always at my side whether wak- 
ing or sleeping, and with a single dash burst open the tent, and, 
hatless as well as shoeless, ran to the point where the attack 
seemed to be concentrated. 

It was sufficiently light to see our enemies and be seen. 
The first shot had brought every man of my command from his 
tent, armed and equipped for battle. The Indians, numbering 
hundreds, were all around the camp, evidently intending to sur- 
round us, while a party of about fifty of their best mounted 
warriors had, by taking advantage of a ravine, contrived to ap- 
proach quite close before being discovered. It was the intention 
of this party to dash through our camp, stampede all our horses, 
wliich were to be caught up by the parties surrounding us, and 
then finish us at their leisure. 



368 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

The picket, however, discovered the approach of this party, 
and by firing gave timely warning, thus frustrating the plan 
of the Indians, who almost invariably base their hopes of success 
npon effecting a surprise. 

My men opened on them such a brisk fire from their car- 
bines that they were glad to withdraw beyond range. The 
picket who gave the alarm was shot down at his post by the 
Indians, the entire party galloping over his body, and being 
prevented from scalping him only by the fire from his comrades 
who dashed out and recovered him. lie was found to be badly 
though not mortally wounded by a rifle ball through the body. 

The Indians, seeing that their attempt to surprise us and 
to stampede our horses had failed, then withdrew to a point 
but little over a mile from us, where they congregated, and 
seemed to hold a conference with each other. We did not fear 
any further attack at this time. They were satisfied with this 
attempt, and would wait another opportunity. 

It was desirable, however, that we should learn if possible 
to what tribe our enemies belonged. I directed one of our 
interpreters to advance midway between onr camp and the 
Indians, and make the signal for holding a parley, and in this 
way ascertain who were the principal chiefs. 

The ordinary manner of opening communication with par- 
ties known or supposed to be hostile, is to ride toward them in 
a zigzag manner or to ride in a circle. The interpreter gave 
the proper signal, and was soon answered by a small party 
advancing from the main body of the Indians to within hailing 
distance. It was then agreed that I, with six of the oflBcers, 
should come to the bank of the river, which was about equidis- 
tant from my camp and from the point where the Indians had 
congregated, and there be met by an equal number of the lead- 
ing chiefs. To guard against treachery, I placed most of my 
command under arms, and arranged with the officer left in 
command that a blast from the bugle should bring assistance to 
me if required. 



THE FIRST SCOUT. 3G9 

Custer then tells how they arrived at the bank of the 
river, and were met by their old friend Pawnee Killer and 
his chiefs, taking matters very coolly. His presence was one 
more lesson for Custer on Indian treachery, and he soon had 
another. On the pretext of coming over to say " How," several 
other Indians waded the river, and finally it appeared as if an 
attempt at murder was to take place, could the white man's sus- 
picions be allayed. Custer then broke oft' the conference, which 
had served no purpose except to inform them who their enemy 
had been. The close of the conference was characteristic; Paw- 
nee Killer, who seems to have imbibed a great contempt for 
the youth and inexperience of Custer, had the impudence to 
beg for coffee, sugar and ammunition. It is needless to say 
that he did not get them. Custer returned to his regiment, and 
pursued the Sioux for some hours, but was unable to catch the 
■fleet Indian ponies with the coarse heavy troop horses of his 
command. He finall}^ returned to camp. 

Soon after returning, more Indians, a very small party, were 
seen in the opposite direction, and Captain Hamilton's troop 
was sent after them. The Indians divided their party, lured 
Hamilton on for several miles, and finally turned on him, as 
soon as he had divided his own party to pursue them. They 
fought Hamilton two to one for about an hour, but he kept 
them off and returned to camp unharmed, having shot two 
Indians dead, and wounded two others. The Indians fought in 
the peculiar manner known as " circling," which will be fully 
described in the next chapter. 

Hamilton's affair occurred in the direction of Fort Sedg- 
wick, whereas Pawnee Killer had retired toward Fort Wallace. 
It became clear therefore, that the country was full of Indians, 
and it became a matter of doubt where they were thickest on 
the route taken by Major Elliot, or that pursued by Kobbins 
and Cook with the wagon train. The party that attacked 
Hamilton numbered forty-three, whereas Pawnee Killer had 
several hundred, but the greatest anxiety was felt for Major 
24 



370 



GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 



Elliot's little band of eleven, which had gone in the other direc- 
tion. Many or few, there were clearly enough Indians on the 
trail to overwhelm him. Major Elliot, however, proved to be 
a careful and skillful officer. In five days after, he rode into 
camp, having trusted to his guide, an old hunter. The party 
had hidden in ravines all day, and only travelled by night. 

The fate of the wagon train falls naturally into another 
chapter. 




■■ill ihViiiiii' "1 liiiiili 



lIllBIIHIlff, 



S,:-Il" 




»rMliil MiyiJBi;i:ui>^ 



CHAPTER III. 
THE WAGON TEAIN". 

THE storj' of the attack on tlie train and its results in con- 
nection with the expedition is thus told by Custer : 

Now that tlie Major and his party had returned to us, our 
anxiety became centred in the fate of the larger party which 
had proceeded with the train to Fort Wallace for supplies. The 
fact that Major Elliot had made his trip unmolested by Indians, 
proved that the latter were most likely assembled south of us, 
that is, between us and Eort "Wallace. Wherever the}'' M^ere, 
their numbers were known to be large. It would be impossible 
for a considerable force, let alone a wagon train, to pass from 
our camp to Fort Wallace and not be seen by the Indian scout- 
ing parties. They had probably observed the departure of the 
train and escort at the time, and, divining the object which oc- 
casioned the sending of the wagons, would permit them to go 
to the fort unmolested, but would waylay them on their return 
in hope of obtaining the supplies they contained. Under this 
supposition the Indians had probably watched the train and 
escort during every mile of their progress ; if so, they would 
not fail to discover that the larger portion of the escort halted 
at Beaver Creek, while the wagons proceeded to the fort guarded 
by on]y forty-eight men ; in which case the Indians would com- 
bine their forces and attack the train at some point between 
Fort Wallace and Beaver Creek. 

Looking at these probable events, I not only felt impelled 
to act promptly to secure the safety of the train and its escort, 
but a deeper and stronger motive stirred me to leave nothing 



372 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

undone to circumvent the Indians. My wife, wlio, in answer 
to my letter, I believed was then at Fort Wallace, would place 
herself under the protection of the escort of the train and at- 
tempt to rejoin me in camp. The mere thought of the danger 
to which she might be exposed spurred me to decisive action. 
One full squadron, well mounted and armed, under the com- 
mand of Lieutenant-Colonel Myers, an oflBcer of great experi- 
ence in Indian affairs, left our camp at dark on the evening of 
the day that Captain Hamilton had had his engagement with 
the Indians, and set out in the direction of Fort Wallace. His 
orders were to press forward as rapidly as practicable, following 
the trail made by the train. "Written orders were sent in his 
care to Colonel West, who was in command of that portion of 
the escort which had halted at Beaver Creek, to join Colonel 
Myers's command with his own, and then to continue the march 
toward Fort Wallace until he should meet the returning train 
and escort. The Indians, however, were not to be deprived of 
this opportunity to secure scalps and plunder. 

From our camp to Beaver Creek was nearly fifty miles. 
Colonel Myers marched his command without halting until he 
joined Colonel West at Beaver Creek. Here the two commands 
united, and under the direction of Colonel West, the senior offi- 
cer of the party, proceeded toward Fort Wallace, following the 
trail left by the wagon-train and escort. If the escort and Colo- 
nel West's forces could be united, they might confidently hope 
to repel any attack made upon them by Indians. Colonel 
West was an old Indian fighter, and too thoroughly accustomed 
to Indian tactics to permit his command to be surprised or de- 
feated in any manner other than by a fair contest. 

Let us leave them for a time and join the wagon-train and 
its escort — the latter numbering, all told, as before stated, forty- 
eight men under the immediate command of Lieutenant Rob- 
bins. Colonel Cook, whose special duty connected him with 
the train and its supplies, could also be relied upon for material 
assistance with the troops, in case of actual conflict with the 



THE WAGON TRAIN. 373 

enemy. Comstock, the favorite scout, a host in himself, was 
sent to guide the party to and from Fort "Wallace. In addition 
to these were the teamsters, who could not be expected to do 
more than control their teams should the train be attacked. 

The march from camp to Beaver Creek was made without 
incident. Here the combined forces of Colonel West and Lieu- 
tenant Kobbins encamped together during the night. Kext 
morning at early dawn Lieutenant Kobbins's party, having the 
train in charge, continued the march toward Fort "Wallace, 
while Colonel "West sent out scouting parties up and down the 
stream to search for Indians. 

As yet none of their party were aware of the hostile atti- 
tude assumed by the Indians within the past few hours, and 
Colonel "West's instructions contemplated a very friendly meet- 
ing between his forces and the Indians, should the latter be dis- 
covered. The march of the train and escort was made to Fort 
"Wallace without interruption. The only incident worthy of 
remark was an observation of Comstock's, which proved how 
thoroughl}' he was familiar with the Indian and his customs. 

The escort w^as moving over a beautifully level plateau, 'Not 
a mound or hillock disturbed the evenness of the surface for 
miles in either direction. To an unpracticed eye there seemed 
no recess or obstruction in or behind which an enemy might be 
concealed, but everything appeared open to the view for miles 
and miles, look in what direction one might. Yet such was not 
the case. Ravines of greater or less extent, though not percepti- 
ble at a glance, might have been discovered if searched for, 
extending almost to the trail over which the party was moving. 
These ravines, if followed, would be found to grow deeper and 
deeper, until after running their course for an indefinite extent, 
they would terminate in the valley of some running stream. 
These were the natural hiding-places of Indian war parties, 
waiting their opportunities to dash upon unsuspecting victims. 
These ravines serve the same purpose to the Indians of the 
timberless plains that the ambush did to those Indians of 



374 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

the Eastern States accustomed to fighting in the forests and 
everglades. Comstock's keen eyes took in all at a glance, and 
be remarked to Colonel Cook and Lieutenant Robbius, as the 
three rode together at the head of the column, that " If the 
Injuns strike us at all, it will be just about the time we are 
comin' along back over this very spot. Now mind what 1 tell 
ye all." We shall see how correct Comstock's prophecy was. 

Arriving at the fort, no time was lost in loading up the 
wagons with fresh supplies, obtaining the mail intended for the 
command, and preparing to set out on the return to camp the 
following day. 

On the following morning Colonel Cook and Lieutenant 
Robbins began their return march. They had advanced one 
half the distance which separated them from Colonel West's 
camp without the slightest occurrence to disturb the monotony 
of their march, and had reached the point where, on passing 
before, Comstock had indulged in his prognostication regarding 
Indians; yet nothing had been seen to excite suspicion or alarm. 

Comstock, always on the alert and with eyes as quick as 
those of an Indian, had been scanning the horizon in all direc- 
tions. Suddenly he perceived, or thought he perceived, strange 
figures, resembling human heads, peering over the crest of a 
hill far away to the right. Hastily leveling his field-glass, he 
pronounced the strange figures, which were scarcely perceptible, 
to be neither more nor less than Indians. The officers brought 
into requisition their glasses, and were soon convinced of the 
correctness of Comstock's report. It was some time before the 
Indians perceived that they were discovered. Concealment 
then being no longer possible, they boldly rode to the crest and 
exposed themselves to full view. At first but twenty or thirty 
made their appearance; gradually their number became aug- 
mented, until about a hundred warriors could be seen. 

It may readily be imagined that the appearance of so con- 
siderable a body of Indians produced no little excitement and 
speculation in the minds of the people with the train. The 



THE WAGON TRAIN. 375 

speculation was as to the intentions of the Indians, M'hether 
hostile or friendly. Upon this subject all doubts were soon 
dispelled. The Indians continued to receive accessions to their 
numbers, the reinforcements coming from beyond the crest of 
the hill on which their presence was first discovered. Finally, 
seeming confident in their superior numbers, the warriors, all 
of whom were mounted, advanced leisurely down the slope 
leading in the direction of the train and its escort. By the aid 
of field-glasses, Comstock and the two oflicers were able to 
determine fully the character of the party now approaching 
them. The last doubt was thus removed. It was clearly to be 
seen that the Indians were arrayed in full war costume, their 
heads adorned by the brilliantly coloi-ed war bonnets, their 
faces, arms, and bodies painted in various colors, rendering their 
naturally repulsive appearance even more hideous. As they 
approached nearer they assumed a certain order in the maimer 
of their advance. Some were to be seen carrying the long 
glistening lance with its pennant of bright colors ; while upon 
the left arm hung the round shield, almost bullet-proof, and 
ornamented with paint and feathers according to the taste of 
the wearer. Nearly all were armed with carbines and one or 
two revolvers, while many in addition to these weapons carried 
the bow and arrow. 

When the entire band had defiled down the inclined slope, 
Comstock and the officers were able to estimate roughly the 
full strength of the party. They were astonished to perceive 
that between six and seven hundred warriors were bearing 
down upon them, and in a few minutes would undoubtedly 
commence the attack. Against such odds, and upon ground so 
favorable for the Indian mode of warfare, it seemed unreasona- 
ble to hope for a favorable result. Yet the entire escort, oflicers 
and men, entered upon their defence with a determination to 
sell their lives as dearly as possible. 

As the coming engagement, so far as the cavalry was con- 
cerned, was to be purely a defensive one, Lieutenant Eobbins 



376 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

at once set about preparing to receive his unwelcome visitors. 
Colonel Cook formed the train in two parallel columns, leaving 
ample space between for the horses of the cavahy. Lieu- 
tenant liobbins then dismounted his men and prepared to fight 
on foot. The led horses, under charge of the fourth trooper, 
were placed between the two columns of wagons, and were 
thus in a measure protected from the assaults which the officers 
liad every reason to believe would be made for their capture. 
The dismounted cavalrymen were thus formed in a regular circle 
enclosing the train and horses. Colonel Cook took command of 
one flank, Lieutenant Robbins of the other, while Comstock, who, 
as well as the two officers, remained mounted, galloped from 
point to point wherever his presence was most valuable. These 
dispositions being perfected, the march was resumed in this 
order, and the attack of the savages calmly awaited. 

The Indians, who were interested spectators of these prep- 
arations for their reception, continued to approach, but seemed 
willing to delay their attack until the plain became a little more 
favorable for their operations. Finall}'', the desired moment 
seemed to have arrived. The Indians had approached to within 
easy range, yet not a shot had been fired, the cavalrymen hav- 
ing been instructed by their officers to reserve their fire for close 
quarters. Suddenly, with a wild ringing war-whoop, the entire 
band of warriors bore down upon the train and its little party 
of defenders. 

On came the savages, filling the air with their terrible yells. 
Their first object, evidently, was to stampede the horses and 
draught animals of the train ; then, in the excitement and con- 
sternation which would follow, to massacre the escort and 
drivers. The wagon-master in immediate charge of the train 
had been ordered to keep his two columns of wagons constantly 
moving forward and well closed up. This last injunction was 
hardly necessary, as the frightened teamsters, glancing at the 
approaching warriors and hearing their savage shouts, were 
sufficiently anxious to keep well closed upon their leaders. 



THE WAGON TRAIN. 377 

The first onslaught of tlie Indians was made on the flank 
which was superintended bj Colonel Cook. They rode boldly 
forward as if to dash over the mere handful of cavalrymen, who 
stood in skirmishing order in a circle about the train. 'Not a 
soldier ftiltered as the enemy came thundering upon them, but 
waiting until the Indians were within short rifle range of the 
train, the cavalrymen dropped upon their knees, and taking de- 
liberate aim poured a volley from their Spencer carbines into the 
ranks of the savages, which seemed to put a sudden check upon 
the ardor of their movements and forced them to wheel off to 
the right. Several of the warriors were seen to reel in their 
saddles, while the ponies of others were brought down or 
wounded by the effectual fire of the cavalrymen. 

Those of the savages who were shot from their saddles were 
scarcely permitted to fall to the ground before a score or more 
of their comrades dashed to their rescue and bore their bodies 
beyond the possible reach of our men. This is in accordance 
with the Indian custom in battle. They will risk the lives of 
a dozen of their best warriors to prevent the body of any one 
of their number from falling into the white man's possession. 
The reason for this is the belief, which generally prevails among 
all the tribes that if a warrior loses his scalp he forfeits his hope 
of ever reaching the happy hunting-ground. 

As the Indians were being driven back by the well-directed 
volley of the cavalrymen, the latter, overjoyed at their first suc- 
cess, became reassured, and sent up a cheer of exultation, while 
Comstock, who had not been idle in the fight, called out to the 
retreating Indians in their native tongue, taunting them with 
their unsuccessful assault. 

The Indians withdrew to a point beyond the range of our 
carbines, and there seemed to engage in a parley. Comstock, who 
had closely watched every movement, remarked that '• There's 
no sich good look for us as to think tliem Injuns mean to give 
it up so. Six hundred red devils ain't agoin' to let fifty men 
stop them from getting at the coffee and sugar that is in these 



378 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

wagoDS. And tliej ain't agoin' to be satisfied until they get 
some of our scalps to pay for the bucks we popped out of their 
saddles a bit ago." 

It was probable that the Indians were satisfied that they 
could not dash through the train and stampede the animals. 
Their recent attempt had convinced them that some other 
method of attack must be resorted to. IS^othing but their 
great superiority in numbers had induced them to risk so much 
in a charge. 

The officers passed along the line of skirmishers — for this in 
reality was all their line consisted of — and cautioned the men 
against wasting their ammunition. It was yet early in the after- 
noon, and should the conflict be prolonged until night, there 
was great danger of exhausting the supply of ammunition. 
The Indians seemed to have thought of this, and the change in 
their method of attack encouraged such a result. 

But little time was spent at the parley. Again the entire 
band of warriors, except those already disabled, prepared to re- 
new the attack, and advanced as before — this time, however, 
with greater caution, evidently desiring to avoid a reception 
similar to the first. When sufiiciently near to the troops the 
Indians developed their new plan of attack. It was not to ad- 
vance en masse, as before, but fight as individuals, each warrior 
selecting his own time and method of attack. This is the habit- 
ual manner of fighting among all the Indians of the Plains, and 
is termed " circling." First the chiefs led off, followed at regular 
intervals by the warriors, until the entire six or seven hundred 
were to be seen riding in single file as rapidly as their fleet-footed 
ponies could carry them. Pi-eserving this order, and keeping 
up their savage chorus of yells, war-whoops, and taunting 
epithets, this long line of mounted barbarians was guided in 
such manner as to envelope the train and escort, and make the 
latter appear like a small circle within a larger one. 

The Indians gradually contracted their ch'cle, although 
maintaining tlie full speed of their ponies, until sufficiently close 



THE WAGON TRAIN. 379 

to open fire upon the soldiers. At first the shots were scatter- 
ing and wide of their mark; but, emboldened by the silence of 
their few but determined opponents, they rode nearer and 
fought with greater impetuosity. J'orced now to defend them- 
selves to the uttermost, the cavalrymen opened fire from their 
carbines, with most gratifying results. The Indians, however, 
moving at such a rapid gait and in single tile, presented a most 
uncertain target. To add to this uncertainty, the savages 
availed themselves of their superior — almost marvellous — powers 
of horsemanship. Throwing themselves upon the sides of their 
well-trained ponies, they left no part of their persons exposed to 
the aim of the troopers except the head and one foot, and in 
this posture they were able to aim the weapons either over or 
under the necks of their ponies, thus using the bodies of the 
latter as an effective shield against the bullets of their adver- 
saries. 

At no time were the Indians able to force the train and its 
escort to come to a halt. The march was continued at an un- 
interrupted gait. Tliis successful defence against the Indians 
was in a great measure due to the presence of the wagons, which, 
arranged in the order described, formed a complete barrier to 
the charges and assaults of the savages ; and, as a last resort, 
the wagons could have been halted and used as a breastwork, 
behind which the cavalry, dismounted, would have been almost 
invincible against their more numerous enemies. There is 
nothing an Indian dislikes more in warfare than to attack a foe, 
however weak, behind breastworks of any kiud. Any con- 
trivance which is an obstacle to his pony is a most serious ob- 
stacle to tlie warrior. 

The attack of the Indians, aggravated by their losses in 
warriors and ponies, as many of the latter had been shot down, 
was continued without cessation for three hours. Tlie supply 
of ammunition of the cavalry was running low. The " fourth 
troopers," who had remained in charge of the led horses be- 
tween the four columns of wagons, were now replaced from the 



380 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

skirmishers, and the former were added to the list of active 
combatants. If the Indians should maintain the fight much 
longer, there was serious ground for apprehension regarding 
the limited supply of ammunition. 

If only night or reinforcements would come ! was the pray- 
erful hope of those who contended so gallantly against such 
heavy odds. Night was still too far off to promise much en- 
couragement ; while as to reinforcements, their coming would 
be purely accidental — at least so argued those most interested 
in their arrival. Yet reinforcements were at that moment 
striving to reach them. Comrades were in the saddle and spur- 
ring forward to their relief. The Indians, although apparently 
turning all their attention to the little band inside, had omitted 
no precaution to guard against interference from outside parties. 
In this instance, perhaps, they were more than ordinarily watch- 
ful, and had posted some of their keen-eyed warriors on the 
high line of bluffs which ran almost parallel to the trail over 
which the combatants moved. From these bluffs not only a 
good view of the fight could be obtained, but the country for 
miles in either direction was spread out beneath them, and 
enabled the scouts to discern the approach of any hostile part}^ 
which might be advancing. Fortunate for the savages that 
this precaution had not been neglected, or the contest in which 
they were engaged might have become one of more equal num- 
bers. To the careless eye nothing could have been seen to 
excite suspicion. But the warriors on the lookout were not 
long in discovering something which occasioned them no little 
anxiety. Dismounting from their ponies and concealing the 
latter in a ravine, they prepared to investigate more fully the 
cause of their alarm. 

That which they saw was as yet but a faint dark line on the 
surface of the plain, almost against the horizon. So faint was 
it that no one but an Indian or practiced frontiersman would 
have observed it. It was fully ten miles from them and directly 
in their line of march. The ordinary observer would have pro- 



THE WAGON TRAIN. 381 

nonnced it a break or irregularity in the ground, or perhaps 
the shadow of a cloud, and its apparent permanency of location 
wonld have dispelled any fear as to its dangerous character. 
But was it stationary? Apparently, yes. The Indians'discov- 
ered otherwise. By close watching, the long faint line could 
be seen moving along, as if creeping stealthily upon an uncon- 
scious foe. Slowly it assumed a more definite shape, until 
what appeared to be a mere stationary dark line drawn upon 
the green surface of the plain, developed itself to the searching 
eyes of the red man into a column of cavahy moving at a rapid 
gait toward the very point they were then occupying. 

Convinced of this fact, one of the scouts leaped upon his 
pony and flew with almost the speed of the wind to impart this 
knowledge to the chiefs in command on the plain below. True, 
the approaching cavalry, being still several miles distant, could 
not arrive for nearly two hours ; but the question to be consid- 
ered by the Indians was, whether it would be prudent for them 
to continue their attack on the train — their ponies already be- 
coming exhausted by the three hours' hard riding given them — 
until the arrival of the fresh detachment of the enemy, whose 
horses might be in condition favorable to a rapid pursuit, and 
thereby enable them to overtake those of the Indians whose 
ponies were exhausted. Unwilling to incur this new risk, and 
seeing no prospect of overcoming their present adversaries by a 
sudden or combined dash, the chiefs decided to withdraw from 
the attack, and make their escape while the advantage was yet 
in their favor. 

The surprise of the cavalrymen may be imagined at seeing 
the Indians, after pouring a shower of bullets and arrows into 
the train, withdraw to the bluffs, and immediately after con- 
tinue their retreat until lost to view. 

This victory for the troopers, although so unexpected, was 
none the less welcome. The Indians contrived to carry away 
with them their killed and wounded. Five of their bravest 



ooa GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

warriors were known to have been sent to the happy hunting- 
gronnd, while the list of their wounded was much larger. 

After the Indians had withdrawn and left the cavalrymen 
masters of the field, our wounded, of whom there were compar- 
atively few, received every possible care and attention. Those 
of the detachment who had escaped unharmed were busily en- 
gaged in exchanging congratulations and relating incidents of 
the fight. 

In this manner nearly an hour had been whiled away, when 
far in the distance, in their immediate front, fresh cause for 
anxiety was discovered. At first the general opinion was that 
it was the Indians again, determined to contest their progress. 
Field-glasses were again called into requisition, and i-evealed, 
not Indians, but the finiiliar blue blouses of the cavalry. Il^ever 
was the sight more welcome. The next moment Colonel Cook, 
with Comstock and a few troopers, applied spurs to their horses 
and were soon dashing forward to meet their comrades. 

The approaching party was none other than Colonel "West's 
detachment, hastening to the relief of the train and its gallant 
little escort. A few words explained all, and told the heroes of 
the recent fight how it happened that reinforcements were sent 
to their assistance ; and then was explained why the Indians 
had so suddenly concluded to abandon their attack and seek 
safety in quietly withdrawing from the field. 




CHAPTER IV. 

THE KIDDER MASSACRE. 

SO far Custer's first Indian campaign had progressed, on the 
whole, favorably. He had been duped by the Indians in 
common with General Hancock, but he had suffered no disaster, 
and all his parties, large or smal], had succeeded in beating off 
the Indians. At that time, the American army in regard to 
the Indians was much in the attitude of the Romans towards 
the Gauls, as depicted by Sallust in the closing sentences of his 
" War against Jugurtha." Sallust says : " The Romans had 
always been strongly of opinion, and now no less so, that all 
other nations must yield to them in bravery ; but that when 
they fought with the Gauls they were to aim only at the pres- 
ervation of their state, and not at glory." Much the same opin- 
ion prevailed among army officers in America, to judge from 
the cautious proceedings, till Custer came. In this campaign, 
as a beginner, he was feeling his way, and learning pretty rap- 
idly. The first disaster that was to befall any of his troops, 
befell an officer sent on a similar errand to that of Major Elliot, 
before mentioned, but in the other direction. 

"On the morning of the 28th," continues Custer, "the train 
returned to the camp on the Republican. All were proud 
of the conduct of those detachments of the command which had 
been brought into actual conflict with the Indians. The heroes 
of the late fights were congratulated heartily upon their good 
luck, while their comrades who liad unavoidably remained in 
camp, consoled themselves with the hope that the next opportu- 
nity might be theirs. 



384 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

" The despatches brought by Major Elliot from General Sher- 
man directed me to continue my march, as had been suggested, 
up the North Eepublican, then strike northward and reach the 
Platte again at some point west of Fort Sedgwick, near Eiver- 
side Station. This programme was carried out. Leaving our 
camp on the Eepublican, we marched ud the north fork of that 
river about sixty miles, then turned nearly due north, and 
marched for the valley of the Platte," 

At the Platte the column arrived, after a march of sixty-five 
miles without water, and found itself near Eiverside Telegraph 
Station, fifty miles west of Fort Sedgwick. They learned that 
the Indians had attacked the nearest stage station the night 
before they arrived, and had killed three men. This information 
was obtained by a detachment which reached the station. 
Custer then relates the incident of the Kidder Massacre as 
follows : 

Believing that General Sherman must have sent later 
instructions for me to Fort Sedgwick, than those last received 
from him, I sent a telegram to the ofiicer in command at the fort, 
making inquiry to that efi'ect. To my surprise I received a 
despatch saying that, the day after the departure of Major Elliot 
and his detachment from Fort Sedgwick with despatches, of 
which mention has been previously made, a second detachment 
of equal strength, viz., ten troopers of the Second United States 
Cavalry, under command of Lieutenant Kidder, and guided by 
a famous Sioux chief Eed Bead, had left Fort Sedgwick with 
important despatches for me from General Shernmn, and that 
Lieutenant Kidder had been directed to proceed to ray camp 
near the forks of the Eepublican, and failing to find rae there, 
he was to follow immediately on my trail until he should over- 
take my command. I immediately telegraphed to Fort Sedg- 
wick that nothing had been seen or heard of Lieutenant Kid- 
der's detachment, and requested a copy of the despatches borne 
by him to be sent me by telegraph. This was done; the 
instructions of General Sherman were for me to march my 



THE KIDDER MASSACRE. 385 

command, as was at first contemplated, across the country from 
the Platte to the Smoky Hill River, striking the latter at Fort 
Wallace. Owing to the low state of my supplies, I determined 
to set out for Fort Wallace at dajdight next morning. 

Great anxiety prevailed throughout the command concern- 
ing Lieutenant Kidder and his party. True, he had precisely 
the same number of men that composed Major Elliot's detach- 
ment when the latter went upon a like mission, but the cir- 
cumstances which would govern in the one case had changed 
when applied to the other. Major Elliot, an officer of expe- 
rience and good judgment, had fixed the strength of his escort, 
and performed the journey before it was positively known that 
the Indians in that section had entered upon the war path. 
Had the attack on the commands of Hamilton, Bobbins, and 
Cook been jnade prior to Elliot's departure, the latter w^ould 
have taken not less than fifty troopers as escort. After an 
informal interchange of opinions between the ofiicers of my 
command regarding the whereabouts of Lieutenant Kidder and 
party, we endeavored to satisfy ourselves with the following 
explanation. Using the capital letter Y for illustration, let us 
locate Fort Sedgwick, from which post Lieutenant Kidder was 
sent with despatches, at the right upper point of the letter. 
The camp of my command at the forks of the Republican would 
be at the junction of the tliree branches of the letter. Fort 
Wallace relatively would be at the lower termination, and the 
point on the Platte at which my command was located the 
morning referred to, would be at the upper termination of the 
left branch of the letter. Robbins and Cook, in going with the 
train to Wallace for supplies, had passed and returned over the 
lower branches. After their return and that of Major Elliot 
and his party, my entire command resumed the march for the 
Platte. We moved for two or three miles out on the heavy 
wagon trail of Robbins and Cook, then suddenly changed our 
direction to the right. It was supposed that Kidder and his 
party arrived at our deserted camp at the forks of the Republi- 
25 



386 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

can about nightfall, but finding us gone had determined to avail 
themselves of the moonlight night and overtake us before we 
should break camp next morning. Riding rapidly in the dim 
light of evening, they had ftiiled to observe the point at which 
we had diverged from the plainer trail of Robbins and Cook, 
and instead of following our trail had continued on the former 
in the direction of Tort Wallace. Such seemed to be a plausi- 
ble if not the only solution capable of being given. 

Anxiety for the fate of Kidder and his party was one of the 
reasons impelling me to set out promptly on my return. From 
our camp at the forks of the Republican to Fort Wallace was 
about eighty miles — but eighty miles of the most dangerous 
country infested by Indians. Remembering the terrible con- 
test in which the command of Robbins and Cook had been 
engaged on this very route within a few days, and knowing 
that the Indians would in all probability maintain a strict 
watch over the trail to surprise any small part}'' which might 
venture over it, I felt in the highest degree solicitous for the 
safety of Lieutenant Kidder and party. Even if he succeeded 
in reaching Fort Wallace unmolested, there was reason to 
apprehend that, impressed with the importance of delivering 
his despatches promptly, he would set out on his return at once 
and endeavor to find my command. 

The third night after leaving the Platte my command en- 
camped in the vicinity of our former camp near the forks of the 
Republican. So far, notliing had been learned which would 
enable us to form any conclusion regarding the route taken by 
Kidder. Comstock, the guide, was frequently appealed to for 
an opinion, which, from his great experience on the plains, 
might give us some encouragement regarding Kidder's safety. 
But he was too cautious and careful a man, both in word and 
deed, to excite hopes which his reasoning could not justify. 
When thus appealed to he would usually give an ominous 
shake of the head and avoid a direct answer. 

On the evening just referred to the officers and Comstock 



THE KIDDER MASSACRE. 387 

■were grouped near headquarters discussing the subject wliich 
was then uppermost in the mind of every one in camp. Com- 
stock had been quietly listening to the various theories and sur- 
mises advanced by different members of the group, but was 
finally pressed to state his ideas as to Kidder's chances of es- 
caping harm. 

" Well, gentlemen,'^ emphasizing the last syllable as was his 
manner, " before a man kin form any ijee as to how this thing 
is likely to end, thar are several things he ort to be acquainted 
with. For instance, now, no man need tell me any p'ints about 
Injuns. Ef I know anything, it's Injuns. I know jest how 
they'll do anything and when they'll take to do it ; but that 
don't settle the question, and I'll tell you why. Ef I knowed 
this young lootenint — I mean Lootenint Kidder — ef I knowed 
what for sort of a man he is, I could tell you mighty near to a 
sartainty all you want to know ; for you see Injun huntin' and 
Injun fightin' is a trade all by itself, and like any other bizness 
a man has to know what he's about, or ef he don't he can't make 
a livin' at it. I have lots uv conscience in the fightin' sense 
of Eed Bead the Sioux chief, who is guidin' the lootenint and 
his men, and ef that Injun kin have his own way thar is a fair 
show for his guidin' 'em through all right; but as I sed before, 
there lays the difiicnlty. Is this lootenint the kind of a man 
who is willin' to take advice, even ef it does cum from an Injnn ? 
My experience with you army folks has alius bin that the 
youngsters among ye think they know the most, and this is 
particularly true ef they hev just cum from West P'int. Ef 
some of them young fellers knowed half as much as they b'lieve 
they do, you couldn't tell them nothin'. As to rale book-larnin', 
why I s'pose they've got it all ; but the fact uv the matter is, 
they couldn't tell the difference twixt the trail of a war party 
and one made by a huntin' party to save their necks. Half uv 
'em when they first cum here can't tell a squaw from a buck, 
just because both ride straddle ; but they soon lam. But that's 
neither here nor thar. I'm told that the lootenint we're talkin' 



388 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

about is a new-comer, and that this is his first scout, Ef that 
be the case, it puts a mighty onsartain look on the whole thing, 
and twixt you and me, gentlemen, he'll be mighty lucky ef he 
gits through all right. To-morrow we'll strike the "Wallace 
trail, and I kin mighty soon tell ef he has gone that way," 

But little comfort was to be derived from these expressions. 
The morrow would undoubtedly enable us, as Comstock had pre- 
dicted, to determine whether or not the lieutenant and his party 
had missed our trail and taken that leading to Fort Wallace. 

At daylight our column could have been seen stretching out 
in the direction of the Wallace trail. A march of a few miles 
brought us to the point of intersection. Comstock and the Del- 
awares had galloped in advance, and were about concluding a 
thorough examination of the various tracks to be seen in the 
trail, when the head of the column overtook them. " "Well, 
what do you find, Comstock ? " was my first inquiry. " They've 
gone toward Fort "Wallace, sure," was the reply; and in support 
of this opinion he added, " The trail shows that tM'elve x\meri- 
can horses, shod all round, have passed at a walk, goiii' in the 
direction of the fort ; and when they went by this p'int they 
were all right, because their horses were movin' along easy, and 
there are no pony tracks behind 'em, as wouldn't be the case ef 
the Injuns had got an eye on 'era." He then remarked, as if in 
parenthesis, " It would be astonishin' ef that lootenint and his 
lay-outs gits into the fort without a scrimmage. He may ; but 
ef he does, it will be a scratch ef ever there was one, and I'll 
lose my confidence in Injuns," 

The opinion expressed by Comstock as to the chances of 
Lieutenant Kidder and party making their way to the fort across 
eighty miles of danger unmolested, was the concurrent opinion 
of all the officers. And now that we had discovered their trail, 
our interest and anxiety became immeasurably increased as to 
their fate. The latter could not remain in doubt much longer, 
as two days' marching would take us to the fort. Alas ! we 
were to solve the mystery without waiting so long. 



THE KIDDER MASSACRE. 389 

Pursuing our way along the plain, heavy trail made by 
Robbins and Cook, and directing Comstock and the Delawares 
to watch closely that we did not lose that of Kidder and his 
party, we patiently but hopefully awaited further develop- 
ments. How many miles we had thus passed over without 
incident worthy of mention, I do not now recall. The sun was 
high in the heavens, showing that our day's march was about 
half completed, when those of us who were riding at the head 
of the column discovered a strange looking object lying directly 
in our path, and more than a mile distant. It was too large for 
a human being, yet in color and appearance, at that distance, 
resembled no animal frequenting the plains with which any of 
us were familiar. Eager to determine its character, a dozen or 
more of our party, including Comstock and the Delawares, gal- 
loped in front. 

Before riding the full distance the question was determined. 
The object seen was the body of a white horse. A closer ex- 
amination showed that it had been shot within the past few days, 
while the brand, U. S., proved that it was a government animal. 
Major Elliot then remembered that while at Fort Sedgwick he 
had seen one company of cavalry mounted upon white horses. 
These and other circumstances went far to convince us that this 
was one of the horses belonging to Lieutenant Kidder's party. 
In fact there was no room to doubt that this was the case. 

Almost the unanimous opinion of the command was that 
there had been a contest with Indians, and this only the first 
evidence we should have proving it. When the column reached 
the point where the slain horse lay, a halt was ordered, to enable 
Comstock and the Indian scouts to thoroughly examine the sur- 
rounding ground to discover, if possible, any additional evi- 
dence, such as empty cartridge shells, arrows, or articles of Indian 
equipment, showing that a fight had taken place. All the horse 
equipments, saddle, bridle, etc., had been carried away, but 
whether by friend or foe could not then be determined. While 
the preponderance of circumstances favored the belief that the 



890 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

horse had been killed bj the Indians, there was still room to 
hope that he had been killed by Kidder's party and the equip- 
ments taken away by them ; for it frequently happens on a 
march that a horse will be suddenly taken ill and be unable for 
the time being to proceed further. In such a case, rather than 
abandon him alive, with a prospect of his recovering and falling 
into the hands of the Indians to be employed against us, orders 
are given to kill him, and this might be the true way of ac- 
counting for the one referred to. 

The scouts being unable to throw any additional light upon 
the question, we continued our march, closely observing the 
ground as we passed along. Comstock noticed that instead of 
the trail showing that Kidder's party was moving in regular 
order, as when at first discovered, there were but two or three 
tracks to be seen in the beaten trail, the rest being found on the 
grass on either side. 

We had marched two miles perhaps from the point where 
the body of the slain horse had been discovered, when we came 
upon a second, this one, like the first, having been killed by a 
bullet, and all of his equipments taken away. Comstock's quick 
eyes were not long in detecting pony tracks in the vicinity, and 
we had no longer any but the one frightful solution to offer : 
Kidder and his party had been discovered by the Indians, prob- 
ably the same powerful and bloodthirsty band which had been 
resisted so gallantly by the men under Robbins and Cook ; and 
against such overwhelming odds the issue could not be doubtful. 

We were then moving over a high and level plateau, unbroken 
either by ravines or divides, and just such a locality as would be 
usually chosen by the Indians for attacking a party of the strength 
of Kidder's. The Indians could here ride unobstructed and en- 
circle their victims with a continuous line of armed and painted 
warriors, while the beleaguered party, from the even character 
of the surface of the plain, would be unable to find any break 
or depression from behind which they might make a successful 
defence. It was probably this relative condition of affairs which 



THE KIDDER MASSACRE. 391 

had induced Kidder and his doomed comrades to endeavor to 
push on in the hope of finding ground favorable to their mak- 
ins: a stand ao:ainst their barbarous foes. 

The main trail no longer showed the footprints of Kidder's 
party, but instead Comstock discovered the tracks of shod horses 
on the grass, witli here and there numerous tracks of ponies, all 
by their appearance proving that both horses and ponies had 
been moving at full speed. Kidder's party must have trusted 
their lives temporarily to the speed of their horses — a danger- 
ous venture when contending with Indians. However, this 
fearful race for life must have been most gallantly contested, 
because we continued our march several miles further -without 
discovering any evidence of the savages having gained any 
advantage. 

How painfully, almost despairingly exciting must have been 
this ride for life ! A mere handful of brave men struggling to 
escape the bloody clutches of the hundreds of red-visaged demons 
who, mounted on their well-trained war ponies, were straining 
every nerve and muscle to steep their hands in the life-blood of 
their victims. It was not death alone that threatened this lit- 
tle band. They were not riding simply to preserve life. They 
rode, and doubtless prayed as they rode, that they might escape 
the savage tortures, the worse than death which threatened them. 
"Would that their prayer had been granted ! 

We began leaving the high plateau and to descend into a 
valley, through which, at the distance of nearly two miles, 
meandered a small prairie stream known as Beaver Creek. The 
valley near the banks of this stream was covered with a dense 
growth of tall wild grass intermingled with clumps of osiers. 
At the point where the trail crossed the stream, we hoped to 
obtain more definite information regarding Kidder's party and 
their pursuers, but we were not required to wait so long. When 
within a mile of the stream I observed several large buzzards 
floating lazily in circles through the air, and but a short dis- 
tance to the left of our trail. This, of itself, might not have 



oy2 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

attracted my attention seriously, but for the rank stench which 
pervaded the atmosphere, reminding one of the horrible sensa- 
tions experienced upon a battle-field when passing among the 
decaying bodies of the dead. 

As if impelled by one thought, Comstock, the Delawares, 
and half a dozen officers, detached themselves from the column, 
and separating into squads of one or two, instituted a search 
for the cause of our horrible suspicions. After riding in all 
directions through the rushes and willows, when about to 
relinquish the search as fruitless, one of the Delawares uttered 
a shout which attracted the attention of the entire command ; 
at the same time he was seen to leap from his horse and as- 
sume a stooping posture, as if critically examining some object 
of interest. Hastening, in common with many others of the 
party, to his side, a sight met our gaze which even at this 
remote day makes my very blood curdle. Lying in irregular 
order, and within a very limited circle, were the mangled 
bodies of poor Kidder and his party, yet so brutally hacked 
and disfigured as to be beyond recognition save as human beings. 

Every individual of the party had been scalped, and his 
skull broken — the latter done by some weapon, probably a 
tomahawk — except the Sioux chief lied Bead, whose scalp had 
simply been removed from his head and then thrown down by 
his side. This, Comstock informed us, was in accordance with 
a custom which prohibits an Indian from bearing off the scalp 
of one of his own tribe. This circumstance, then, told us who 
the perpetrators of the deed were. They could be none other 
than the Sioux, led in all probability by Pawnee Killer. 

Red Bead being less disfigured and mutilated than the 
others, was the only individual capable of being recognized. 
Even the clothes of all the party had been carried away ; some 
of the bodies were lying in beds of ashes, with partly burned 
fragments of wood near them, showing that the savage had put 
some of them to death by the terrible tortures of fire. The 
sinews of the arms and legs had been cut away, the nose of 



THE KIDDER MASSACRE. 393 

every man hacked off, and the features otherwise defaced so 
that it would have been scarce!}' possible for even a relative to 
recognize a single one of the unfortunate victims. We could not 
even distinguish the officer from his men. Each body was pierced 
by from twenty to fifty arrows, and the arrows were found as 
the savage demons had left them, bristling in tlie bodies. 
While the details of that fearful struggle will probably never 
be known, telling how long and gallantly this ill-fated little 
band contended for their lives, yet the surrounding circum- 
stances of ground, empty cartridge shells, and distance from 
where the attack began, satisfied us that Kidder and his men 
fought as only brave men fight when the watchword is victory 
or death. 

As the officer, his men, and his no less faithful Indian 
guide, had shared their final dangers together and met the 
same dreadful fate at the hands of the same merciless foe, it 
was but fitting that their remains should be consigned to one 
common grave. This was accordingly done. A single trench 
was dug near the spot where they had rendered up their lives 
upon the altar of duty. Silently, mournfully, their comrades 
of a brother regiment consigned their mangled remains to 
mother earth, there to rest undisturbed, as we supposed, until 
the great day of final review. But this was not to be so: 
while the closest scrutiny on our part had been insufficient to 
enable us to detect the slightest evidence which would aid us 
or others in identifying the body of Lieutenant Kidder or any 
of his men, it will be seen hereafter how the marks of a moth- 
er's thoughtful affection were to be the means of finding the 
remains of her murdered son, even though months had elapsed 
after his untimely death. 

This sequel to the story mentioned by Custer is told by him 
in narrating subsequent events. It seems that Mr. Kidder, 
father of the lieutenant, came west in search of the body of his 
son, and learned that only a single mark remained, by which to 
identify any of the bodies except that of Red Bead. The inci- 



394 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

dent occurred at Fort Leavenworth in the winter of 1SG7. Cus- 
ter thus describes the interview. 

Mr. Kidder, after introducing himself, announced the object 
of his visit ; it was to ascertain the spot where the remains of 
his son lay buried, and, after procuring suitable military escort 
to proceed to the grave and disinter his son's remains prepara- 
tory to transferring them to a resting place in Dakota, of which 
territory he was at that time one of the judiciary. It was a 
painful task I had to perform when I communicated to the 
father the details of the killing of his son and followers. And 
equally harassing to the feelings was it to have to inform him 
that there was no possible chance for his being able to recog- 
nize his son's remains. " Was there not the faintest mark or 
fragment of his uniform by ■which he might be known ? " in- 
quired the anxious parent. " Not one," was the reluctant reply. 
"And yet, since I now recall the appearance of the mangled 
and disfigured remains, there was a mere trifle which attracted 
my attention, but it could not have been your son who wore it." 
"What was it ? " eagerly inquired the father. " It was simply 
the collar-band of one of those ordinary check overshirts so com- 
monly worn on the plains, the color being black and white ; 
the remainder of the garment, as well as all other articles of 
dress, having been torn or burned from the body." Mr. Kidder 
then requested me to repeat the description of the collar and 
material of which it was made ; happily I had some cloth of 
very similar appearance, and upon exhibiting this to Mr. Kid- 
der, to show the kind I meant, he declared that the body I 
referred to could be no other than that of his murdered son. 
He went on to tell how his son had received his appointment 
in the army but a few weeks before his lamentable death, he 
only having reported for duty with his company a few days 
before being sent on the scout which terminated his life ; and 
how, before leaving his home to engage in the military service, 
his mother, with that thoughtful care and tenderness which only 
a mother can feel, prepared some articles of wearing apparel, 



THE KIDDER MASSACRE. 395 

among others a few shirts made from the checked material 
already described. Mr. Kidder had been to Fort Sedgwick, 
on the Platte, from which post his son had last departed, and 
there learned that on leaving the post he wore one of the 
checked shirts and put an extra one in his saddle pockets. 
Upon this trifling link of evidence Mr, Kidder proceeded four 
hundred miles west to Fort "Wallace, and there being furnished 
with military escort, visited the grave containing the bodies of 
the twelve massacred men. Upon disinterring the remains a 
body was found as I had described it, bearing the simple checked 
collar-band ; the father recognized the remains of his son, and 
thus, as was previously stated, was the evidence of a mother's 
love made the means by which her son's body was recognized 
and reclaimed, when all other had failed. 

In closing this episode, which gives a realizing idea of the 
terrible nature of Indian warfare, it may interest the reader to 
know that the engraving which illustrates it was executed under 
the personal supervision of General Custer himself, during his 
life, as well as that representing the attack on the train. They 
give a truthful idea of two representative scenes, one the Indian 
method of battle, the other the appearance of Indian victims. 
It will be noticed that the slain have their throats cut. This is 
one of the marks by which the scouts knew that the Sioux had 
done it. The Arapahoes mark their victims by slitting the 
right arm, others in other manners. 

It has often excited enquiry as well as horror in white men, 
to know the reason that the present Indians of the plains per- 
petrate these mutilations on the bodies of their slain ; and the 
records seem to point to great exasperation of feeling for the 
principal cause. In the battles of the last century, between 
the wood-Indians and the whites, as well as those in the early 
part of the present cycle, between the prairie-Indians and the 
hardy hunters of the Fur Companies, it is very rare to hear of 
these refinements of mutilation. The slain were scalped, and 
living prisoners were generally taken to the villages for tortures 



396 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

which, however cruel, possessed a certain nobilitj of crueltj-, 
and lacked those peculiarly debasing and disgusting features 
which mark the modern Indian of the plains. Catlin, Bonne- 
ville, Kendall, Lewis and Clark, and all those early voyagers 
who crossed the plains, down to the days of Fremont, record 
no such atrocities in their few contests with Indians, and leave, 
on the whole, a decidedly favorable impression of the savage 
character. At the present day, there is no doubt that such 
things are common, and the real reason is not far to seek, judg- 
ing from the circumstances surrounding both periods. I am 
very strongly inclined to ascribe these mutilations to a mixture 
of hatred and contempt, produced by the diflerent nature of 
the present contests from those waged up to the year 1850. In 
the past century in the woods, and up to 1850 on the plains, 
the Indians were principally fought by frontiersmen and veteran 
regulars, men of physical sti-ength generally superior to the 
Indians, better shots, nearly as good riders, and their superiors 
in hand to hand lights. Above all things, savages respect 
physical prowess and courage, and there are strong indications 
that they were so proud to take the scalp of a brave white 
man, in the days when they respected him, that they scorned 
to otherwise mutilate his body when dead. 

E"ow the case is reversed. They know that, man to man, 
almost all the green recruits in the regular a,vmy fear them, and 
the frontiersmen they meet and mutilate are no longer brave 
hunters, but, in their eyes, despicable tillers of the ground. 
Hating and despising these men as cowards and plodders, yet 
finding themselves, slowly but surely, yielding to these loatlied 
creatures, they take the same satisfaction in hacking them to 
pieces that many white men and boys do in beating a snake. 
This view comes out plainly in the Kidder massacre. The 
warriors mutilated his party, because it ran in the first place, 
and allowed them to conquer it in the second. The only man 
partially respected was the chief Red Bead, probably because 
he was the bravest there.] 



CHAPTER V. 
THE COUET MAETIAL. 

CUSTEE, who had come from the east with much experi- 
ence and more previous success as a cavahy general, had 
speedily discovered, while on the plains, the difference between 
fighting civilized foes and Indians. Ko doubt he had frequently 
been reminded of this difference, and of the experience of older 
officers, in his intercourse with his ofiicial superiors. He was 
now to experience the further difference between getting along 
with a regiment in time of war, formal and declared, and the 
same body in time of nominal and legal peace, but of actual 
hostilities. The occasion of his trouble was during the search 
for Lieutenant Kidder's remains, and is thus described by him- 
self: 

In a previous chapter reference has been made to the state 
of dissatisfaction which had made its appearance among the en- 
listed men. This state of feeling had been principally superin- 
duced by inferior and insufficient rations, a fault for which no 
one connected with the troops in the field was responsible, but 
which was chargeable to persons far removed from the theatre 
of our movements, persons connected with the supply depart- 
ments of the army. Added to this internal source of disquiet, 
we were then on the main line of overland travel to some of our 
most valuable and lately discovered mining regions. The op- 
portunity to obtain marvelous wages as miners and the pros- 
pect of amassing sudden wealth proved a temptation sufficiently 
strong to make many of the men forget their sworn obligations 



398 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

to their government and their duty as soldiers. Forgetting for 
a moment that the command to which they belonged was actu- 
ally engaged in war, and was in a country infested with armed 
bodies of the enemy, and that the legal penalty of desertion 
under such circumstances was death, many of the men formed a 
combination to desert their colors and escape to the mines. 

The first intimation received by any person in authority of 
the existence of this plot, was on the morning fixed for our de- 
parture from the Platte. Orders had been issued the previous 
evening for the command to march at daylight. Upwards of 
forty men were reported as having deserted during the night. 
There was no time to send parties in pursuit, or the capture and 
return of a portion of them might have been effected. 

The command marched southward at daylight. At noon, 
having marched fifteen miles, we halted to rest and graze the 
horses for one hour. The men believed that the halt was made 
for the remainder of the day, and here a plan was perfected 
among the disafiected by which upwards of one-third of the ef- 
fective strength of the command was to seize their horses and 
arms during the night and escape to the mountains. Had the 
conspirators succeeded in piUting this plan into execution, it 
would have been difiicult to say how serious the consequence 
might be, or whether enough true men would remain to render 
the march to Fort "Wallace practicable. Fortunately it was de- 
cided to continue the march some fifteen miles further before 
night. The necessary orders were given and everything was 
being repacked for the march, when attention was called to 
thirteen soldiers who were then to be seen rapidly leaving camp 
in the direction from which we had marched. Seven of these 
were mounted and were moving off at a rapid gallop; the re- 
maining six were dismounted, not having been so fortunate as 
their fellows in procuring horses. The entire party were still 
within sound of the bugle, but no orders by bugle note or 
otherwise served to check or diminish their flight. The boldness 
of this attempt at desertion took every one by surprise. Such 



THE COURT MARTIAL. 399 

an occurrence as enlisted men deserting in broad daj^light and 
under the immediate eyes of their oSicers had never been heard 
of. AVith the exception of the horses of the guard and a few 
belonging to the officers, all others were still grazing and vm- 
saddled. The officer of the guard was directed to mount his 
command promptly, and if possible overtake the deserters. At 
the same time those of the officers whose horses were in readi- 
ness were also directed to join the pursuit and leave no effort 
untried to prevent the escape of a single malcontent. In giving 
each party sent in pursuit instructions, there was no limit fixed 
to the measures which they were authorized to adopt in execut- 
ing their orders. This, unfortunately, was an emergency, 
which involved the safety of the entire command, and required 
treatment of the most summary character. 

It was found impossible to overtake that portion of the 
party which was mounted, as it was afterward learned that they 
had selected seven of the fleetest horses in the command. 
Those on foot, when discovering themselves pursued, increased 
their speed, but a chase of a couple of miles brought the pur- 
suers within hailing distance. 

Major Elliot, the senior officer participating in the pursuit, 
called out to the deserters to halt and surrender. This com- 
mand was several times repeated, but without effect. Finally, 
seeing the hopelessness of further flight, the deserters came to 
bay, and to Major Elliot's renewed demand to throw down their 
arms and surrender, the ringleader drew up his carbine to fire 
upon his pursuers. This was the signal for the latter to open 
fire, which they did successfully, bringing down three of the 
deserters, although two of them were worse frightened than 
hurt. 

Rejoining the command with their six captive deserters, the 
pursuing party reported their inability to overtake those who 
had deserted on horseback. The march was resumed and con- 
tinued until near nightfall, by which time we had placed thirty 
miles between us and our last camp on the Platte. While on 



400 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

theraarcli during the day, a trusty sergeant, one who had served 
as a soldier long and faithfully, imparted the first information 
which could be relied upon as to the plot which had been 
formed by the malcontents to desert in a body. The following 
night had been selected as the time for making the attempt. 
The best horses and arms in the command were to be seized 
and taken away. I believed that the summary action adopted 
during the day would intimidate any who might still be con- 
templating desertion, and was confident that another day's 
march would place us so far in a hostile and dangerous coun- 
try, that the risk of encountering war parties of Indians would 
of itself serve to deter any but large numbers from attempting 
to make their way back to the settlements. To bridge the 
following night in safety was the next problem. While there 
was undoubtedly a large proportion of the men who could be 
fullj^ relied upon to remain true to their obligations and to ren- 
der any support to their officers which might be demanded, yet 
the great difficulty at this time, owing to the sudden devel- 
opment of the plot, was to determine who could be trusted. 

The difficulty was solved by placing every officer in the 
command on guard during the night. The men were assem- 
bled as usual for roll-call at tattoo, and then notified that every 
man must be in his tent at the signal " taps," which would be 
sounded half an hour later ; that their company officers, fully 
armed, would walk the company streets during the entiz-e night, 
and any man appearing outside the limits of his tent between 
the hours of " taps " and reveille would do so at the risk of 
being fired upon after being once hailed. 

The night passed without disturbance, and daylight found 
us in the saddle and pursuing our line of march toward Fort 
Wallace. 

The lesson given by Custer as thus told by him was suffi- 
cient. No further attempt was made at desertion. After the 
finding of the bodies of Lieutenant Kidder's party, the column 
proceeded on its way. It will be remembered that the tele- 



THE COURT MARTIAL. 401 

graphic orders of General Sherman from Fort Sedgwick had 
directed Caster to go to Fort Wallace. 

His proceedings after reaching that point we note, because, 
in connection with the shooting of the deserters, thej consti- 
tuted the ground of his second court martial. The humorous 
commencement and ending of the first, on Custer's graduation 
from West Point, will be remembered. Thoughtless violation 
of military rule got him into trouble then. A very different 
course of conduct took him into similar trouble now. He tells 
his own story as frankly as ever. 

On the evening, says he, of the day following that upon 
which we had consigned the remains of Lieutenant Kidder's party 
to their humble resting-place, the command reached Fort Wal- 
lace on the Smoky Hill route. From the occupants of the fort 
we learned ujuch that was interesting regarding events which 
had transpired during our isolation from all points of commu- 
nication. The Indians had attacked the fort twice within the 
past few days, in both of which engagements men were killed 
on each side. The fighting on our side was principally under 
the command of Colonel Barnitz, whose forces were composed 
of detachments of the Seventh Cavalry. 

Our arrival at Fort Wallace was most welcome as well as 
opportune. The Indians had become so active and numerous 
that all travel over the Smoky Hill route had ceased ; stages 
had been taken off the route, and many of the stage stations had 
been abandoned by the employees, the latter fearing a repetition 
of the Lookout Station massacre, ^o despatches or mail had 
been received at the fort for a considerable period, so that the 
occupants might well have been considered as undergoing a 
state of siege. Added to these embarrassments, which were- 
partly unavoidable, an additional, and, under the circumstances, 
a more frightful danger, stared the troops in the face. We were 
over two hundred miles from the terminus of the railroad over 
which our supplies were drawn, and a still greater distance from 
the main depots of supplies. It was found that the reserve of 
26 



402 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

stores at the post was well-nigh exhausted, and the commanding 
officer reported that he knew of no fresh supplies being on the 
way. 

Ij;:^ecided to select upward of a hundred of the best mounted 
men in my command, and with this force open a way through to 
Fort Harker, a distance of two hundred miles, where I expected 
to obtain abundant supplies ; from which point the latter could 
be conducted, well protected against Indians by my detachment, 
back to Fort Wallace. Owing to the severe marching of the 
past few weeks, the horses of the command were generally in an 
unfit condition for further service without rest. So that after 
selecting upward of a hundred of the best, the remainder might 
for the time be regarded as unserviceable ; such they were in 
fact. There was no idea or probability that the portion of the 
command to remain in camp near Fort Wallace would be called 
upon to do anything but rest and recuperate from their late 
marches. It was certainly not expected that they would be 
molested or called out by Indians ; nor were they. Re- 
garding the duties to be performed by the picked detachment 
as being by far the most important, I chose to accompany it. 

The immediate command of the detachment was given to 
Captain Hamilton, of whom mention has been previously made. 
He was assisted by two other officers. My intention was to 
push through from Fort Wallace to Fort Hays, a distance of 
about one hundred and fifty miles, as rapidly as was practicable ; 
then, being beyond the most dangerous portion of the route, to 
make the remainder of the march to Fort Plarker with half a 
dozen troopers, while Captain Hamilton with his command 
should follow leisurely. Under this arrangement I hoped to 
have a train loaded with supplies at Harker, and in readiness 
to start for Fort Wallace, by the time Captain Hamilton 
should arrive. 

Leaving Fort Wallace about sunset on the evening of the 
15th of July, we began our ride eastward, following the line of 
the overland stag-e route. At that date the Kansas Pacific 



THE COURT MARTIAL. 403 

Railway was only completed as far westward as Fort Ilarker. 
Between Forts Wallace and Harker we expected to find the 
stations of the overland stage company, at intervals of from ten 
to fifteen miles. In time of peace these stations are generally 
occupied by half a dozen employees of the route, embracing the 
stablemen and relays of drivers. They were well supplied with 
firearms and ammunition, and every facility for defending 
themselves against Indians. The stables were also the quarters 
for the men. They were usually built of stone, and one would 
naturally think that against Indians no better defensive work 
would be required. Yet such was not the case. The hay and 
other combustible material usually contained in them enabled 
the savages, by shooting prepared arrows, to easily set them on 
fire, and thus drive the occupants out to the open plain, where 
their fate would soon be settled. To guard against such an 
emergency, each station was ordinarily provided with what on 
the plains is termed a " dug-out." The name implies the char- 
acter and description of the work. The " dng-out " was com- 
monly located but a few yards from one of the corners of the 
stable, and was prepared by excavating the earth so as to form 
an opening not unlike a cellar, which was usually about four 
feet in depth, and sufliciently roomy to accommodate at close 
quarters half a dozen persons. This opening was then covered 
with logs, and loopholed on all sides at a height of a few inches 
above the original level of the ground. The earth was thrown on 
top until the " dng-out " resembled an ordinary mound of earth, 
some four of five feet in height. To the outside observer, no 
means apparently were provided for egress or ingress ; yet such 
was not the case. If the entrance had been made above ground, 
rendering it necessary for the defenders to pass from the stable 
unprotected to their citadel, the Indians would have posted 
themselves accordingly, and picked them off one by one as 
they should emerge from the stable. To provide against this 
danger, an underground passage was constructed in each case, 
leadiiig from the " dng-out " to the interior of the stable. With 



404 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

these arrangements for defence a few determined men could 
withstand the attacks of an entire tribe of savages. The recent 
depredations of the Indians had so demoralized the men at the 
various stations, that many of the latter were found deserted, 
their former occupants having joined their forces with those of 
other stations. The Indians generally burned the deserted 
stations. 

Almost at every station we received intelligence of Indians 
having been seen in the vicinity within a few days of our 
arrival. We felt satisfied they were watching our movements, 
although we saw no fresh signs of Indians until we arrived near 
Downer's station. Here, while stopping to rest our horses for 
a few minutes, a small party of our men, who had without 
authority halted some distance behind, came dashing into our 
midst, and reported that twenty-five or thirty Indians had 
attacked them some five or six miles in rear, and had killed two 
of their number. As there was a detachment of infantry 
guarding the station, and as time was important, we pushed on 
toward our destination. The two men reported killed were left 
to be buried by the troops on duty at the station. Frequent halts 
and brief rests were made along our line of march ; occasionally 
we would halt long enough to indulge in a few hours' sleep. 
About three o'clock on the morning of the 18th, we reached 
Fort Hays, having marched about one hundred and fifty miles 
in fifty -five hours, including all halts. Some may regard this 
as a rapid rate of marching ; in fact, a few officers of the army 
who themselves have made many and long marches (principally 
in ambulances and railroad cars) are of the same opinion. It 
was far above the usual rate of a leisurely made march, but 
during the same season with a larger command I marched sixty 
miles in fifteen hours. This was officially reported, but occa- 
sioned no remark. During the war, and at the time the 
enemy's cavalry under General J. E. B. Stuart made its famous 
raid around the Army of the Potomac in Maryland, a portion 
of our cavalry, accompanied by horse artillery, in attempting 



THE COURT MARTIAL. 405 

to overtake them, marched over ninety miles in twentj-tbur 
hours. A year subsequent to the events narrated in this chap- 
ter, I marched a small detachment eighty miles in seventeen 
hours, every horse accompanying the detachment completing 
the march in as fresh condition apparently as when the march 
began. 

Leaving Hamilton and his command to rest one day at Hays 
and then to follow on leisurely to Fort Harker, I continued my 
ride to the latter post, accompanied by Colonels Cook and Custer 
and two troopers. We reached Fort Harker at two o'clock that 
night, having made the ride of sixty miles without change of ani- 
mals in less than twelve hours. As this was the first telegraph 
station, I immediately sent telegrams to headquarters and to 
Fort Sedgwick, announciug the fate of Kidder and his party. 
General A. J. Smith, who was in command of this military dis- 
trict, had his headquarters at Harker. I at once reported to him 
in person, and acquainted him with every incident worthy of 
mention which had occurred in connection with my command, 
since leaving him, weeks before. Arrangements were made for 
the arrival of Hamilton's party and for a train containing sup- 
plies to be sent back under their escort. Having made my re- 
port to General Smith as my next superior officer, and there 
being no occasion for my presence until the train and escort 
should be in readiness to return, I applied for and received ait- 
thority to visit Fort Riley ^ about ninety miles east of Harker 
hy rail, where my family was then located. 

So ends Custer's story. The civilian reader, who has perused 
the account, will think nothing very wicked was done. Yet, 
for the events narrated in this chapter, Custer was actually 
court-martialed, tried, and sentenced to be suspended from rank 
and pay for a whole year. In the very last sentence of the 
above frank account, the part quoted in italics, the officers at 
the time set over him found the whole wickedness. 

Charges were brought against him on two counts : first, 
for leaving Fort Wallace without permission, marching his 



406 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

men excessively, allowing two of them to be killed, and 
losing several United States horses — all in a journey on 
private business : second, for excessive cruelty and illegal con- 
duct in putting down mutiny in the Seventh, by shooting the 
deserters. 

The second charge was not, however, seriously pressed ; it 
was the first on which his enemies relied, and on which they 
obtained the conviction and sentence. The one inexcusable sin 
which Custer had committed, in the estimation of the military 
authorities, was going to Fort Riley to see his wife, and the 
preparation of the charges was due to the ingenuity of one of 
his personal enemies, an ojfficer who was soon after obliged to 
leave the service for drunkenness. 

The court-martial now under notice, indeed, brings us to 
that part of Custer's life when he was first surrounded with those 
enemies who followed him ever after, and the course of his trial 
will wxU illustrate those future crosses, which were to develop 
him into one of the noblest characters of modern time. Hith- 
erto, Custer had enjoyed a life of constant success. His labors 
had been altogether external, and had included no misfortunes 
nor serious set-backs. In the great Union Yolunteer Army, where 
there were so many prizes, those which he gained had not excited 
that actively malignant envy which he afterwards experienced. 
ISTow, for the first time, he found the atmosphere changed, and 
also found the great and fundamental difference between the 
war service of a great array and the nominal peace service of a 
small one. 

In the present regular army of the XTnited States, the great 
trouble is found in the fact that its rewards are so few, its offi- 
cers so numerous. The consequence is that this little army is 
the constant abiding place, to an extent of which civilians have 
little or no idea, of the most intense jealousy and envy from 
the majority towards every one who possesses any great mili- 
tary merit and has attained early distinction. The one fact, 
and the only one which commands respect in the regular army 



THE. COURT MARTIAL. 40T 

h seniority, and officers are forever computing their place on the 
list of their rank and calculating how soon they will "gain a 
step.'' Before and since the war, merit has no place in the 
promotions of the regular array, the rigid rule of seniority being 
inflexibly adhered to, no services, however brilliant, being 
allowed to confer a single step on the officer rendering them. 
The war changed all this for the time, and promoted, for merit 
alone, a few talented officers, of whom the most conspicuous 
at that time were Sherman, Sheridan and Custer. As a matter 
of course, all three of these officers were then, and are to-day, 
hated most cordially by most other officers, especially by those 
who graduated from West Point before them and found them- 
selves at the close of the war junior to them. The system was 
to blame for this as much as the men, and inevitablj'' tended to 
breed the feeling. The tendency of the seniority rule is and 
alwaj's has been to enervate and destroy military spirit. It 
offers a premium to all the lazy ones, the skulkers, the cowards, 
to keep out of danger themselves, to do anything that promises 
to keep themselves alive and to kill off every senior in their rank, 
so that they may "gain steps." Not an Indian fight comes off, 
not an attack of yellow fever visits a post, but every officer in the 
army falls to calculating how many " steps " he will gain by so 
many deaths. Towards the regular "seniority seniors " as they 
may be called — men who have gained their present rank by living 
long enough, keeping up respectability the while — no animosity 
seems to exist among the juniors. The expectants are always 
looking for another death to give them " a step." It is the 
men of brilliant talent, the real born soldiers, the successful 
ones of the war, that they hate, and how bitterly they hate 
them soon appears when a group of juniors get to drinking 
freely. Then the spite, envy, and jealousy, restrained at 
other times by official reticence and esj)rit de corps, break out ; 
and it is rare, very rare, almost unknown, to hear from army 
officers a single word of frank generous praise of their seniors. 
They can talk as much\ il-natured gossip as fashionable women 

/ ' 



408 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

at a society ball, and for the same reason, each and all, 
jealousy. 

The close of the Indian campaign of 1867 was the first 
experience which came to Custer of the effects of this feeling, 
and from henceforth it dogged him all his life. In the present 
instance, the charges were presented by an officer of his own 
regiment whom he had been compelled to place in arrest for 
repeated drunkenness on duty, and wdio afterwards had to leave 
the service for similar offences. They were carefully and inge- 
niously drawn, and the acts of Custer himself gave them a color 
of reason. He had left Fort Wallace without direct orders, 
but governed by military necessity ; he had made a tremendous 
march ; and some of his men were killed ; and all the main 
facts were as alleged. The only doubt was as to the intention. 
Custer in his defence showed that he was acting under the last 
orders he had received — those from General Sherman — which 
were to move towards Fort Wallace to meet General Hancock^ 
who would give him /mother orders. He showed that when he 
reached Fort Wallace Hancock had already passed through, and 
that he thought it his duty to follow him personally, to obtain 
his orders for the future prosecution of the campaign. He 
showed that while his main command was temporarily quite 
unfit for active work, the picked detachment he took with him 
was quite equal to the march, and that he had acted for the 
best in his journey, to save his men at Fort Wallace from 
threatened starvation. He showed how, when he arrived at 
Fort Harker, he found that General Hancock had actually 
closed the campaign and retired to Fort Leavenworth, and how 
all his labor had been useless. He showed how he had received 
express permission from his district commander to go to Fort 
Riley. He showed in fact, in his written defence, that, what- 
ever the appearance of his actions, he had done all in the yery 
spirit as well as letter of the last verbal orders he had received 
from General Sherman, and he asserted that he should certainly 
do the like again, were he placed in a similar dilemma with simi- 



THE COURT MARTIAL. 409 

lar orders. He pointed out how he might certainl_y have been 
charged with cowardice and inefficiency had he remained idlj at 
Fort Wallace, letting his command rot away piecemeal. 

All his defence was in vain. The Indian campaign of 1867 
was a ridiculous failure, and every army officer in the depart- 
ment felt sore and angry. It was necessary to find a victim, a 
scapegoat, some one to cou,rt-martial, some one to hold up as 
the cause of failure. In tjiis instance Custer was the man 
selected. For very decency, the court could not find any 
criminality in his manner of treating the mutineers of the 
Seventh, but on the first charge and all its important specifica- 
tions they found him guilty of making the journey on private 
business, and therefore of a serious breach of discipline. Con- 
sequently he was sentenced to be suspended from rank and pay 
for a whole year. 

Either this sentence was too severe or too light. Had all 
the accusations been true, and had Custer really made the jour- 
ney he did on private business, he ought to have been dismissed 
the service, no matter what his previous record. The lives of 
brave soldiers are too precious to be sacrificed for the private 
business of any one, however distinguished. That such could 
have been his motive is contradicted alike by his earnest protest, 
and his previous and subsequent record. He never had done 
such a thing before, and never did after. Ko man was ever 
found more thorough and devoted to his ideas of duty. True, 
he was given to exercising his own judgment and discretion 
as to the proper mode of executing an order, a privilege allowed 
to all general officers, especially those of the cavalry. At Win- 
chester and at Sailor's Creek, when receiving an order to 
charge at a wrong place or an unpropitious moment, he had 
assumed the responsibility of choosing his own time, and events 
had justified him fully. He had the example of the great Prus- 
sian cavalry chief, Seydlitz, as a precedent, and that of many 
another great cavalry officer. Seydlitz, waiting for his moment 
at Rossbach (1757), received an order from the king, Frederick 



410 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

the Great, to charge; and sent back word that he would prefer 
to choose his own moment if his majesty would permit him. 
His conduct was approved by the king, and has since been justi- 
fied by the customs of war. 

In Custer's present case the worst tliat could be alleged 
of him on the evidence was an error of judgment, for it was 
obvious that he fully believed, all the while, that he was doing 
right and obeying orders. Such an error of judgment would 
have been amply covered by a reprimand; while a willful dis- 
obedience of orders, prompted only by private business, could 
not have been punished too severely. As it was, the court- 
martial, like all similar bodies, took a middle course. It was 
necessary to punish some one to silence public sneers, and Cus- 
ter was the most convenient scapegoat ; so they degraded him, 
on a flimsy pretence, in 1S67, as he was again degraded on a 
still more flimsy pretext, nine years later, by another person. 
They found him guilty of the charges involving disobedience 
of orders, and gave him such an inadequate sentence for such a 
heinous offence, that even General Grant, reviewing the sen- 
tence at a distance, was compelled to notice the fact, and 
announced that he presumed the court had been so merciful on 
account of the past services rendered by the accused. 

So Custer was degraded, and his enemies were for a brief 
space triumphant. Every elderly respectability in the army, 
every fossil with the sole merit of long service, every senior 
who had enjoyed the sweets of bureau duty during the war, 
every envious drunkard in the army, crowed over the victory, 
and hugged himself to think that this pushing Custer, this 
desperate marcher and fighter, this incarnation of restless 
activity, was out of the way at last, for a year at all events. 

His absence then was a wonderful relief, as his death is now, 
to that numerous class of ofiicers who " make a convenience of 
the service," who are always studying how little they can do 
with respectability, to M'hom such men as Custer are a constant 
silent reproach. How they chuckled over the disgrace of this 



THE COURT MARTIAL. 411 

" lucky fellow " this " favorite," this " pet." Truly their turn 
had come at last and for a while they were happy. 

After a few months, however, things began to look a little less 
smooth for " convenience men." "Unluckily for them, behind 
the army lies the great body of tax-payers, who do not admire 
the " convenience men," and even apply to them such ignomini- 
ous slang terms as " dead beats " and " useless soldiers." The 
great body of tax-payers began to growl, through the medium 
of some impudent newspapers, and the criticisms on the man- 
agement of the Indian campaign were the reverse of compli- 
mentary. The result was that General Sheridan was ordered 
to take command of this Indian country, and he arrived at Fort 
Leavenworth, where Custer was tried, just after the promulga- 
tion of the sentence. Sheridan, as we well know, had a pretty 
fair acquaintance with the merits of Custer, and was likely to 
understand his case. What he thought of it is evinced by a 
single circumstance, though etiquette closed his lips from criti- 
cism of trial or sentence. 

When he arrived, he found Custer a disgraced man, out of 
the service for a year, with no right to quarters and no apparent 
resource but to go away to Monroe. Sheridan, as department 
commander, possessed a suite of apartments at Fort Leaven- 
worth, and he insisted on Custer's occupation of these, just as 
long as he pleased ; so that instead of being sent home in dis- 
grace, the young culprit found himself just where he was before, 
with the sole exception that he was free from duty. Hardly 
could Sheridan have displayed in a more pointed manner, with- 
out speaking, his conviction of the injustice and malice of the 
action in Custer's case than he thus did, and the action is one 
of the bravest and most creditable of all the brave deeds of that 
frank, outspoken soldier, whose motto, like Custer's, might well 
be " Nescio mentireP 

With Sheridan for his friend, possessing the active sympathy 
of every good officer in his own regiment, and finally seeing the 
remorse even of his reckless accuser, Custer could well afford to 



412 



GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 



pass the winter at Leavenworth. It was not till the spring that 
he began to experience the real miseries of his position. "When 
the Indian campaign came on, and he was compelled to see the 
regiment depart for active service, wliile he staid behind, then 
indeed he could no longer bear his position at the scene of action. 
He broke up his household and returned to Monroe, which he 
reached in June. The time was coming, though he knew^ it 
not, for the greatest triumph of his life. Hitherto, the seniority 
element had had its own way. This summer was to prove 
whether seniority or merit is the best ally in fighting an 
active enemy. 




CHAPTER VI. 
THE WINTER CAMPAIGK 

IT can hardly be said that Custer did penance for his mis- 
deeds in leaving Fort Wallace, by indulgence in sackcloth 
and ashes to any great extent. He retained, at this period of 
his life, a great deal of the boy's nature with which he had 
started. He had gone into his troubles regftrdless of the con- 
sequences, and having encountered them, was bound to make 
the best of it. As he tells us, while his regiment, under com- 
mand of General Sully, as part of a large expedition, was study- 
ing how to kill Indians, Custer himself was trying to kill time. 
He pursues with his usual naivette : 

" My campaign was a decided success. I established my 
base of operations in a most beautiful little town on the west- 
ern shores of Lake Erie, from which I projected various hunt- 
ing, fishing, and boating expeditions. With abundance of 
friends and companions, and ample success, time passed pleas- 
antly enough ; yet with all there was a constant longing to be 
with my comrades in arms in the far West, even while aware of 
the fact that their campaign was not resulting in any material 
advantage. I had no reason to believe that I would be per- 
mitted to rejoin them until the following winter." 

During the time of Custers enforced retirement, the Indian 
war languished. In the summer of 1868 General Sully, witli the 
Seventh Cavalry and some infantry, marched against the com- 
bined Cheyennes, Arapahoes and Kiowas, whom he struck near 
the present site of Camp Supply. After quite an animated fight, 
General Sully gave up the attempt to proceed further, and re- 



414 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

tired, substantially defeated. This was in the Indian Territory, 
not far from the north-western border of Texas. At the same 
time that Sully was operating down there, General " Sandy " For- 
syth, with a company of scouts and plainsmen, enlisted for special 
purposes, was scouting to the north round the Forks of the 
Republican, the same country where Custer had met Pawnee 
Killer the previous year. After some successes, Forsyth's party 
■was at last surrounded by the Sioux, and besieged in a little 
island, where the scouts lost all their horses, six men killed, eight 
crippled for life, and twelve more wounded, out of a total of fifty- 
one men, the rest being only saved from total annihilation by 
the arrival of reinforcements. 

Altogether, the summer campaign against both Northern 
and Southern Indians had been a failure. The troops had lost 
men and prestige, the Indians had lost nothing but men killed 
in action. The fight with Forsyth took place the third week in 
September, and the fact of his being desperately wounded ren- 
dered it impossible to rely on him for any more work, while 
General Sully was getting too old for real active service against 
such foes as the Indians. It was on the 24th of September 
that Custer, who was then at Monroe, received the following 
telegram : 

''Headquaeters Department of the Missouri, 
In the Field, Fort Hays, Kansas, September 24, 1868. 

"General Gr. A. Custer, Monroe, Michigan: 

Generals Sherman, Sully, and myself, and nearly all the 
officers of your regiment, have asked for you, and I hope the ap- 
plication will be successfuL Can you come at once ? Eleven 
companies of your regiment will move about the 1st of October 
against the hostile Indians, from Medicine Lodge creek towards 
the Wichita mountains. 

P. H. Sheridan, Major-General Commanding." 

It may surprise the reader to hear that Custer, if he obeyed 
this request, disobeyed the letter of the law just as much as 
when he left Fort Wallace without orders, a proceeding which 



THE WINTER CAMPAIGN. 415 

cost him a3;ear's retirement, owing to the strictures of red tape. 
He had been by the War Department especially enjoined from 
taking command of his regiment ; arid his sentence had been 
approved by the President. No less authority could give him 
leave to go into the field. However, he decided to take the 
risk of Sheridan's application being refused, and accordingly 
started at once. It was almost worth a court-martial and a 
year's retirement to receive such a despatch. Red tape and 
envy had sent him home, and tried to get along without him, 
but red tape and envy were found unequal to the tasks of war. 
Like law, red tape is all very nice while people choose to sub- 
rait to it, but it depends on the consent of the governed. In 
the case of the Indians, as in the case of the Confederates, it 
proved useless, for both spurned it. A man was wanted, and 
they had to send for Custer. 

He telegraphed to Sheridan that he was coming by the next 
train, and by the next train he went. He was overtaken at a 
way station by a telegram from the adjutant-general of the army, 
directing hira to report to Sheridan, so that, for this once, red 
tape yielded gracefully, and legalized his journey. The rest of 
his story we shall tell briefly and as much in his own words as 



" Arriving at Fort Hays," says Custer, " on the morning of 
the 30th, I found General Sheridan, who had transferred his 
headquarters temporarily from Fort Leavenworth to that point, 
in order to be nearer the field of operations. My regiment was at 
that time on or near the Arkansas River, in the vicinity of Fort 
Dodge, and about three easy marches from Fort Hays. After 
remaining at General Sheridan's headquarters one day and re- 
ceiving his instructions, I set out with a small escort across the 
country to Fort Dodge to resume command of my regiment. 
Arriving at Fort Dodge without incident, I found General Sully, 
who at that time was in command of the district in which my 
regiment was serving. "With the exception of a few detach- 
ments, the main body of the regiment was encamped on Bluff 



416 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Creek, a small tributary of the Arkansas, the camp being some 
thirty miles southeast from Fort Dodge. Taking with me the 
detachment at the fort, I proceeded to the main camp, arriving 
there in the afternoon." 

He found his regiment practically in a state of siege, the 
Indians having become so impudent that they fired into the 
pickets almost every afternoon, and made the vicinity of the 
camp decidedly dangerous. 

His arrival changed matters materially. All that the troops 
needed was a man like Custer at their head, one who was not 
afraid of the enemy. The afternoon of his arrival was distin- 
guished by a skirmish, and the very same night he inaugurated 
the first scout against the Indians in which the regiment had 
indulged since General Sully's repulse. Four squadrons were 
sent out in different directions, each accompanied by scouts, and 
it is on this occasion that we are first introduced to Custer's 
great subsequent ally and friend, California Joe, whom he here 
appointed chief of scouts. He thus describes the meeting, in 
which Joe received news of his promotion : 

"After the oflicial portion of the interview had been com- 
pleted, it seemed proper to Joe's mind, that a more intimate 
acquaintance between us should be cultivated, as we had never 
met before. His first interrogatory, addressed to me in fur- 
therance of this idea, was frankly put as follows : 

" ' See hyar, Gineral, in order that we hev no misonder- 
standin', I'd jest like to ask ye a few questions.' 

" Seeing that I had somewhat of a character to deal with, I 
signified ray perfect willingness to be interviewed by him. 

" ' Air you an ambulance man, ur a boss man ? ' 

" Pretending not to discover his meaning, I requested him 
to explain. 

" ' I mean do you b'leve in catchin' Injuns in ambulances or 
on hossback ? ' 

" Still assuming ignorance, I replied, ' Well, Joe, I believe in 
catching Indians wherever we can find them, whether the}' are 



THE WINTER CAMPAIGN. 417 

fonnd in ambulances or on horseback.' This did not satisfy 
hira. 

" ' That ain't what I'm drivin' at. S'pose you're after Injuns 
and really want to hev a tussle with 'em, would ye start after 
'em on hossback, or would ye climb into an ambulance and be 
hauled after 'em ? That's the pint I'm headin' fur.' 

" I answered that I would prefer the method on horseback, 
provided I really desired to catch the Indians ; but if I wished 
them to catch me, I would adopt the ambulance system of 
attack. 

" This reply seemed to give him complete satisfaction. 

" ' You've hit the nail squar on the hed. I've bin with 'em 
on the plains whar they started out after the Injuns on wheels, 
jist as ef they war goin' to a town funeral in the states, an' they 
stood 'bout as many chances uv catch in' Injuns az a six-mule 
team wud uv catchin' a pack of thievin' Ki-o-tees, jist as much. 
Why that sort uv work is only fun fur the Injuns ; they don't 
want anything better. Ye ort to've seen how they peppered 
it to us, an' we a doin' nuthin' a' the time. Sum uv 'em wuz 
'fraid the mules war goin' to stampede and run off with the 
train an' all our forage and grub, but that wuz impossible ; fur 
besides the big loads uv corn an' bacon an' baggage the wagons 
hed in them, thar war from eight to a dozen infantry men piled 
into them besides. Ye ort to hev heard the quartermaster in 
charge uv the train tryin' to drive the infantry men out of the 
wagons and git them into the fight. I 'spect he wuz an Irish- 
man by his talk, fur he sed to them, " Git out uv thim wagons ; 
yez'll hev me tried fur disobadience uv ordhers fur marchin' 
tin min in a wagon whin I've ordhers but fur ait ! ' " 

Joe's career as a chief scout was cut short. He got drunk 
the very first night, and another man was put in his place, but 
as a scout, pure and simple, he remained with Custer the rest 
of the campaign, and did good service. 

The first night's expeditions found no Indians. They served 
however, to accustom the regiment to taking the aggressive 
97 



418 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

once more ; and the Indians, finding the trails of the four par- 
ties, realized the fact that their enemies had ceased to fear 
them. The next move was to transfer the regiment from Bluff 
Creek to Medicine Lodge Creek, which was done the day after. 
The reason for the move was that the war-parties that annoyed 
the camp were said to come from the direction of Medicine 
Lodge Creek, and it was always Custer's instinct to beat up his 
enemies in their own quarters. As soon as he started out, the 
waiting Indians charged his wagon train, which was in the 
rear, and compelled him to detach two companies for a rear- 
guard to repel their attacks. Having driven them off without 
halting, they abandoned the attempt to stop his march, and he 
established a temporary camp at Medicine Lodge Creek. After 
scouting a few days in that vicinity, he marched the regiment 
to Fort Dodge, on the Arkansas Kiver, and put them into camp 
on the 21st of October, 1868, where they remained till Novem- 
ber 12th, when they started on the soon-to-be-famous Washita 
campaign. 

Custer made this halt in his movement for one purpose. 
He had found on his arrival in camp, that the Seventh Cavalry 
was not what it used to be. So many of the old men had 
deserted, encouraged by the fact that their commander had 
been court-martialed for stopping desertion, and so many 
recruits had been put in, that the regiment, as a whole, was 
greener than when it started. It was full enough as to num- 
bers, but the men liad not been drilled : they could not ride, 
they could not shoot, and they were to be pitted against " the 
best light cavalry in the world." He saw plainly, that if he 
wanted to get a regiment tit to fight the Indians, he must give it 
a little training. The three weeks' encampment at Fort Dodge 
was accordingly devoted to the individual instruction of the 
men in rifle shooting and riding; and, to secure emulation, he or- 
ganized a picked body of forty men, to be called the sharpshoot- 
ers, and to be selected from the men showing the best records of 
shootinof in the command. These were commanded by Colonel 



THE WINTER CAMPAIGN. 419 

Cook, the same young officer who with Robbins, had defended 
the train the previous year. The horses of the regiment were 
then divided off into squadrons, each of a single color, and the 
result of all the preparations was that, on the 12th of Novem- 
ber, 1868, Custer led out of camp a smart regiment of horse, 
able to give a good account of themselves. Hfe had entirely 
remade the Seventh Cavalry, and he had laid the foundations 
of a regimental pride which was soon to be consolidated by the 
triumph of the Washita. 

Tlie question may now be asked, what was the object of 
moving out of camp into the Indian country at the very begin- 
ning of winter. Custer tells the reason in a few words. It 
was the policy of Sheridan, founded on rude common sense. 

" We had crossed weapons with the Indians," says Custer, 
" time and again during the mild summer months, when the 
rich verdure of the valleys served as bountiful and inexhausti- 
ble granaries in supplying forage to their ponies, and the 
immense herds of buffalo and other variety of game roaming 
undisturbed all over the plains supplied all the food that was 
necessary to subsist the war parties, and at the same time to 
allovv their villages to move freely from point to point ; and 
the experience of both officers and men went to prove that in 
attempting to fight Indians in the summer season we were 
yielding to them the advantages of climate and supplies — we 
were meeting them on ground of their own selection, and at a 
time when every natural circumstance controlling the result of 
a campaign was wholly in their favor ; and as a just conse- 
quence the troops, in nearly all these contests with the red 
men, had come off second best. 

" During the fall, when the buffaloes are in the best condi- 
tion to furnish food, and the hides are suitable to be dressed as 
robes, or to furnish covering for the lodges, the grand annual 
hunts of the tribes take place, by which the supply of meat for 
the winter is procured. This being done, the chiefs determine 
upon the points at which the village shall be located ; if the 



420 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

tribe is a large one, tlie village is often subdivided, one portion 
or band remaining at one point, other portions choosing locali- 
ties within a circuit of thirty or fort_y miles. 

"Even during a moderate winter season, it is barely possible 
for the Indians to obtain sufficient food for their ponies to keep 
the latter in anything above a starving condition. Many of the 
ponies actually die from want of forage, while the remaining 
ones become so weak and attenuated that it requires several 
weeks of good grazing in the spring to fit them for service — 
particularly such service as is required from the war ponies. 
Guided by these facts, it was evident that if we chose to avail 
ourselves of the assistance of so exacting and terrible an ally 
as the frosts of winter — an ally who M'ould be almost as unin- 
viting to friends as to foes — we might deprive our enemy of his 
points of advantage, and force him to engage in a combat in 
which we should do for him what he had hitherto done for us ; 
compel him to fight upon ground and under circumstances of 
our own selection. To decide upon making a winter campaign 
against the Indians was certainly in accordance with that max- 
im in the art of war which directs one to do that which the 
enemy neither expects nor desires to be done. At the same 
time it would dispel the old-fogy idea, which w^as not without 
supporters in the army, and which was confidently relied on by 
the Indians themselves, that the winter season was an insur- 
mountable barrier to the prosecution of a successful campaign." 

This policy of a winter campaign was inaugurated by Gen- 
eral Sheridan ; and Custer, with his old eager assent to anything 
requiring action, cooperated with him lieartily. The regiment 
being in good trim, thirteen of the Osage Indians, a semi-civil- 
ized tribe living on their reservations, were engaged as scouts 
and the expedition started from Fort Dodge, November 12th. 

It was well planned for success. A train of four hundred 

wagons, with a guard of infantry, was to accompany the 

• Seventh Cavalry to the edge of the Indian country, and then 

establish a depot of supplies, from which the cavalry could move 



THE WINTER CAMPAIGN. 421 

out on a three or four days' march, with a secure basis on which 
to fall back in " Camp Supply," as the new station was named. 
Custer was not in command of the whole expedition, but Gen- 
eral Sully conducted the march in such a manner as to encoun- 
ter the least possible danger from any Indians that should attack 
them while encumbered with this enormous supply train. Cus- 
ter thus describes the arrangements : 

" The country over which we wei'e to march was favorable to 
us, as we were able to move our trains in four parallel columns 
formed close together. This arrangement shortened our flanks 
and rendered them less exposed to attack. The following 
morning after reaching Mulberry Creek the march was resumed 
soon after daylight, the usual order being : the four hundred 
wagons of the supply train and those belonging to the troops 
formed in four equal columns ; in advance of the wagons at a 
proper distance rode the advance guard of cavali-y; a corre- 
sponding cavalry force formed the rear-guard. The remainder 
of the cavalry was divided into three equal detachments ; these 
six detachments were disposed of along the flanks of the col- 
umn, three on a side, maintaining a distance between themselves 
and the train of from a quarter to a half mile, while each 
of them had flanking parties thrown out opposite the train, 
rendering it impossible for an enemy to appear in any direction 
without timely notice being received. The infantry on begin- 
ning the march in the morning were distributed throughout the 
train in such manner that should the enemy attack, their ser- 
vices could be rendered most efi"ective. Unaccustomed, how- 
ever, to field service, particularly marching, the infantry appar- 
ently were only able to march for a few hours in the early part 
of the day, when, becoming weary, they would straggle from 
their companions and climb into the covered wagons, from 
which there was no determined eflbrt to rout them. In the 
afternoon there would be little evidence perceptible to the eye 
that infantry formed any portion of the expedition, save here 
and there the butt of a musket or point of a bayonet peeping 



422 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

out from under the canvas wagon covers, or perhaps an officer 
of infantry, " treading alone his native heath," or better still, 
mounted on an Indian pony — the result of some barter with the 
Indians when times were a little more peaceable, and neither 
wars nor rumors of wars disturbed the monotony of garrison 
life." 

Nothing of interest occurred, however, till the command 
reached Camp Supply, where it lay some days, when General 
Sheridan arrived. His arrival was the signal for Custer's eman- 
cipation from the control of General Sully, whose age and ex- 
treme caution had served as a continual curb on the fiery young 
chief of horse ; and he narrates it with evident glee. 

" Hearing of his near approach, I mounted my horse and was 
soon galloping beyond the limits of camp to meet him. If there 
were any persons in the command who hitherto had been in 
doubt as to whether the proposed winter campaign was to be 
a reality or otherwise, such persons soon had cause to dispel all 
mistrust on this point. Selecting from the train a sufficient 
number of the best teams and wagons to transport our supplies 
of rations and forage, enough to subsist the command upon for 
a period of thirty days, our arrangements M-ere soon completed, 
by which the cavalry, consisting of eleven companies and num- 
bering between eight and nine hundred men, were ready to re- 
sume the march. In addition, we were to be accompanied by a 
detachment of scouts, among the number being California Joe ; 
also our Indian allies from the Osage tribe, headed by Little 
Beaver and Hard Kope. As the country in which we were to 
operate was beyond the limits of the district which constituted 
the command of General Sully, that officer was relieved from 
further duty with the troops composing the expedition, and in 
accordance with his instructions withdrew from Camp Supply 
and returned to his headquarters at Fort Harker, Kansas, ac- 
companied by Colonel Keogh, Seventh Cavalry, then holding 
the position of staff officer at district headquarters. 

"After remaining at Camp Supply six days, nothing was re- 



THE WINTER CAMPAIGN. 423 

quired but the formal order directing the movement to com- 
mence. This came in the shape of a brief letter of instructions 
from Department headquarters. Of course, as nothing was 
known positively as to the exact whereabouts of the Indian vil- 
lages, the instructions had to be general in terms. In substance, 
I was to march mj command in search of the winter hiding- 
places of the hostile Indians, and wherever found, to administer 
such punishment for past depredations as my force was able to. 
On the evening of November 22d, orders were issued to be in 
readiness to move promptly at daylight the following morning. 
That night, in the midst of other final preparations for a long 
separation from all means of communication with absent friends, 
most of us found time to hastily pen a few parting lines, in- 
forming them of our proposed expedition, and the uncertainties 
with which it was surrounded, as none of us knew when or 
where we should be heard from again, once we bade adieu to 
the bleak hospitalities of Camp Supply. It began snowing the 
evening of the 22d, and continued all night, so that when the 
shrill notes of the bugle broke tlie stilhiess of the morning air 
at reveille on the 23d, we awoke at four o'clock to find the 
ground covered with snow to a depth of over one foot, and the 
storm still raging in full force. Surely this was anything but 
an inviting prospect as we stepped from our frail canvas shel- 
ters and found ourselves standing in the constantly and i-apidly 
increasing depth of snow which appeared in every direction. 

" ' How will this do for a winter campaign ? ' was the half 
sarcastic query of the adjutant, as he came trudging back to 
the tent through a field of snow extending almost to the top of 
his tall troop boots, after having received the reports of the 
difierent companies at reveille. ' Just what we want,' was the 
reply. Little grooming did the shivering horses receive from 
the equally uncomfortable troopers that morning. Breakfast 
was served and disposed of more as a matter of form and regu- 
lation than to satisfy the appetite. It still lacked some minutes 
of daylight when the various commanders reported their com- 



424 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

raands in readiness to move, save the final act of saddling the 
horses. While the}' were thus employed, I improved the time 
to gallop through the darkness across the narrow plain to the 
tents of General Sheridan, and say good-by. I found the 
headquarter tents wrapped in silence, and at first imagined that 
no one was yet stirring except the sentinel in front of the 
General's tent, who kept up his lonely tread, apparently indif- 
ferent to the beating storm. But I had no sooner given the 
bridle-rein to my orderly than the familiar tones ot the General 
called out, letting me know that he was awake, and had been 
an attentive listener to our notes of preparation. His first 
greeting was to ask wliat I thought about the snow and the 
storm. To which I replied that nothing could be more to our 
purpose. We could move and the Indian villages could not. 
With an earnest injunction from my chief to keep him in- 
formed, if possible, should anything important occur, and many 
hearty wishes for a successful issue to- the campaign, I bade 
him adieu. By the time I rejoined my men tliey had saddled 
their horses and were in readiness for the march. ' To horse ' 
was sounded, and each trooper stood at his horse's head. Then 
followed the commands ' Prepare to mount ' and ' Mount,' 
when nothing but the signal 'Advance' was required to put 
the column in motion. The band took its place at the head of 
the column, preceded by the guides and scouts, and when the 
march began it was to the familiar notes of that famous old 
marching tune, ' The girl I left behind me.' " 
The Wasliita campaign was begun. 




CHAPTER VII. 
BATTLE OF THE WASHITA. 

THE march of the Seventh Cavaby was begun in the face 
of the Winding snowstorm ; and before they had gone 
many miles, even the Indian guides owned that they had lost 
their way and could not recognize the country till the snow 
ceased. It had been intended to encamp at Wolf Creek, fifteen 
miles from Camp Supply, but the guides could not find it. 
Most men would have stopped, in the face of such obstacles. 
l!^ot so Custer. He took his course by the pocket compass, be- 
came his own guide, and reached Wolf Creek in the afternoon. 
JN^ext morning at dawn the column started, with eighteen inches 
of snow on the ground, but a clear sky overhead, with a cold 
north wind. The march was continued with little incident ex- 
cept the cold, through a country abounding in game, where they 
found plenty of bufflilo. At last they crossed the Canadian 
River. The crossing with the wagons occupied the best part 
of a day, and during that time Major Elliot, with three troops, 
was despatched on a scout down the Canadian to hunt for Indian 
sign. So far the column had met no Indians. Bad as the storm 
was for the soldiers, the Indians had found it still worse. It 
had made them hug their lodges. 

The last wagon of the Seventh Cavalry had crossed the 
ford, and was parked on the plains to the south, when a courier 
from Major Elliot came dashing in, to report to Custer that 
Elliot had found the fresh trail of a war party, 150 strong, lead- 
ing nearly due south, with a trifle of easting. It was evidently 
that of the last war-party of the season, going home, disgusted 



426 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

with the cold weather ; and the snow had given it into Custer's 
hands. There was no more difficulty about finding the Indian 
village. Custer's perseverance and pluck in marching away in 
the midst of a blinding snow storm had been rewarded by 
" Custer's hick." A little earlier start, and the war party would 
have probably found him, not he them. As it was, he had the 
advantage of a surprise: he was in the heart of the Indian 
country, and as yet unperceived : the snow had proved his sal- 
vation. The pursuit was almost immediately taken up. Custer 
gave the regiment just twenty minutes to prepare : then, leaving 
eighty men, with the poorest horses, as a guard for the wagons, 
ihe started with the rest, provided only with what supplies could 
DC carried on the horses, to intercept Major Elliot's party. 
The train was ordered to follow the trail of the regiment. 

Custer struck off at an angle, to intercept Elliot's supposed 
course. That officer, having started the Indian trail twelve 
miles down the river, and at right angles thereto, it was prob- 
able that if Custer moved off to the south-east, he would cut the 
line of march. Just about sunset he found it, but it was not till 
nine o'clock at night that the whole command overtook Elliot's 
party, in camp on the trail of the Indians. Then the whole 
regiment, 800 strong, was reunited at last. They remained an 
hour in camp, getting supper and feeding the horses ; and at ten 
resumed the march. They were already in the valley of the 
"Washita Kiver, and so close to their enemies that henceforth 
we must let Custer tell the story his own way. He says : 

As soon as each troop was ,in readiness to resume the pur- 
suit, the troop commander reported that fact at headquarters. 
Ten o'clock came and found us in our saddles. Silently the 
command stretched out its long length as the troopers filed off 
four abreast. First came two of our Osage scouts on foot i^hese 
were to follow the trail and lead the command : they were 
our guides ; and the panther, creeping upon its prey, could not 
have advanced more cautiously or quietly than did these friendly 
Indians, as they seemed to glide rather than walk over the 



BATTLE OF THE WASHITA. #97 

snow-clad surface. To prevent the possibility of the command 
coming precipitately upon our enemies, the two scouts were 
directed to keep three or four hundred yards in advance of all 
others ; then came, in single iile, the remainder of our Osage 
guides and the white scouts — among the rest California Joe. 
With these I rode, that I might be as near the advance guard 
as possible. The cavalry followed in rear, at the distance of a 
quarter or half a mile ; this precaution was necessary, from the 
fact that the snow, which had thawed slightly during the day, 
was then freezing, forming a crust which, broken by the tread 
of so many hundreds of feet, produced a noise capable of being 
heard at a long distance. Orders were given prohibiting even ' 
a word being uttered above a whisper. No one was permitted 
to strike a match or light a pipe — the latter a great deprivation 
to the soldier. In this silent manner we rode mile after mile. 
Occasionally an officer would ride by my side and whisper some 
inquiry or suggestion, but aside from this our march was un- 
broken b}' sound or deed. At last we discovered that our two 
guides in front had halted, and were awaiting "my arrival. 
"Word was quietly sent to halt the column until inquiry in front 
could be made. Upon coming up with the two Osages we 
were furnished an example of the wonderful and peculiar powers 
of the Indian. One of them could speak broken English, and 
in answer to my question as to "What is the matter?" he 
replied, " Me don't know, but me smell fire." By this time 
several of the officers had quietly ridden up, and upon being in- 
formed of the Osage's remark, each endeavored, by sniffing the 
air, to verify or disprove the report. All united in saying that 
our guide was mistaken. Some said he was probably fright- 
ened, but we were unable to shake the confidence of the Osage 
warrilgr in his first opinion. I then directed him and his com- 
panion to advance even more cautiously than before, and the 
column, keeping up the interval, resumed its march. After 
proceeding about half a mile, perhaps further, again our guides 
halted, and upon coming up with them I was greeted with the 



428 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

remark, uttered in a whisper, " Me told you so ; " and sure 
enough, looking in the direction indicated, were to be seen the 
embers of a wasted lire, scarcely a handful, yet enough to prove 
that our guide was right, and to cause us to feel the greater 
confidence in him. The discovery of these few coals of fire 
produced almost breathless excitement. The distance from 
where we stood was from seventy-five to a hundred yards, not 
in the line of our march, but directly to our left, in the edge 
of the timber. We knew at once that none but Indians, and 
they hostile, had built that fire. Where were they at that 
moment ? Perhaps sleeping in the vicinity of the fire. 

It was almost certain to our minds that the Indians we had 
been pursuing were the builders of the fire. Were they still there 
and asleep ? We were too near already to attempt to withdraw 
undiscovered. Our only course was to determine the facts at 
once, and be prepared for the worst. I called for a few volun- 
teers to quietly approach the fire and discover whether there 
were Indians in the vicinity ; if not, to gather such information 
as was obtainable, as to their numbers and departure. All the 
Osages, and a few of the scouts quickly dismounted, and with 
rifles in readiness and fingers on the triggers, silently made 
their wa}^ to the nearest point of the timber, Little,Beaver and 
Hard Eope leading the way. After they had disappeared in 
the timber, they still had to pass over more than half the dis- 
tance, before reaching the fire. These moments seemed like 
hours, and those of us who were left sitting on our horses, in 
the open moonlight, and within easy range from the spot where 
the tire was located, felt anything but comfortable during this 
suspense. If Indians, as then seemed highly probable, were 
sleeping around the fire, our scouts would arouse them and we 
would be in a fair way to be picked ofi" without being in a posi- 
tion to defend ourselves. The matter was soon determined. 
Our scouts soon arrived at the fire, and discovered it to be 
deserted. Again did the skill and knowledge of our Indian 
allies come in play. Had they not been with us, we should 



BATTLE OF THE WASHITA. 429 

inidoubtedlj have assumed that the Indians who had had occa- 
sion to build the fire and those we were pursuing constituted 
one party. From examining the lire and observing the great 
number of pony tracks in the snow, the Osages arrived at a dif- 
ferent conchision, and were convinced that we were then on the 
ground used by the Indians for grazing their herds of ponies. 
The lire had been kindled by the Indian boys, who attend to 
the herding, to warm themselves by, and in all probability we 
were then within two or three miles of the village. I will not 
endeavor to describe the renewed hope and excitement that 
sprang up. Again we set out, this time more cautiously if 
possible, than before, the command and scouts moving at a 
greater distance in rear. 

In order to judge of the situation more correctly, I this time 
accompanied the two Osages. Silently we advanced, I mounted, 
they on foot, keeping at the head of my horse. Upon nearing 
the crest of each hill, as is invariably the Indian custom, one of 
the guides would hasten a few steps in advance, and peer cau- 
tiously over the hill. Accustomed to this, I was not struck by 
observing it until once, when the same one who had discovered 
the lire advanced cautiously to the crest, and looked carefully 
into the valley beyond. I saw him place his hand above his 
eyes as if looking intently at some object, then crouch down and 
come creeping back to where I waited for him. " What is if?'' 
I inquired as soon as he reached my horse's side. ''Heaps 
Injuns down there," pointing in the direction from which he 
had just come. Quickly dismounting and giving the reins to 
the other guide, I accompanied the Osage to the crest, both of 
us crouching low so as not to be seen in the moonlight against 
the horizon. Looking in the direction indicated, I could 
indistinctly recognize the presence of a large body of 
animals of some kind in the valley below, and at a dis- 
tance which then seemed not more than half a mile. I looked 
at them long and anxiously, the guide uttering not a word, 
but was unable to discover anything in their appearance difier- 



430 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

ent from what might be presented by a herd of buffalo under 
similar circumstances. Turning to the Osage, I inquired in a 
low tone why he thought there were Indians there. " Me 
heard dog bark," was the satisfactor}'- reply. Indians are 
noted for the large number of dogs always found in their villa- 
ges, but never accompanying their war parties. I waited 
quietly to be convinced ; I was assured, but wanted to be 
doubly so. I was rewarded in a moment by hearing the bark- 
ing of a dog in the heavy timber off to the right of the herd, 
and soon after I heard the tinkling of a small bell ; this con- 
vinced me that it was really the Indian herd I then saw, the 
bell being one worn around the neck of some pony who was 
probably the leader of the herd. I turned to retrace my steps 
when another sound was borne to my ear through the cold, 
clear atmosphere of the valley — it was the distant cry of an 
infant ; and savages though they were, and justly outlawed by 
the number and atrocity of their recent murders and depreda- 
tions on the helpless settlers of the frontier, I could but regret 
that in a war such as we were forced to engage in, the mode 
and circumstances of battle would possibly prevent discrimi- 
nation. 

Leaving the two Osages to keep a careful lookout, I has- 
tened back until I met the main party of the scouts and Osages. 
They were halted and a message sent back to halt the cavalry, 
enjoining complete silence, and directing every officer to ride to 
the point we then occupied. The hour was past midnight. 
Soon they came, and after dismounting and collecting in a 
little circle, I informed them of what I had seen and heard ; 
and in order that they might individually learn as much as 
possible of the character of the ground and the location of the 
village, I proposed that all should remove their sabres, that 
their clanking might make no noise, proceed gently to the crest 
and there obtain a view of the valley beyond. This was done ; 
not a word was spoken until we crouched together and cast our 
eyes in the direction of the herd and village. In whispers I 



BATTLE OF THE WASHITA. 431 

briefly pointed out everything that was to be seen, then mo- 
tioned all to return to where we had left our sabres ; then, 
standing in a group upon the ground or crust of snow, the plan 
of the attack was explained to all and each assigned his part. 
The general plan was to employ the hours between then and 
dayliglit to completely surround the village, and, at daybreak, 
or as soon as it was barely light enough for the purpose, to 
attack the Indians from all sides. The command, numbering 
as has been stated, about eight hundred mounted men, was 
divided into four nearly equal detachments. Two of them set 
out at once, as they had each to make a circuitous march of 
several miles in order to arrive at the points assigned them 
from which to make their attack. The third detachment 
moved to its position about an hour before day, and until that 
time remained with the main or fourth column. This last, whose 
movements T accompanied, was to make the attack from the 
point from which we had first discovered the herd and village. 
Major Elliot commanded the column embracing G, H and M 
troops. Seventh Cavalry, which moved around from our left to 
a position almost in rear of the village ; while Colonel Thompson 
commanded the one consisting of B and F troops, which moved 
in a corresponding manner from our right to a position which 
was to connect with that of Major Elliot. Colonel Myers com- 
manded the third column, composed of E and I troops, which 
was to take position in the valley and timber a little less than 
a mile to my right. By this disposition it was hoped to pre- 
vent the escape of every inmate of the village. That portion 
of the command which I proposed to accompany consisted of 
A, C, D, and K troops, Seventh Cavalry, the Osages and scouts, 
and Colonel Cook with his forty sharpshooters. Captain Hamil- 
ton commanded one of the squadrons. Colonel West the other. 
After the first two columns had departed for their posts — it 
was still four hours before the hour of attack — the men of the 
other two columns were permitted to dismount, but much 
intense suffering was unavoidably sustained. The night grew 



432 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

extremely cold towards morning; no fires of course could be 
permitted, and the men were even ordered to desist from 
stamping their feet and walking back and forth to keep warni, 
as the crushing of the snow beneath produced so much noise 
that it might give the alarm to our wily enemies. 

During all these long weary hours of this terribly cold and 
comfortless night each man sat, stood, or lay on the snow by his 
horse, holding to the rein of the latter. The officers, buttoning 
their huge overcoats closely about them, collected in knots of 
four or five, and, seated or reclining npon the snow's hard crust, 
discussed the probabilities of the coming battle — for battle we 
knew it would be, and we could not hope to conquer or kill the 
warriors of an entire village without suffering in i-eturn more 
or less injury. Some, wrapping their capes about their heads, 
spread themselves at full length upon the snow and were appar- 
ently soon wrapped in deep slumber. After being satisfied that 
all necessary arrangements were made for the attack, I imitated 
the example of some of my comrades, and gathering the cavalry 
cape of my great coat about my head, lay down and slept 
soundly for perhaps an hour. At the end of that time I awoke, 
and on consulting my watch found there remained nearly two 
hours before we would move to the attack. Walking about 
among the horses and troopers, I found the latter generally hud- 
dled at the feet of the former in squads of three and four, in 
the endeavor to keep warm. Occasionally I would find a small 
group engaged in conversation, the muttered tones and voices 
strangely reminding me o^ those heard in the death-chamber. 
The officers had disposed of themselves in similar but various 
ways ; here at one place were several stretched out together 
upon the snow, the body of one being used by the others as 
a pillow. Nearly all were silent ; conversation had ceased, and 
those who were prevented by the severe cold from obtaining 
sleep were no doubt fully occupied in their minds with thoughts 
upon the morrow and the fate that might be in store for them. 
Seeing a small group collected under the low branches of a tree 



BATTLE OF THE WASPIITA. 433 

which stood a little distance from the ground occupied by the 
troops, I made my waj^ there to find the Osage warriors, with 
their chiefs, Little Beaver and Hard Rope. They were wrapped 
up in their blankets, sitting in a circle, and had evidently made 
no effort to sleep during the night. It was plain to be seen 
that they regarded the occasion as a momentous one, and that 
the coming battle had been the sole subject of their conference. 
What the views expressed by them were, I did not learn until after 
the engagement was fought, when they told me what ideas they 
had entertained regarding the manner in which the white men 
would probably conduct and terminate the struggle next day. 
After the success of the day was decided, the Osages told me 
that, with the suspicion so natural and peculiar to the Indian 
nature, they had, in discussing the proposed attack upon the 
Indian village, concluded that we would be outnumbered by 
the occupants of the village, who of course would light with the 
utmost desperation in defence of their lives and lodges, and to 
prevent a complete defeat of our forces or to secure a drawn 
battle, we might be induced to engage in a parley with the hos- 
tile tribe, and on coming to an agreement we would probably, 
to save ourselves, offer to yield up our Osage allies as a compro- 
mise measure between our enemies and ourselves. They also 
mistrusted the ability of the whites to make a successful attack 
upon a hostile village, located — as this one was known to be — 
in heavy timber, and aided by the 'natural banks of the stream. 
Disaster seemed certain in the minds o^the Osages to follow us, 
if we attacked a force of unknown strength and numbers ; and 
the question with them was to secure such a position in the at- 
tack as to be able promptly to detect any move disadvantageous 
to them. With this purpose they came to the conclusion that 
the standard-bearer was a very important personage, and neither 
he nor his standard would be carried into danger or exposed to 
the bullets of the enemy. They determined therefore to take' 
their station immediately behind my standard-bearer when the 
lines became formed for attack to follow him during the action, 
28 



434 GENERAL GEORGE A, CUSTER. 

and thus be able to watch onr movements, and if we were suc- 
cessful over our foes to aid us; if the battle should go against 
us, then they, being in a safe position, could take advantage of 
circumstances and save themselves as best they might. 

Turning from our Osage friends, who were, unknown to us, 
entertaining such doubtful opinions as to our fidelity to them, 
I joined another group near by, consisting of most of the white 
scouts. Here were California Joe and several of his compan- 
ions. One of the latter deserves a passing notice. He was a 
low, heavy-set Mexican, with features resembling somewhat 
those of the Ethiopian — thiv^k lips, depressed nose, and low 
forehead. He was quite a .young man, probably not more than 
twenty-five years of age, but had passed the greater portion of 
his life with the Indians, had adopted their habits of life and 
modes of dress, and had married among them. Familiar with 
the language of the Cheyennes and other neighboring tribes, 
he was invaluable both as a scout and interpreter. His real 
name was Komero, but some of the oflScers of the command, 
with whom he was a sort of favorite, had dubbed him Romeo, 
and by this name he was always known, a sobriquet to which 
he responded as readily as if he had been christened under it ; 
never protesting, like the original Romeo : 

Tut, I have lost myself ; I am not here ; 
This is not Romeo, he's some other where. 

The scouts, like nearly all the other members of the com- 
mand, had been interchanging opinions as to the result of the 
movements of the following day. Not sharing the mistrust 
and suspicion of the Osage guides, yet the present experience 
was in many respects new to them, and to some the issue seemed 
at least shrouded in uncertainty. Addressing the group, I be- 
gan the conversation with the question as to what they thought 
of the prospect of our having a fight. " Fight ! " responded 
California Joe ; " I havn't nary doubt concernin' that part uv 
the business; what Pve been tryin' to get through my topknot 



BATTLE OF THE WASHITA. 435 

all night is whether we'll run aginst more than we bargain fur." 
" Then you do not think the Indians will run away, Joe ? " 
" Eun away ! How in creation can Injnns or anybody else run 
away when we'll have 'em clean surrounded afore daylight ? " 
" Well, suppose then that we succeed in surrounding the vil- 
lage, do 3^ou think we can hold our own against the Indians ? " 
" That's the very pint that's been botherin' me ever since we 
planted ourselves down here, and the only conclusion I kin 
com.e at is that it's purty apt to be one thing or t'other ; if we 
jump these Injuns at daylight, we're either goin' to make a 
spoon or spile a horn, an' that's my candid judgment, sure. 
One thing's sartin, ef thenj Injuns doesn't har anything uv us 
till we open on 'em at daylight, they'll be the most powerful 
'stonished redskins that's been in these parts lately — they will, 
sure. An' ef we git the bulge on 'em and keep puttin' it to 'em 
sort a lively like, we'll sweep the platter — thar won't be nary 
trick left for 'em. As the deal stands now, we hold the keerds 
and are holdin' over 'em ; they've got to straddle our blind or 
throw up their hands. Howsomever, thar's a mightj^ sight in 
the draw." 

The night passed in quiet. I anxiously watched the open- 
ing signs of dawn in order to put the column in motion. We 
were only a few hundred yards from the point from which we 
were to attack. The moon disappeared about two hours before 
dawn, and left us enshrouded in thick and utter darkness, mak- 
ing the time seem to drag even slower than before. 

At last faint signs of approaching day were visible, and I 
proceeded to collect the officers, awakening those who slept. 
We were standing in a group near the head of the column, when 
suddenly our attention was attracted by a remarkable sight, and 
for a time we felt that the Indians had discovered our presence. 
Directly beyond the crest of the hill which separated us from 
the village, and in a line with the supposed location of the latter, 
we saw rising slowly but perceptibly, as we thought, up from 
the village, and appearing in bold relief against the dark sky as 



436 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

a background, something which we could only compare to a signal 
rocket, except that its motion was slow and regular. All eyes were 
turned to it in blank astonishment, and but one idea seemed to 
be entertained, and that was that one or both of the attacking 
columns under Elliot or Thompson had encountered a portion 
of the village, and this that we saw was the signal to other por- 
tions of the band near at hand. Slowly and majestically it con- 
tinued to rise above the crest of the hill, first appearing as a 
small brilliant flaming globe of bright golden hue. As it as- 
cended still higher it seemed to increase in size, to move more 
slowly, while its colors rapidly changed from one to the other, 
exhibiting in turn the most beautiful combinations of prismatic 
tints. There seemed to be not the shadow of a doubt that we 
were discovered. The strange apparition in the heavens main- 
tained its steady course upward. One anxious spectator, ob- 
serving it apparently at a standstill, exclaimed, " How long it 
hangs fire ! why don't it explode ? *' still keeping the idea of a 
signal rocket in mind. It had risen perhaps to the height of 
half a degree above the horizon as observed from our position, 
when, lo ! the mystery was dispelled. Rising above the mysti- 
fying influences of the atmosphere, that which had appeared so 
suddenly before us, and excited our greatest apprehensions, de- 
veloped into the brightest and most beautiful of morning stars. 
Often since that memorable morning have I heard officers re- 
mind each other of the strange appearance which had so excited 
our anxiety and alarm. In less perilous moments we probably 
would have regarded it as a beautiful phenomenon of nature, of 
which so many are to be witnessed through the pure atmos- 
phere of the plains. 

All were ordered to get ready to advance ; not a word to 
officer or men was spoken above undertone. It began growing 
lighter in the east, and we moved forward toward the crest of 
the hill. Up to this time two of the officers and one of the 
Osages had remained on the hill overlooking the valley beyond, 
so as to detect any attempt at a movement on the part of the 



BATTLE OF THE WASHITA. 437 

village below. These now rejoined the troops. Colonel West's 
squadron was formed in line on the right, Captain Hamilton's 
squadron in line on the left, while Colonel Cook with his 
forty sharpshooters was formed in advance of the left, dis- 
mounted. Although the early morning air was freezingly 
cold, the men were directed to remove their overcoats and ha- 
versacks, so as to render them free in their movements. Before 
advancing beyond the crest of the hill, strict orders were issued 
prohibiting the firing of a single shot until the signal to attack 
should be made. The other three detachments had been in- 
formed before setting out that the main column would attack 
promptly at daylight, without waiting to ascertain whether they 
were in position or not. In fact it would be impracticable to 
communicate with either of the first two until the attack began. 
The plan was for each party to approach as closely to the village 
as possible without being discovered, and there await the ap- 
proach of daylight. The regimental band was to move with my 
detachment, and it was understood that the band should strike 
up the instant the attack opened. Colonel Myers, commanding 
the third party, was also directed to move one-half of his de- 
tachment dismounted. In this order we began to descend the 
slope leading down to the village. The distance to the timber 
in the valley proved greater than it had appeared to the eye in 
the darkness of the night. We soon reached the outskirts of 
the herd of ponies. The latter seemed to recognize us as hos- 
tile parties and moved quickly away. The light of day was 
each minute growing stronger, and w^e feared discovery before 
we could approach near enough to charge the village. The 
movement of our horses over the crusted snow produced con- 
siderable noise, and would doubtless have led to our detection, 
but for the fact that the Indians, if they heard it at all, pre- 
sumed it was occasioned by their herd of ponies. I would have 
given much at that moment to know the whereabouts of the 
two columns first sent out. Had they reached their assigned 
positions, or had unseen and unknown obstacles delayed or mis- 



438 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

led them ? These were questions which could not then be an- 
swered. We had now reached the level of the valley, and 
began advancing in line toward the heavy timber in which, and 
close at hand, we knew the village was situated. 

Immediately in rear of my horse came the band, all mounted, 
and each with his instrument in readiness to begin playing the 
moment their leader, who rode at their head, and who kept his 
cornet to his lips, should receive the signal. I had previously 
told liim to play "Garry Owen" as the opening piece. We 
had approached near enough to the village now to plainly catch 
a view here and there of the tall white lodges as they stood in 
irregular order among the ti-ees. From the openings at the top 
of some of them we could perceive faint columns of smoke 
ascending, the occupants no doubt having kept up their feeble 
fires during the entire night. We had approached so near the 
village that from the dead silence which reigned I feared the 
lodges were deserted, the Indians having fled before we ad- 
vanced. I was about to turn in my saddle and direct the signal 
for attack to be given — still anxious as to where the other 
detachments were — when a single rifleshot rang sharp and clear 
on the far side of the village from where we were.- Quickly 
turning to the band leader, I directed him to give us " Garry 
Owen." At once the rollicking notes of that familiar marching 
and fighting air sounded forth through the valley, and in a 
moment were re-echoed back from the opposite sides by the 
loud and continued cheers of the men of the other detachments, 
who, true to their orders, were there and in readiness to pounce 
upon the Indians the moment the attack began.- In this man- 
ner the battle of the Washita commenced. The bugle sounded 
the charge, and the entire command dashed rapidly into the 
village. The Indians were caught napping; but realizing at 
once the dangers of their situation, they quickly overcame 
their first surprise, in an instant seized their rifles, bows, and 
arrows, and sprang behind the nearest trees, while some leaped 
into the stream, nearly waist deep, and using the bank as a rifle- 



BATTLE OF THE WASHITA. 439 

pit, began a vigorous and determined defence. Mingled with 
the exultant cheers of my men could be heg,rd the defiant war- 
whoop of the warriors, who from the first fought with a despera- 
tion and courage which no race of men could surpass. Actual 
possession of the village and its lodges was ours within a few 
moments after the charge was made, but this was an empty vic- 
tory unless we could vanquish the late occupants, who were 
then pouring in a rapid and well-directed fire from their stations 
behind trees and banks. At the first onset a considerable num- 
ber of the Indians rushed from the village in the direction from- 
which Elliot's party had attacked. Some broke through the 
lines, while others came in contact with the mounted troopers, 
and were killed or captured. 

We had gained the centre of the village, and were in the 
midst of the lodges, while on all sides could be heard the sharp 
crack of the Indian rifles and the responses from the carbines 
of the troopers. After disposing of the smaller and scattering 
parties of warriors, who had attempted a movement down the 
valley, and in which some were successful, there was but little 
opportunity left for the successful employment of mounted 
troops. As the Indians by this time had taken cover behind 
loofs and trees, and under the banks of the stream which flowed 
through the centre of the village, from which stronghold it was 
impracticable to dislodge them by the use of mounted men, a 
large portion of the command was at once ordered to fight on 
foot, and the men were instructed to take advantage of the 
trees and other natural means of cover, and fight the Indians in 
their own style. Cook's sharpshooters had adopted this method 
from the first, and with telling effect. Slowly but steadily the 
Indians were driven from behind the trees, and those who 
escaped the carbine bullets posted themselves with their com- 
panions who were already firing from the banks. One party of 
troopers came upon a squaw endeavoring to make her escape, 
leading by the hand a little white boy, a prisoner in the hands 
of the Indians, and who doubtless had been captured by some 



44:0 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

of their war parties during a raid upon the settlements. Who 
or where his parents were, or whether still alive or murdered 
by the Indians, will never be known, as the squaw, finding her- 
self and prisoner about to be surrounded by the troops, and her 
escape cut off, determined, with savage malignity, that the 
triumph of the latter should not embrace the rescue of the 
white boy. Casting her ej^es quickly in all directions, to con- 
vince herself that escape was impossible, she drew from beneath 
her blanket a huge knife and plunged it into the almost naked 
body of her captive. The next moment retributive justice 
reached her in the shape of a well-directed bullet from one of 
the troopers' carbines. Before the men could reach them life 
was extinct in the bodies of both the squaw and her unknown 
captive. 

The desperation with which the Indians fought may be 
inferred from the following : Seventeen w^arriors had posted 
themselves in a depression in the ground, which enabled them 
to protect their bodies completely from tlie fire of our men, 
and it was only when the Indians raised their heads to fire 
that the troopers could aim with any prospect of success. All 
efforts to drive the warriors from this point proved abortive, 
and resulted in severe loss to our side. They were only van- 
quished by our men securing position under cover and picking 
them ofl' by sharpshooting as they exposed themselves to get a 
shot at the troopers. Finally the last one was despatched in 
this manner. In a deep ravine near the suburbs of the village 
the dead bodies of thirty-eight warriors were, reported after the 
fight terminated. Many of the squaws and children had very 
prudently not attempted to leave the village when we attacked 
it, but remained concealed inside their lodges. All these 
escaped injury, although when surrounded by the din and wild 
excitement of the fight, and in close proximity to the contend- 
ing parties, their fears overcame some of them, and they gave 
vent to their despair by singing the death song, a combination 
of weird-like sounds which were suggestive of anything but 



BATTLE OF THE WASHITA. 441 

musical tones. As soon as we had driven the warriors from 
the village, and the fighting was puslied to the country outside, 
I directed " Komeo," the interpreter, to go around to all the 
lodges and assure the squaws and children remaining in them 
that they would be unharmed and kindly cared for ; at the same 
time he was to assemble them in the large lodges designated for 
that purpose, which were standing near the centre of the vil- 
lage. This was quite a delicate mission, as it was difficult to 
convince the squaws and children that they had any thing but 
death to expect at our hands. 

It was perhaps ten o'clock in the forenoon, and the fight 
was still raging, when to our surprise we saw a small party of 
Indians collected on a knoll a little over a mile below the vil- 
lage, and in the direction taken by those Indians who had ef- 
fected an escape through our lines at the commencement of the 
attack. My surprise was not so great at first, as I imagined 
that the Indians we saw were those who had contrived to es- 
cape, and having procured their ponies from the herd, had 
mounted them, and were then anxious spectators of the fight, 
which they felt themselves too weak in numbers to participate 
in. In the meantime the herds of ponies belonging to the vil- 
lage, on being alarmed by the firing and shouts of the contest- 
ants, had, from a sense of imagined security or custom, rushed 
into the village, where details of troopers were made to receive 
them. California Joe, who had been moving about in a pro- 
miscuous and independent manner, came galloping into the 
village, and reported that a large herd of ponies was to be seen 
near by, and requested authority and some men to bring them 
in. The men were otherwise employed just then, but he was 
authorized to collect and drive in the herd if practicable. He 
departed on his errand, and I had forgotten all about him and 
the ponies, when in the course of half an hour I saw a herd of 
nearly three hundred ponies coming on the gallop toward the 
village, driven by a couple of squaws, who were mounted, and 
had been concealed near by, no doubt ; while bringing up the 



442 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

rear was California Joe, riding his favorite mule, and whirling 
about his head a long lariat, using it as a whip in urging the 
herd forward. He had captured the squaws while endeavoring 
to secure the ponies, and verj wisely had employed his captives 
to assist in driving the herd. By this time the group of Indians 
already discovered outside our lines had increased until it num- 
bered upwards of a hundred. Examining them through my 
field glass, I could plainly perceive that they were all mounted 
warriors; not only that, but they were armed and caparisoned 
in full war costume, nearly all wearing the bright-colored war- 
bonnets and floating their lance pennants. Constant accessions 
to their numbers were to be seen arriving from beyond the hill 
on which they stood. All this seemed inexplicable. A few 
Indians might have escaped through our lines when the attack 
on the village began, but only a few, and even these must have 
gone with little or nothing in their possession save their rifles 
and perhaps a blanket. Who could these new parties be, and 
from whence came they ? To solve these troublesome ques- 
tions I sent for " Eomco," and taking him with me to one of 
the lodges occupied by the squaws, I interrogated one of the 
latter as to who were the Indians to be seen assembling on the 
hill below the village. She informed me, to a surprise on my 
part almost equal to that of the Indians at our sudden appear- 
ance at daylight, that just below the village we then occupied, 
and which was a part of the Cheyenne tribe, were located in 
succession the winter villages of all the hostile tribes of the 
southern plains with which we were at war, including the Ar- 
apahoes, Kiowas, the remaining band of Cheyennes, the Co- 
manches, and a portion of the Apaches ; that the nearest vil- 
lage was about two miles distant, and the others stretched along 
through the timbered valley to the one furthest off, which was 
not over ten miles. 

What was to be done ? — for I needed no one to tell me that 
we were certain to be attacked, and that, too, by greatly supe- 
rior numbers, just as soon as the Indians below could make their 



BATTLE OF THE WASHITA. 443 

arrangements to do so ; and they had probably been busily 
employed at these arrangements ever since the sound of 
firing had reached them in the early morning, and been 
reported from village to village. Fortunately, affairs took a 
favorable turn in the combat in which we were then engaged, 
and the firing had almost died away. Only here and there 
where some warrior still maintained his position was the fight 
continued. Leaving as few men as possible to look out for 
these, I hastily collected and re-formed my command, and posted 
them in readiness for the attack which we all felt w^as soon to 
be made ; for already at difi'erent points and in more than one 
direction we could see more than enough warriors to outnum- 
ber us, and we knew they were onl}^ waiting the arrival of the 
chiefs and warriors from the lower villages before making any 
move against us. In the meanwhile our temporary hospital 
had been established in the centre of the village, where the 
w^ounded were receiving such surgical care as circumstances 
would permit. Our losses had been severe ; indeed we were 
not then aware how great they had been. Plamilton, who rode 
at my side as we entered the village, and whose soldierly tones 
I heard for the last time as he calmly cautioned his squadron, 
" Now, men, keep cool, fire low, and not too rapidly," was among 
the first victims of the opening charge, having been shot from 
his saddle by a bullet from an Indian rifle. He died instantly. 
His lifeless remains were tenderly carried by some of his troop- 
ers to the vicinity of the hospital. Soon afterward I saw 
four troopers coming from the front bearing between them, in 
a blanket, a wounded soldier ; galloping to them, I discovered 
Colonel Barnitz, another troop commander, who was almost in 
a dying condition, having been shot by a rifle bullet directly 
through the body in the vicinity of the heart. Of Major Elliot, 
the ofiicer second in rank, nothing had been seen since the 
attack at daylight, when he rode with his detachment into the 
village. He, too, had evidentlj' been killed, but as yet we knew 
not where or how he had fallen. Two other ofiicers had received 



444: GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

wounds, while the casualties among the enlisted men were also 
large. The sergeant-major of the regiment, who was with me 
when the first shot was heard, had not been seen since that 
moment. We were not in as effective condition by far as when 
the attack was made, yet we were soon to be called upon to 
contend against a force immensely superior to the one with 
which we had been engaged during the early hours of the day. 
The captured herds of ponies were carefully collected inside our 
lines, and so guarded as to prevent their stampede or recapture 
by the Indians. Our wounded, and the immense amount of 
captured property in the way of ponies, lodges, etc., as well as 
our prisoners, were obstacles in the way of our attempting an 
offensive movement against the lower villages. To have done 
this would have compelled us to divide our forces, when it was 
far from certain that we could muster strength enough united 
to repel the attacks of the combined tribes. On all sides of ns 
the Indians could now be seen in considerable numbers, so that 
from being the surrounding party, as we had been in the morn- 
ing, we now found ourselves surrounded and occupyin.g the 
position of defenders of the village. Fortunately for us, as the 
men had been expending a great many rounds, Major Bell, the 
quartermaster, who with a small escort was endeavoring to 
reach us with a fresh supply of ammunition, had by constant 
exertion and hard marching succeeded in doing so, and now 
appeared on the ground with several thousand rounds of car- 
bine ammunition, a reinforcement greatly needed. He had no 
sooner arrived safel}' than the Indians attacked from the direc- 
tion from which he came. How he had managed to elude their 
watchful eyes, I never could comprehend, unless their attention 
had been so completely absorbed in watching our movements 
inside as to prevent them from keeping an eye out to discover 
what might be transpiring elsewhere. 

Issuing a fresh supply of ammunition to those most in want 
of it, the fight soon began generall}'- at all points of the circle, 
for such in reality had our line of battle become — a continuous 



BATTLE OF THE WASHITA. 445 

and unbroken circle, of which the village was about the centre. 
Notwithstanding the great superiority in numbers of the Indi- 
ans, they fought with excessive prudence and a lack of that con- 
fident manner which they usually manifest when encountering 
greatly inferior numbers — a result due, no doubt, to the fate 
which had overwhelmed our first opponents. Besides, the tim- 
ber and the configuration of the ground enabled us to keep our 
men concealed until their services were actually required. It 
seemed to be the design and wish of our antagonists to di-a\v us 
away from the village ; but in this plan they were foiled. See- 
ing that they did not intend to press the attack just then, about 
two hundred of my men were ordered to pull down the lodges 
in the village and collect the captured property in huge piles 
preparatory to burning. This was done in the most effectual 
manner. "When everything had been collected the torch was 
applied, and all that was left of the village were a few heaps of 
blackened ashes. Whether enraged at the sight of this destruc- 
tion or from other cause, the attack soon became general along 
our entire line, and was pressed with so much vigor and auda- 
city that every available trooper was I'equired to aid in m.eeting 
these assaults. The Indians would push a party of well-mounted 
warriors close up to our lines in the endeavor to find a weak 
point through which the}^ might venture, but in every attempt 
were driven back. I now concluded, as the village was off our 
hands and our wounded had been collected, that offensive meas- 
ures might be adopted. To this end several of the squadrons 
were mounted and ordered to advance and attack the enemy 
wherever force sufficient was exposed to be a proper object of 
attack, but at the same time to be cautious as to ambuscades. 
Colonel "Weir, who had succeeded to the command of Hamilton's 
squadron. Colonels Benteen and Myers with their respective 
squadrons, all mounted, advanced and engaged the enemy. 
The Indians resisted every step taken by the troops, while every 
charge made by the latter was met or followed by a charge from 
the Indians, who continued to appear in large numbers at un- 



446 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

expected times and places. The squadrons acting in support of 
each other, and the men in each being kept well in hand, were 
soon able to force the line held by the Indians to yield at any 
point assailed. This being followed up promptly, the Indians 
were driven at every point and forced to abandon the field to ns. 
Yet they would go no further than they were actually driven. 
It was now about three o'clock in the afternoon. I knew that 
the officer left in charge of the train and eighty men would push 
after us, follow our trail, and endeavor to reach us at the earliest 
practicable moment. From the tops of some of the highest 
peaks or round hills in the vicinity of the village I knew the 
Indians could reconnoitre the country for miles in all directions. 
I feared if we remained as we were then until the following 
day, the Indians might in this manner discover the approach of 
our train and detach a sufiicient body of warriors to attack and 
capture it ; and its loss to us, aside from that of its guard, would 
have proven most serious, leaving us in the heart of the enemy's 
country, in midwinter, totally out of supplies for both men and 
horses. 

By actual count we had in our possession eight hundred and 
seventy-five captured ponies, so wild and unused to white men 
that it was difficult to herd them. What we were to do with 
them was puzzling, as they could not have been led had we been 
possessed of the means of doing this ; neither could we drive 
them as the Indians were accustomed to do. And even if we 
could take them with us, either the one way or the other, it 
was anything but wise and desirable on our part to do so, as 
such a large herd of ponies, constituting so much wealth in the 
eyes of the Indians, would have been too tempting a prize to 
the warriors who had been fighting us all the afternoon, and to 
efiect their recapture they would have waylaid us day and night, 
with every prospect of success, until we should have arrived at 
a place of safety. Besides, we had upwards of sixty prisoners 
in our hands, to say nothing of our wounded, to embarrass our 
movements. We had achieved a great and important success 



BATTLE OP THE WASHITA. 447 

over the hostile tribes ; tiie problem now was how to retain our 
advantage and steer safely through the difficulties which seemed 
to surround our position. The Indians had suffered a telling 
defeat, involving great losses in life and valuable property. 
Could they succeed, however, in depriving us of the train and 
supplies, and in doing this accomplish the killing or capture of 
the escort, it would go far to offset the damage we had been 
able to inflict upon them and to render our victory an empty 
one. We did not need the ponies, while the Indians did. If we 
retained them they might conclude that one object of our expe- 
dition against them was to secure plunder, an object thorouglily 
consistent with the red man's idea of war. Instead, it was our de- 
sire to impress upon their uncultured minds that our every act and 
purpose had been simply to inflict deserved punishment upon 
them for the many mui-ders and other depredations committed 
by them in and around the homes of the defenceless settlers on 
the frontier. Impelled by these motives, I decided neither to 
attempt to take the ponies with us nor to abandon them to the 
Indians, but to adopt tlie only measure left — to kill them. To 
accomplish this seemingly — like most measm-es of war — cruel 
but necessary act, four companies of cavalrymen were detailed 
dismounted, as a firing party. Before they reluctantly engaged 
in this uninviting work, I took Eomeo, the interpreter, and pro- 
ceeded to the few lodges near the centre of the village which 
we had reserved from destruction, and in which M'ere collected 
the prisoners, consisting of upward of sixty squaws and children. 
Komeo was directed to assemble the prisoners in one body, as I 
desired to assure them of kind treatment at our hands, a subject 
about which they were greatly wrought up ; also to tell them 
what we should expect of them, and to inform them of our in- 
tention to march probably all that night, directing them at the 
same time to proceed to the herd and select therefrom a suita- 
ble number of ponies to carry the prisoners on the march. 
When Komeo had collected them in a single group, he, acting 
as interpreter, acquainted them with my purpose in calling 



4:48 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

them together, at the same time assuring them that they could 
rely confidently upon the fulfilment of any promises I made 
them, as I was the " big chief." The Indians refer to all offi- 
cers of a command as " chiefs," while the officer in command is 
designated as the " big chief." After I had concluded what I 
desired to say to them, they signified their approval and satis- 
faction by gathering around me and going through an extensive 
series of hand-shaking. One of the middle-aged squaws then 
informed Romeo that she wished to speak on behalf of herself 
and companions. 

So far we have followed Custer's direct narrative and now 
resume our own. This squaw last mentioned, turned out to 
be the sister of Bhick Kettle, chief of the band Custer had 
struck; she bemoaned the wickedness of Black Kettle, and 
told Custer how only that night the last war-party returned 
with white scalps and plunder, and how they got so drunk 
that the white man was able to ride into their lodges next 
morning, before they woke up. She concluded by remind- 
ing him that it was his duty to help the helpless, and offered 
him a young girl in marriage. As soon as the general found 
from the interpreter what she was doing, he declined the honor, 
though not till Mahwissa — the old squaw's name — had per- 
formed the whole of the Indian part of the ceremony, which 
consisted in placing the girl's hand in Custer's, and invoking 
the Great Spirit on the union. The general asked Romeo the 
scout what could have been Mahwissa's object in this mar- 
riage, and received the following very plain reply : 

" Well, I'll tell ye ; ef you'd 'a married that squaw, then 
she'd 'a told ye that all the rest of 'em were her kinfolks, and as 
a nateral sort of a tiling you'd 'a been expected to kind o' pro- 
vide and take keer of your wife's relations. That's jist as I tell 
it to you — fur don't I know ? Didn't I marry a young Chey- 
enne squaw, and give her old father two of my best ponies for 
her, and it wasn't a week till ever tarnal Injun in the village, 
old and young, came to my lodge, and my squaw tried to make 



BATTLE OF THE WASHITA. 4i9 

me b'lieve they were all relations of hern, and that I ought to 
give 'em some grub; but I didn't do nothin' of the sort." 
" Well, how did you get out of it, Romeo ? " " Get out of it ? 
Why, I got out by jist takin' my ponies and traps, and the first 
good chance I lit out ; that's how I got out. I was satisfied to 
marry one or two of 'em, but M'hen it come to manyin' an intire 
tribe, 'scuse me." 

The end of the matter was that the squaws took their ponies 
from the herd, and that the rest of the animals were shot. 
Search was then made for the killed, wounded and missing of 
the command, of which all, except Major Elliot and nineteen 
troopers, were found. These last were never heard of again 
till their bodies were discovered some weeks later. It seems 
that a party of Indians, at the beginning of the attack on the 
village, had escaped through a gap in the lines of the cavalry, 
that Elliot had pursued them, and run into the large force that 
was then hovering round Custer, fearing to attack him. Hav- 
ing fruitlessly searched for the major, it was rightly concluded 
that he and his party had been attacked and killed, and Custer 
prepared for his return march. 

Placing his prisoners in the centre, he first deployed his 
forces and marched straight down the river at the threatening 
parties of Indians from the other villages, with colors displayed 
and band playing. His intention was to strike consternation 
into their hearts, and make them think he was about to serve 
them as he had served Black Kettle's band. The movement 
had all the effect he desired. The Indians fled in confusion, 
leaving only a few warriors to hover around him and watch 
him. He did not start till within an hour of sunset, and his 
feint diverted Indian attention from his wagon train, which he 
knew must be pretty near him by this time. About an hour 
after dark, he reached the abandoned villages of the alarmed 
tribes, where he halted, and at ten o'clock retraced his steps, 
marching rapidly for the wagons. At two o'clock he halted in 
the valley of the Washita, and went into bivouac, the men 
29 



450 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

building huge fires to supply the loss of their overcoats, which 
the Indians had captured during the fight. They had been left 
in a heap on the ground. Secrecy was no longer necessary now, 
and the men enjoyed themselves hugely. Next day they 
reached the wagons and pushed on, encamping at night at the 
place where the regiment first struck Elliot's trail. From 
thence, California Joe and another scout were despatched to 
Camp Supply, to carry the news to General Sheridan. The 
two scouts made the journey in safety. The country was appa- 
rently denuded of Indians, the blow on the "Washita having 
demoralized them. California Joe met Custer's column with a 
return despatch, before the regiment could reach Camp Sup- 
ply. It was read at the head of the troops, and repaid them 
for all their hardships. It was as follows : 



Headquarters Department of the Missouri, in the Field, Depot on 
THE North Canadian, at the Junction of Beaver Creek, Indian 
Territory, November 29, 1868. 

General Field Orders No. 6. — The Major-General com- 
manding announces to this command the defeat by the Seventh 
regiment of cavalry, of a large force of Cheyenne Indians, under 
the celebrated chief Black Kettle, re-enforced by the Arapahoes 
under Little Eaven, and the Kiowas under Satanta, on the morn- 
ing of the 27th instant, on the "Washita River, near the Antelope 
Hills, Indian Territory, resulting in a loss to the savages of one 
hundred and three warriors killed, including Black Kettle, the 
capture of fifty-three squaws and children, eight hundred and 
seventy-five ponies, eleven hundred and twenty-three buffalo robes 
and skins, five hundred and thirty-five pounds of powder, one 
thousand and fifty pounds of lead, four thousand arrows, seven 
hundred pounds of tobacco, besides rifles, pistols, saddles, bows, 
lariats, and immense quantities of dried meat and other Avinter 
provisions, the complete destruction of their village, and almost 
total annihilation of this Indian band. 

The loss to the Seventh Cavalry Avas two officers killed, Major 
Joel H. Elliot and Captain Louis McL. Hamilton, and nineteen 
enlisted men ; three officers wounded, Brevet Lieutena'nt-Colonel 
Albert Barnitz (badly). Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel T. W. Custer, 



BATTLE OF THE WASHITA. i51 

and Second Lieutenant T. Z. Marcli (slightly), and eleven enlisted 
men. 

The energy and rapidity shown during one of the heaviest 
snow-storms that has visited this section of the country, with the 
temperature below freezing point, and the gallantry and bravery 
displayed, resulting in such signal success, reflect the highest 
credit upon both the officers and men of the Seventh Cavalry ; and 
the Major-General commanding, wdiile regretting the loss of such 
gallant officers as Major Elliot and Captain Hamilton, who fell 
while gallantly leading their men, desires to express his thanks to 
the officers and men engaged in the battle of the "Washita, and 
his special congratulations are tendered to their distinguished 
commander. Brevet Major-General Ceorge A. Custer, for the 
efficient and gallant services rendered, which have characterized 
the opening of the campaign against hostile Indians south of the 
Arkansas. 

By command of 

Major-General P. H. Sheridan", 

J. Schuyler Crosby, Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel, 
A. D. C, A. A. A. General. 



"We cannot terminate the campaign better than by the de- 
scription in Custer's own words of the review which closed it. 
General Sheridan was so much pleased with the success of the 
expedition that he personally honored the regiment by review- 
ing it, a great condescension, in military etiquette, from a 
major-general to a single regiment. Custer describes it tlius : 

" In many respects the column we formed was unique in ap- 
pearance. First rode our Osage guides and trailers, dressed and 
painted in the extremest fashions of war, according to their rude 
customs and ideas. As we advanced, these warriors chanted 
their war songs, fired their guns in triumph, and at intervals 
gave utterance to their shrill war-whoops. Next came the 
scouts riding abreast, with California Joe astride his faithful 
mule bringing up the right, but unable, even during this cere- 
monious and formal occasion, to dispense with his pipe. Imme- 
diately in real* of the scouts rode the Indian prisoners under 
guard, all mounted on Indian ponies, and in their dress, con- 



452 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

spicuous by its bright colors, many of them wearing the scarlet 
blanket so popular with the wild tribes, presenting quite a 
contrast to the dull and motley colors worn by the scouts. 
Some little distance in the rear came the troops formed in col- 
umn of platoons, the leading platoon preceded by the band 
playing " Garry Owen," being composed of the sharpshooters 
under Colonel Cook, followed in succession by the squadrons in 
the regular order of march. In this order and arrangement we 
marched proudly in front of our chief, who, as the officers rode 
by, giving him the military salute with the sabre, returned their 
formal courtesy by a graceful lifting of his cap and a pleased 
look of recognition from his eye, which spoke his approbation 
in language far more powerful than studied words could have 
done. In speaking of the review afterwards. General Sheridan 
said the appearance of the troops, with the bright rays of the sun 
reflected from their burnished arms and equipments, as they ad- 
vanced in beautiful order and precision down the slope, the 
band playing, and the blue of the soldiers' uniforms slightly 
relieved by the gaud}^ colors of the Indians, both captives and 
Osages, the strangely fantastic part played by the Osage guides, 
their shouts, chanting their war songs, and firing their guns in 
air, all combined to render the scene one of the most beautiful 
and highly interesting he remembered ever having witnesssd." 
So closed the Washita campaign December 2d, 1868. It 
will be observed, however, that General Sheridan's congratula- 
tory order calls the battle- only " the opening of the campaign 
against the hostile Indians south of the Arkansas." Such it 
was meant to be. Five days later, December 7th, the regiment, 
with thirty days' rations in the wagons, started for the Washita 
once more, accompanied by General Sheridan and staff. Along 
with Sheridan were the Nineteenth Kansas Volunteer cavalry, 
a special force, just raised for Indian hostilities, and the whole 
expedition numbered about fifteen hundred men. 



CHAPTER VIII. 
CLOSING OPERATIONS. 

THE Seventh Cavalry reached their old battle ground in 
safety without adventure. What California Joe thought 
of the renewed winter campaign is characteristic. 

" I'd jist like to see the streaked' count'nances of Satanta, Med- 
icine Arrow, Lone "Wolf, and a few others o 'em, when they ketch 
the fust glimpse of the outfit. They'll think we're comin' to 
spend an evenin' with 'em sure, and hev brought our knittin' 
with us. One look'll satisfy 'em. Thar '11 be sum of the durndest 
kickin' out over these plains that ever war heern tell uv. One 
good thing, it's goin' to cum as nigh killin' uv 'em to start 'em 
out this time uv year as ef we hed an out an' out scrummage with 
'em. The way I looks at it they hev jist this preference : them 
as don't like bein' shot to deth kin take ther chances at freezin'." 

After a careful search around the battle-ground they came on 
the bodies of Major Elliot's party, all horribly mutilated in a 
manner similar to that which is recorded of the Kidder party. 
The bodies were tenderly buried. The position of affairs in the 
neighborhood is thus described by Custer : 

" The forest along the banks of the Washita, from the battle- 
ground a distance of twelve miles, was found to have been one 
continuous Indian village. Black Kettle's band of Cheyennes 
was above ; then came other hostile tribes camped in the follow- 
ing order : Arapahoes under Little Raven ; Kiowas under Sa- 
tanta and Lone Wolf ; the remaining bands of Cheyennes, 
Comanches, and Apaches. Nothing could exceed the disorder 
and haste with which the tribes had fled from their camping 



454 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

grounds. They had abandoned thousands of lodge poles, some 
of which were still standing, as when last used. Immense num- 
bers of camp kettles, cooking utensils, coffee-mills, axes, and 
several hundred buffalo robes were found in the abandoned 
camps adjacent to Black Kettle's village, but which had not 
been visited before by our troops. By actual examination, it 
was computed that over six hundred lodges had been standing 
along the Washita during the battle, and within five miles of 
the battle-ground, and it was from these villages, and others 
still lower down the stream, that the immense number of war- 
riors came who, after our rout and destruction of Black Kettle 
and his band, surrounded my command and fought until de- 
feated by the Seventh Cavalry." 

The ground having been examined, the campaign was re- 
sumed as follows, according to Custer's account : 

"At daylight on the following morning the entire command 
started on the trail of the Indian villages, nearly all of which had 
moved down the Washita toward Fort Cobb, where they had 
good reason to believe they would receive protection. The 
Arapahoes and remaining band of Cheyennes left the Washita 
valley and moved across in the direction of lied Kiver. After 
following the trail of the Kiowas and other hostile Indians for 
seven days, over an almost impassable country, where it was 
necessary to keep two or three hundred men almost constantly 
at work with picks, axes, and spades, before being able to ad- 
vance with our immense train, my Osage scouts came galloping 
back on the morning of the 17th of December, and reported a 
party of Indians in our front bearing a flag of truce." 

The party turned out to be the Kiowas, under Satanta and 
Lone Wolf. They were accompanied by a scout who said that 
he came from Fort Cobb, Indian Territory, a station on the 
Washita, one hundred miles below the battle-ground. At this 
fort was stationed General Hazen, who had been placed by 
General Sherman in control of the Kiowas and Comanches. 
The scout bore the following note : 



CLOSING OPERATIONS. 455 

Headquarters Southern Indian District, Fort Cobb, 

9 p. M. December 16, 1868. 

To the officer, commanding troojys in the Field. 

Indians have just brought in Avord that our troops to-day 
reached the Washita some twenty miles above here. I send this 
to say that all the camps this side of the point reported to have 
been reached are friendly, and have not been on the war path this 
season. If this reaches you, it Avould be well to communicate at 
once with Satanta or Black Eagle, chiefs of the Kiowas, near 
where you now are, who will readily inform you of the position of 
the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, also of my camp. 
Eespectfully, 
(Signed) W. B. Hazen^, Brevet Major-General. 

" This scout," says Custer, " at the same time informed me 
that a large party of the Kiowa warriors, under Lone Wolf, Sa- 
tanta, and other leading chiefs, were within less than a mile of 
my advance, and notwithstanding the above certificate regarding 
their friendly character, they had seized a scout who accom- 
panied the bearer of the despatch, disarmed him, and held him 
a prisoner of war. Taking a small party with me, I proceeded 
beyond our lines to meet the flag of truce. I was met by 
several of the leading chiefs of the Kiowas, including those 
above named. Large parties of their warriors could be seen 
posted in the neighboring ravines and upon the surrounding hill- 
tops. All were painted and plumed for war, and nearly all 
were armed with one rifle, two revolvers, bow and arrow, some 
of their bows being strung, and their whole appearance and 
conduct plainly indicating that they had come for war." 

Yery unwillingly, Custer was restrained from attacking the 
Kiowas, but the presence of Sheridan compelled him to submit 
to the assurance of Hazen's note and refrain from war. 

" After meeting the chiefs, who with their bands had 
approached our advance under flag of truce, and compelling the 
release of the scout whom they had seized and held prisoner, 
we continued our march toward Fort Cobb, the chiefs agreeing 
to ride with us and accompany my command to that place. 



456 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Every assurance was given me that the villages to wliieli 
these various chiefs belonged would at once move to Fort Cobb 
and there encamp, thus separating themselves from the hostile 
tribes, or those who preferred to decline this proposition of 
peace, and to continue to wage war; and as an evidence of the 
sincerity of their purpose, some eighteen or twenty of the most 
prominent chiefs, generally Kiowas, voluntarily proposed to 
accompany us during the march of the day and the next, by 
which time it was expected that the command would reach 
Fort Cobb. The chiefs only requested that they might send 
one of their number, mounted on a fleet pony, to the villages, 
in order to hasten their movement to Fort Cobb." 

Custer consented to this cheerfully, but as he was exceed- 
ingly suspicious of the Indians, watched them closely. On the 
next day's march, the chiefs, on one pretext or another, began 
to drop out of the column, and Custer became convinced that 
they were fooling him, to gain time to send their villages away 
from, not towards Fort Cobb. Feeling sure of this, he waited 
until the inferior chiefs had departed, leaving only Satanta and 
Lone AVolf, when the officers at the head of the column drew 
their revolvers, and the two chiefs were informed they were 
prisoners, and hostages. Custer did not need two lessons in 
Indian diplomacy. Pawnee Killer had fooled him once, but 
Satanta and Lone "Wolf were not equal to repeating the trick. 

Here it is necessary to notice a dispute which arose at the 
time between Custer and General Hazen, which turned on the 
identity of the Indians engaged in the late battle. Custer, 
relying on the statements of Mahwissa and the other squaws of 
Black Kettle's band, was convinced that he had been fighting 
the Kiowas of Satanta and Lone "Wolf. Mahwissa even pointed 
out Satanta's camp, close to that of Black Kettle. General 
Hazen, on the other hand, was convinced that Satanta and 
Lone Wolf were not in the battle, that the major part of the 
Kiowas were in camp at Fort Cobb, a hundred miles from the 
battle field, and that only a small band of either Kiowas or 




■^'^" 



CLOSING OPERATIONS. 457 

Comanches, who had not come in, could possibly have been in 
the battle. 

Not for six years was the difficulty cleared up. It was then 
settled by the production of various affidavits from the disburs- 
ing officers and agents at Fort Cobb, which proved conclusively, 
that Satanta and Lone Wolf visited and slept at the officers' 
quarters in Fort Cobb, on the 27th Kovember, tlie same night 
that Custer fought Black Kettle, a hundred miles away, and 
that rations were issued to nine-tentlis of the Kiowason the 26th 
of November, at the same place. General Hazen's statement 
was published in brief in the Arimj and Wavy Journal of 
March 30, 1874, and settles the question. It seems, however, 
that the Kiowas, knowing that a small band of their friends had 
been in the battle, were naturally frightened to death when they 
lieard of Custer's return, a fortnight later. They at once scat- 
tered, and left Fort Cobb, fearing to be punished for past mis- 
deeds; and the embassy of Lone Wolf and Satanta probably 
had just the intention which Custer divined, that of giving the 
lodges time to get away safe. 

At all events, the capture of the two chiefs as hostages had 
the happiest effect. The column continued its march to Fort 
Cobb. On the way they were met by Satanta's son, who was 
allowed to come and go within the lines, as a medium of com- 
munication between the whites and the Kiowas. For a long 
time the Indians tried to procrastinate and avoid yielding to 
Custer's demands. These were simple, that the Indians should 
come in and settle once more on their reservations by the fort, 
in the power of the troops. At last General Sheridan's rapid 
decision cut the knots of diplomacy in a very effectual manner. 
He told Custer, through whom he conducted all the negotia- 
tions, to assure Lone Wolf and Satanta, that if their bands were 
not in camp before sunset of the following day, both chiefs 
would he htong at that Jwur, and troops sent after Kiowas. 
This settled the question very quickly. Satanta's son was 
sent off, full speed, to the tribes, and long before the said sun- 



458 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

set the Kiowas were quietlj settled under the guns of Fort 
Cobb. 

The next tribe that needed subduing was the Arapahoes. 
The Chejennes .had been humbled, the Kiowas pacified without 
bloodshed, thanks to Custer's seizure of Satanta, the Arapahoes 
must also be brought on their reservations. To do this required 
either hard fighting and marching, or the exercise of finesse. 
General Sheridan, who had so far left the fighting and negotia- 
tion entirely to Custer, continued to do so. The young lieu- 
tenant-colonel found him a very different chief, sympathetic and 
appreciative, to the others by whom he had been commanded 
since the war. Sheridan continued to let him have his own 
way, and it was crowned with the same triumphant success 
which had marked it hitherto. Briefly, Custer succeeded in 
bringing the Arapahoes as he had the Kiowas, but by a differ- 
ent method. 

First, a friendly chief of the Apaches, named Iron Shirt, 
who volunteered for the office, was selected as an ambassador 
in the cause of peace to both Cheyennes and Arapahoes. "With 
him was dispatched Mahwissa, the sister of Black Kettle, and 
both were well supplied with presents. Their instructions were 
to go to the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, see the chiefs, tell them 
that if they chose to come in and settle on their reservations 
they should be well treated, and to remind them that if they did 
not come in, they might get the same treatment as Black Kettle. 

The departure of the envoys made an end of all hope of a 
winter campaign, for which, no doubt, the officers of the Seventh 
Cavalry were not sorry. It was late in January before Iron 
Shirt returned, without Mahwissa. lie brought the news that 
the distance was too great and the ponies too thin for the tribes 
to move, and that the Cheyennes had detained Mahwissa from 
returning. He reported however that Little Robe, chief of the 
Cheyennes, and Yellow Bear, second chief of the Arapahoes, 
were both very anxious to accept the government's proposition, 
and would themselves visit the camp shortly. 



CLOSING OPERATIONS. 459 

A few days after, sure enougli, Little Robe and Yellow 
Bear arrived and were handsomely received. The latter was 
about the least cruel and most sensible of the chiefs on the 
plains, a great contrast to the peculiarly savage and insolent Sa- 
tanta. He was the one good Indian whom Custer appears to 
have met. The sequel to the visit is thus told by Custer : 

" They reported that their villages had had under considera- 
tion the question of accepting our invitation to come in and 
live at peace in the future, and that many of their people were 
strongly in favor of adopting this course, but for the present it 
M-as uncertain whether or not the two tribes would come in. 
The two tribes would probably act in concert, and if they in- 
tended coming, would make their determination known by 
despatching couriers to us in a few days. In spite of the sin- 
cerity of the motives of Little Robe and Yellow Bear, whom I 
have always regarded as two of the most upright and peaceably 
inclined Indians I have ever known, and who have since that 
time paid a visit to the President at Washington, it was evident 
that the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, while endeavoring to oc- 
cupy us with promises and pretences, were only interested in 
delaying our movements until the return of spring, when the 
young grass would enable them to recruit the strength of their 
winter-famished ponies and move when and where they pleased. 

" After waiting many long weary days for the arrival of the 
promised couriers from the two tribes, until even Little Robe 
and Yellow Bear were forced to acknowledge that there was no 
longer any reason to expect their coming, it occurred to me that 
there was but one expedient yet untried which furnished even 
a doubtful chance of averting war. This could only be resorted 
to with the approval of General Sheridan, whose tent had been 
pitched in our midst during the entire winter, and who evi- 
dently proposed to remain on the ground until the Indian ques- 
tion in that locality should be disposed of. My plan was as 
follows : 

" After weighing the matter caref uUy in my own mind, I 



460 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

decided that with General Sheridan's approval 1 would select 
from mj command forty men, two olficers, and a medical oflS- 
cer, and, accompanied by the two chiefs, Little Robe and Yellow 
Bear, who regarded my proposition with favor, I would set out 
in search of the hostile camp, there being but little doubt that 
with the assistance of the chiefs I would have little difficulty in 
discovering the whereabouts of the villages ; while the smallness 
of my party would prevent unnecessary alarm or suspicion as 
to our intentions. From my tent to General Sheridan's was 
only a few steps, and I soon submitted my proposition to the 
General, -who from the first was inclined to lend his approval 
to my project. After discussing it fully, he gave his consent by 
saying that the character of the proposed expedition was such 
that he would not order me to proceed upon it, but if I volun- 
teered to go, he would give me the full sanction of his author- 
ity and every possible assistance to render the mission a success- 
ful one ; in conclusion urging me to exercise the greatest caution 
against the stratagems or treachery of the Indians, who no 
doubt would be but too glad to massacre my party in revenge 
for their recent well-merited chastisement. Returning to my 
tent, I at once set about making preparations for my journey, 
the extent or result of which now became interesting subjects 
for deliberation. The first thing necessary w\"is to make up 
the party which was to accompany me. 

" As the number of men was to be limited to forty, too much 
care could not be. exercised in their selection. I chose the 
great majority of them from the sharpshooters, men who, in 
addition to being cool and brave, w^ere experienced and skillful 
marksmen. My standard-bearer, a w^ell-tried sergeant, w^as se- 
lected as the senior non-commissioned officer of the party. 
The officers who were to accompany me were my brother 
Colonel Custer, Captain Robbins, and Dr. Renick, Acting 
Assistant Surgeon U. S. Army. As guide I had Neva, a Black- 
foot Indian, who had accompanied General Fremont in his 
explorations, and wjio could speak a little English. Little Robe 



CLOSING OPERATIONS. 461 

and Yellow Bear were also to be relied upon as guides, while 
Eomeo accompanied us as interpreter. All were well armed 
and well mounted. "We were to take no wagons or tents ; our 
extra supplies were to be transported on pack-mules. We were 
to start on the evening of the second day, the intervening time 
being necessary to complete our preparations. It was decided 
that our first march should be a short one, sufficient merely to 
enable us to reach a village of friendly Apaches, located a few 
miles from our camp, where we would spend the first night and 
be joined by Little Robe and Yellow Bear, who at that time 
were guests of the Apaches. I need not say that in the opinion 
of many of our comrades our mission was regarded as closely 
bordering on the imprudent, to qualify it by no stronger term. 

So confident did one of the most prudent officers of my 
command feel in regard to our annihilation by the Indians, that 
in bidding me good-bye, he contrived to slip into my hand a 
small pocket Derringer pistol, loaded, with the simple remark, 
" You had better take it, general ; it may prove useful to you." 
As I was amply provided with arms, both revolvers and rifle, 
and as a pocket Derringer may not impress the reader as being 
a very formidable weapon to use in Indian warfare, the purpose 
of my friend in giving me the small pocket weapon may not 
seem clear. It was given me under the firm conviction 
that the Indians would overwhelm and massacre my entire 
party ; and to prevent my being captured, disarmed, and 
reserved for torture, that little pistol was given me in order 
that at the last moment I might become my own executioner — 
an office I was not seeking, nor did I share in my friend's 
opinion. 

" Everything being ready for our departure, we swung into 
our saddles, waved our adieus to the comrades who were to 
remain in camp, and the next moment we turned our horses' 
heads westward." 

We do not intend to enlarge on the incidents of the journey 
which ensued, which are fully recorded in " Life on the 



462 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Plains," to which tlie reader is referred. Suffice it to say that 
it was snccessfiil, that Cnster reached the Arapahoe camp in 
safety, and that the expedition ended in the quiet location of 
the whole tribe under the ^uns of the fort on their reservation. 
The Cheyennes however were not so tractable. The destruc- 
tion of Black Kettle's band had only exasperated, not cowed 
them, and they needed another lesson. It was soon given 
them by Custer. 

General Sheridan departed for Camp Supply as soon as the 
Kiowas and Arapahoes were settled, while Custer, taking with 
him the Seventh Cavalry and Nineteenth Kansas, started, on 
the 2d of March, 1869, on the search after the Cheyennes. 
The story of his march is so well and succinctly told in his 
official report, that we give it nearly entire. 

On the morning of the 2d March, my com.mand, composed 
of eleven troops of the Seventh U. S. Cavalry, and ten troops 
of the Nineteenth Kansas Cavalry, left its camp on Medicine 
Bluff Creek, about thirty miles due south from Fort Cobb. My 
course M-as via Camp Eadziminski, mouth of Elk Creek, to a 
point on the North Fork of Ked Eiver, a few miles above the 
mouth of Salt Creek. Here I divided my command into two 
columns. Selecting about eight hundred of the most effective 
men from both regiments, I directed Brevet Lieutenant-Colo- 
nel Myers, Seventh Cavalry, to proceed in command of the 
remainder and surplus train up the North Fork, and across to 
a point on the A^'^ashita, near the late battle-ground ; and there 
await furtlier orders. 

With that portion of the command selected for the purpose, 
I left our camp on the North Fork on the morning of the 6th 
instant, and marched due west, striking the Salt Fork after a 
few hours' march. About noon we struck a fresh trail of a 
single lodge and fourteen animals heading up the Salt Fork. 
Taking up the pursuit we followed the trail three days and one 
night, and on the afternoon of the third day surprised the party 
we were pursuing, while seeking shelter from an approaching 



CLOSING OPERATIONS. 463 

storm, capturing their lodge, cooking utensils, provisions, and 
eleven of their ponies, the party, which consisted of nine Chey- 
ennes, barely making their escape into one of the many ravines 
near by. This was one of the small parties which the Chey- 
ennes had sent to the vicinity of our camps on Medicine Bluff 
Creek to observe and report our movements, and was then on 
its way to the main village to report that we were again on the 
move. The point at which the capture was made was in Texas, 
on a small fresh water tributary of Salt Fork. 

On the morning of the 9th we moved in a westerly direc- 
tion ; marched all day, but were unable to find water, and 
were forced to make a dry camp on the prairie. Before day- 
light next morning we resumed the march, changing our 
course to the south, and by noon reached camp on Middle 
Fork, a stream which, on some maps, is designated as Gypsum 
Creek. 

On the following morning we moved toward the southwest, 
crossing Mulberry Creek. Our march was continued until we 
came in sight of the banks of the main Red River. Here we 
discovered the trail of one lodge leading north-west. The trail 
was nearly one month old, but with the hope that it would 
lead to others, we took it up, and before pursuing many miles 
had the satisfaction of seeing the trail increased by that of 
eleven lodges, all about the same time. 

That night we encamped on the head-waters of Mulberry 
Creek, occupying the ground selected for the same purpose by 
the Indians. From this point the trail led northward. ]^ot- 
withstanding the trail was very old, I felt confident that with 
due precautions, and knowing the lazy manner in which Indians 
moved when not pursued, we could overhaul them, or at least 
get very near them, before our proximity was discovered. 
Thanks to their superior geographical knowledge I was not 
troubled by routes, water or camping grounds. The trail led 
us by easy marches to good water, plenty of timber, and the 
best camping grounds that could be selected. 



464 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

On the morning of the 12th the pursuit was resumed. 
Early in the day the trail was found to be enlarged by the 
addition of forty-two lodges, and before night about as many 
more joined, making the trail one of over a hundred lodges, 
and so plain we could follow it at a gallop, could our horses 
have kept up the gait. That night we encamped on Middle 
Fork. 

The morning of the 13th we observed fresher signs of In- 
dians than we had yet seen, indicating that they had left the 
Middle Fork not more than a week previous. This will be 
understood when it is known that in the ordinary manner of 
moving the village remains from three daj's to a week in each 
camp, and then moves but about ten miles before making 
another camp. 

"We moved without delay, and one of our marches equaled 
two or three made by the Indians. As the trail grew warmer 
it became necessary to adopt additional precautions to insure 
success. No bugle calls or discharges of fire-arms were permit- 
ted. Fires were lighted after dark and covered with earth 
before daylight. Tents were burned, and all blankets in excess 
of one per man, and all clothing shared the same fate. 

Daily the pursuit was continued until the morning of the 
15th, when we reached a camp ground on the North Fork 
which had been abandoned only two days before. Encouraged 
by the prospect, we pressed forward, and by noon the advance 
had made twenty miles. 

Hard Eope, the war chief of the Osages, and who at this 
moment was running the trail, discovered, about one mile in 
advance, a herd of forty or fifty ponies, grazing and herded 
by two Indians. The latter discovered us at the same time, 
and drove the herd rapidly in the direction of a timber stream 
which could be seen some two or three miles beyond. 

I at once sent orders back to the column, which was still a 
considerable distance in the rear, to close up at a rapid gait. 

The deep sand and the exhausted condition of horses and 



CLOSING OPERATIONS. 465 

men prevented this being done promptly. I was uncertain as 
to ■whether the village was in our front, or whether the herd 
seen driven off was merely on the move. If the latter, desiring 
to effect its capture, I advanced with the few men then in front 
in the direction taken by the herd. After proceeding about 
tM'O miles, Indians could be seen in front, partially concealed 
behind the sand hills, and watching our movements. Taking 
my orderly with me, I advanced to learn their character and 
intentions. After considerable signaling and parleying, eight 
Indians came forward to meet me. From them I learned that 
the entire Cheyenne tribe, numbering two hundred and sixty 
lodges, was encamped at different points within ten or fifteen 
miles from where we then were. A few moments afterward 
thirty or forty Indians rode up to us, including Medicine Arrow, 
the head chief of the Cheyennes and several other noted chiefs 
of the same tribe. From the latter I learned that over two 
hundred lodges were encamped on the stream directly in our 
front, the remainder, under Little Robe, being some ten or fif- 
teen miles lower down. 

Included in the two hundred lodges were nearly all the lodges 
belonging to the Dog Soldiers, the most mischievous, blood- 
thirsty and barbarous band of Indians that infest the Plains. 

Here, then, was the opportunity we had been seeking, to 
administer a well-merited punishment to the worst of all Indi- 
ans. My intentions were formed accordingly, and as I rode 
with Medicine Arrow in the direction of the village, I made 
my plans for surrounding the village and attacking as soon as 
the troops came up. I did not pursue this course, however, 
and for the following reasons : On my way to the village I 
learned that the two white women captured in Kansas last 
autumn — one Mrs. Morgan, on the Solomon ; the otlier, Miss 
White, on the Republican — were then held captive in the 
Cheyenne village. It was then out of the question to assume 
a hostile attitude, at least until every peaceable means for their 
recovery had been exhausted. The opening of our attack would 
30 



466 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

have been the signal for their murder by their captors, as we 
very well knew. I therefore determined to encamp my com- 
mand, as soon as it arrived, near the village. In the meantime 
I accompanied Medicine Arrow to his lodge in the centre of 
his village, where all the principal chiefs and the medicine man 
of the tribe soon assembled. 

Before entering the village I observed the greatest excite- 
ment prevailed; the entire herd was collected; the squaws had 
everything except their lodges packed, and their ponies were 
saddled ready for a precipitate flight. So that, had my inten- 
tion to attack been carried out, it is doubtful whether, with the 
timely warning they had received, and considering the jaded 
condition of my animals, we could at that time have inflicted 
any very serious injury beyond the capture of their lodges. The 
recovery of the captive white women was now my flrst object. 
The squaws and children remained seated upon their ponies, 
until the troops approached the village, when their fears, coupled 
with the remembrance of the crimes of the tribe and their 
deserved punishment, got the better of them, and, like a herd 
of frightened sheep, old and young squaws, papooses, ponies 
and mules, started in the direction of Little Robe's village, 
abandoning to us their lodges and poles, and immense numbers 
of camp kettles, robes, shields and ponies. I ordered my men 
not to fire upon the fugitives, but caused four of their principal 
men, two of them noted chiefs of the Dog Soldiers — "Big 
Head " and " Dull Knife " — to be seized and held under guard, 
intending through them to compel the release of the two white 
women. At the same time, to prevent the Cheyennes from 
breaking up into small parties and renewing hostilities, I sent 
word to them to return and take their lodges with them, adding 
that if they would all agree to encamp near Little Eobe and 
his band, 1 would not permit their abandoned village to be 
disturbed until the lodges had been removed. 

This proposition was generally accepted. I then sent a run- 
ner to Little Eobe, who was well known to me, and whose in- 



CLOSING OPERATIONS. 467 

flnence with his tribe was great, to come aud see me, promising 
him safe passport back to his village. He accepted my invi- 
'tatiori, came to my camp, and after a long talk promised to use 
his influence for the best. No promise to deliver up the cap- 
tives into our hands without the payment of a large ransom 
could be obtained. I was determined to secure their release, 
and that unconditionally, and thereby discourage the custom of 
ransoming captives from Indians, which is really nothing more 
or less than offering the latter a premium upon every captive. 

To obtain a better camp, and at the same time accomplish 
my purpose, I told Little Eobe I would change my camp the 
following day, moving in the direction of his village, but that I 
had no desire to approach its immediate vicinity, and that, after 
my arrival in camp, if he and the other chiefs would visit me 
I would talk with them. 

On the evening of the second day a chief who had accom- 
panied Little Robe the first day, came to my camp to learn 
what I had to say, and to procure, if possible, the release of the 
chiefs and warriors held by me. No satisfactory statement 
could be gotten from him regarding the return of the white 
women or the intentions of the chiefs. I, therefore, determined 
not to be put off any longer, and told him we had then waited 
three days for them to give us the white women, and had ob- 
tained no satisfactory response ; that I should wait one dsij 
longer, but if by sunset the following day the white women 
were not delivered up, I w^ould hang to a tree, which was there 
designated, three of the men held captive by me (the fourth one 
having been sent as a runner to Little Robe), and that the fol- 
lowing day I would follow and attack the village. "With this 
message the chief departed. The next day was one of no little 
anxiety to all, and to none more than to the three captive Chej^- 
ennes whom I certainlj^ intended to hang if their people failed 
to accede to our demands. The ropes were ready, and the limb 
selected when, about three o'clock p. m. a small party of Indian 
warriors were seen approaching camp. They halted on a knoll 



46S GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

about one mile distant, while one of their number came forward 
with the welcome intelligence that the women were with them 
and would be given up ; but this was coupled with the propo- 
sition that I should exchange the three men, or two of them, 
for the women. This was refused, and the return of the women 
demanded at once, and unconditionally. A reluctant assent to 
this was given. The Indians, however, feared to come inside 
of our lines. Lieutenant-Colonel Moore, and Majors Jones 
and Jenkins were, therefore, detailed to go out and receive 
them. 

[The matter ended bj the release of the women, and their 
restoration to their friends, and the sequel of the story is thus 
told by Cnster] : 

" After the momentary excitement consequent upon the ar- 
rival of the girls in camp had subsided, officers, particularly of 
the Kansas volunteers, came to me with the remark that when 
we first overtook the Cheyenne village, and I failed to order an 
attack when all the chances were in our favor, they mentally 
condemned my decision as a mistake ; but with the results 
accomplished afterward they found ample reason to amend 
their first judgment, and frankly and cordially admit that the 
release of the two captives was far more gratifying than any 
victory over the Indians could have been if purchased by the 
sacrifice of their lives. 

" With this happy termination of this much of our negotia- 
tions with the Indians, I determined to march in the morning 
for Camp Supply, Indian Territory, satisfied that with the three 
chiefs in our possession, and the squaws and children captured 
at the Washita, still held as prisoners at Fort Hays, Kansas, we 
could compel the Cheyennes to abandon the war-path and 
return to their reservation. The three chiefs begged to be 
released, upon the ground that their people had delivered up the 
two girls ; but this I told them was but one of the two condi- 
tions imposed ; the other required the tribe to return to their 
reservation, and until this was done, they need not hope for 



CLOSING OPERATIONS. 469 

freedom ; but in the meauwiiile I assured them of kiud treat- 
ment at our hands. 

" Before dark a delegation of chiefs from the v^illage visited 
camp to likewise urge the release of the three chiefs. My reply 
to them was the same that I had given to the captives. I 
assured them, however, that upon complying with their treaty 
obligations, and returning to their reservation, the three chiefs 
would be restored to their people, and we would return to them 
also the women and children captured at the Washita. Seeing 
that no modification of these terms could be obtained, they 
iinally promised to accede to them, saying that their ponies, as 
I knew to be the fact, were in no condition to travel, but as 
soon as practicable they would surely proceed with their entire 
village to Camp Supply, and abandon the war-path forever ; a 
promise which, as a tribe, they have adhered to, from that day 
to this, with strict faith, so far as my knowledge extends." 

The settlement of the Cheyennes closed Custer's services on 
the southern plains. His command proceeded to Camp Supply 
and thence to Fort Hays, where the Nineteenth Kansas was 
mustered out. From and after the Washita campaign, the 
frontiers of Kansas were untroubled by any considerable depre- 
dations. Pawnee Killer, and the single campaign of 1867, had 
taught Custer all he needed to know of Indian lighting. In 
1868-9, he showed the fruits of his lesson in the first thoroughly 
successful campaign that had yet been prosecuted against the 
Indians of the plains. 

As many of our readers may feel an interest in the various 
characters introduced in these southern campaigns of Custer, 
a short summary of the fate of his best scouts may not be un- 
interesting. It seems that Romeo, true to his amorous name, and 
not deterred by his previous experience in Indian marriages, took 
to himself one more Cheyenne wife, when the tribe came in on 
their reservation, and that he became and is an Indian trader. 

California Joe disappeared for several years, till in 1874, 
when Custer was in command at Fort Lincoln, he sent the 
general this letter : 



470 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

SiERKE Nevadk Mountains, Calepornia, Marcli 16, 1874. 
Dear General after my respets to you and Lady i thought that 
i tell you that i am still on top of land yit i hev been in the 
rockey mountain the most of the time senee last I seen you but i 
got on the railroad and started west and the first thing I knew I 
landed in san Francisco so I could not go any further except goin 
by water and salt water at that so i turned back and headed for 
the mountains once more resolved never to go railroading no more 
i drifted up with the tide to sacramento city and i landed my boat 
so i took up through town they say thar is 20 thousand people 
living thar but it looks to me like to be 100 thousand counting 
chinaman and all i cant describe my wolfish feeling but i think 
that i look just like i did when we was chasing Bufl:alo on the 
cimarone so 1 struck up through town and 1 come to a large fine 
building crowded with people so i bulged in to see what was going 
on and when i got in to the counsil house i took a look around at 
the crowd and i seen the most of them had bald heads so i thought 
to myself i struck it now that they are Indian peace commissioners 
so i look to see if i would know any of them but not one so after 
while the smartess lookin one got up and said gentleman i intro- 
duce a bill to have speckle mountain trout and fish eggs imported 
to California to be put in the american Bear and yuba rivers — 
those rivers is so muddy that a tadpole could not live in them 
caused by mining — did any body ever hear of speckle trout living 
in muddy water and the next thing was the game law and that 
was very near as bad as the Fish for they aint no game in the 
country as big as mavvking bird i heard some fellow behind me ask 
how long is the legislatnrs been in session then i dropt on myself 
it wuzent Indian commissioners after all so i slid out took across 
to Chinatown and they smelt like a kiowa camp iu August with 
plenty bufEalo meat around — it was gettin late so no place to go 
not got a red cent so i happen to think of an old friend back of 
town that i knowed 25 years ago so i lit out and sure enough he 
Avas thar just as i left him 25 years ago baching [leading the life 
of bachelor — G. A. C] so i got a few seads i going to plant in a 
few days give my respects to the 7th calvery and except the same 
yoursly 

Califorxia Joe. 



Joe subsequently turned up again as a miner in the Black 
Hills, where he probably is to-day. He still smokes. 



CHAPTER IX. 
LOUISVILLE TO THE YELLOWSTONE. 

THE final submission of the Che3^ennes completed tlie work 
of Custer in the southwest, and set on hira the stamp of 
complete success. He had done what no other officer in the 
American army had 3'et succeeded in doing, beaten tribe after 
tribe of Indians, completely and decisively; and his exploits had 
jnstl}'- earned the reputation for him of being the best Indian 
fighter on the plains. For a time, his bitterest enemies were 
silent. They could not alter the facts by their sneers, and their 
animus was too palpable when they tried to belittle his exploits. 
The facts were Custer's best eulogy. 

A hostile and prejudiced court had sentenced him to dis- 
grace on a frivolous pretext, and his enemies had tried their 
best to get along without him. They had all the United States 
army to pick from, and yet they had done nothing all the summer 
but get into trouble and fail. The stage routes were deserted, 
travel stopped, and only the line of the railway, as far as built, 
was safe. At last Custer's worst enemies were compelled to 
acquiesce silently in the request of Sherman and Sheridan to be 
given back Custer himself as the only hope of success. Every 
officer of the Seventh, enemies and all, joined in the request. 
A few months' experience of being made ridiculous under 
another leader, brought them to that. Custer might be severe 
on drunkards, he might be a hard marcher, but he never made 
a fool of the regiment, and his worst enemies in that regiment 
had been conscious that he was unjustly treated in his court- 
martial. 



472 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

They knew that the principal instigator of the charges 
against him had since been compelled to leave the army on ac- 
count of habitual drunkenness, and that all the really good and 
valuable officers who had ever served under Custer were unan- 
imous in his praise. They joined in that request, the like of 
which had never been known before. A whole department 
formally asked for the return to command of an officer whom a 
year before the powers had tried their utmost to disgrace. He 
came, and what was the result? Before the winter had fairly 
turned into spring, Custer had ended the whole war and placed 
the frontier in peace, alone and unassisted, just hecause he was 
given his own way. In seven months he had closed the cam- 
paign which commenced in 1867, when Hancock let the Chey- 
ennes slip from between liis fingers, and when Custer saw his 
first Indian chief. He learned the mysteries of Indian warfare 
pretty quickly after that. 

The close of this seven months' campaign gave Custer a long 
and well-earned rest, during the summer of 1869. During the 
whole winter campaign he had been separated from his wife, 
who had remained at Fort Leavenworth ; but now that hostili- 
ties were closed, she rejoined him. The Seventh Cavalry was 
encamped during the whole summer in the neighborhood of 
Fort Hays, at Big Creek, where the very perfection of prairie 
life was the portion of all. This period and the next year may 
be called one of the very happiest of Custer's life, wherein he 
enjoyed himself as much as when in Texas after the close of 
the war. His whole military life seems to have been passed in 
a series of these changes, from periods of the hardest, most 
protracted and vigorous labor, to periods of rest and pleasure, 
enjoyed with the keenest zest by himself and wife. 

The summer of 1869 was a perfect round of pleasurable ex- 
citement, hunting excursions taking place almost every week, 
parties of tourists from the east or from Europe coming to visit 
the camp, attracted by the fame of Custer the successful Indian- 
fighter, and anxious to see him. Every week or so, a single 



LOUISVILLE TO THE YELLOWSTONE. 473 

squadron would be sent off on a scout through southern Kansas, 
to look after any small parties of Indians that might sneak out 
of the agencies on a cattle lifting raid ; but there was no lighting 
or danger. The main body of Indians was really and truly at 
peace, cowed by Custer's successes. The campaign had made 
them respect him, and they all held him in deep reverence. 
Already, showing the thoroughness of his character, he had 
mastered the Indian sign language, and M-as able to converse 
with Indians from any tribe on the plains, by this universal me- 
dium of communication. 

The summer being passed in entertaining eastern visitors, 
private and public, camp was struck in October, and the winter 
passed in Fort Leavenworth, where Custer began to write his 
War Memoirs, in a slightly different form from that in which 
they afterwards appeared, but he gave them up when they had 
reached no further than the battle of AVilliamsburg in the Pen- 
insular Campaign. He was always very diffident as to his liter- 
ary abilities, being keenly sensible of the deficiencies of a West 
Point education in that direction, and it was this diffidence 
which probably caused him to give up the War Memoirs so 
early. People had accused him so often of vanity, that he had 
become painfully sensitive on the subject of mentioning himself, 
and strove hard to keep his own name out of the War Memoirs, 
as well as, later, in the Life on the Plains. This is, in fact, the 
gravest literary fault possessed by either. Almost all the inter- 
est they possess is that which .appertains to Custer personally, 
as the most romantic figure of the war, and instead of this he 
thought himself obliged to give us historical sketches of others, 
not possessing half the same charm. 

His literary labors at Fort Leavenworth were varied, late in 
the winter, by a leave of absence, spent in a trip to ISTew York 
with the little wife, still as fresh and childish in mind and heart 
as ever, a matter in which she and Custer were exactly alike. 
All the summer they would be saving up their money for the 
eastern trip in the winter, and when the time came, they started 



474 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

off like two liappy children, determined to have a good time, 
seeing all the sights, going to all the theatres, laughing at 
Dundreary and weeping over the simulated sorrows of^ Clara 
Morris, enjoj'ing themselves to the very utmost. From that 
time thereafter, every winter saw the same little trip, and every 
spring saw them returning to tlie rough frontier life, having 
spent all their spare cash, but having had a splendid trip, full of 
enjoyment. 

The spring and summer of 1870 were merely a repetition 
of those of 1869, with more visitors. By this time, Custer's 
fame as a cavalry general was completely overshadowed by his 
more recent triumphs as an Indian fighter, and his still more 
recent exploits as a mighty hunter. His Scotch deerhounds had 
increased in number till he owned quite a large pack, his rifles 
were growing numerous, his sporting letters to the Titrf, Field 
and Farm had made him a friend of every hunter in the United 
States, and the English noble and gentle tourists, out for a 
buffalo hunt, always stopped at Fort Hays and brought letters 
to General Custer, who was supposed to know everything about 
the plains and buffalo. Even the great humbug. Barnum came 
out west to have a buffalo hunt, and was indulged \vith a run. 
It was of course a good deal of trouble entertaining all these 
greenhorns, and especially taking care of them in a buffalo hunt. 
It was necessary to send out a mounted orderly with each, to 
see he did not get lost, and as soon as the chase separated the 
hunters, the orderly used to kill the buffalo for his particular 
tourist, while the latter fired off all the barrels of his revolver 
into the carcass and then cut off the tail and claimed the beast 
as his own spoil. The orderlies found it a paying business to 
sell silence, while the amateurs took home their buffalo tails in 
triumph and hung them up in their studies. There are a good 
many such trophies in the Eastern States to-day, which might 
not be such a cause of pride to their owners were the true story 
to leak out. 

October, 1870, a^ain took Custer to Fort Leavenworth, where 



LOUISVILLE TO THE YELLOWSTONE. 475 

the whole regiment was reunited, under the command of Gen- 
eral Sturgis, its new colonel. General A. J. Smith had gone 
on the retired list, and Sturgis had succeeded him, as being 
the senior lieutenant-colonel of the army. It was now deter- 
mined, in view of the peculiar exigencies of the U. S. regular 
army, that the Seventh Cavalry should be broken up and moved 
elsewhere, while another regiment, relieved it in the West. 
Custer was thus likely to find himself, like many another officer, 
put in garrison at some one or two company post in the States 
and he wished to avoid this, as he was beginning to love his 
wild life on the plains. lie therefore made a formal applica- 
tion to headquarters, requesting to be assigned to duty at Fort 
Hays, or else at headquarters of his regiment. 

The endorsement on this communication will show what at 
that time was General Sturgis' opinion on Custer's merits as an 
Indian fighter, which he has since so strenuously denied. It 
runs thus : 

Headquarters Seventh Cavalry, Camp near Fort Hays, Kas. 

August IStli, 1869. 

In forwarding this communication approved, I would respect- 
fully ask for it that favorable consideration to which it would ap- 
pear to be entitled, not only in view of General Custer's worth and 
former services, but also of the arduous and important services 
rendered by him against the Indians of this department, while in 
command of the Seventh Cavalry. There is perhaps, no other 
officer of equal rank on this line who has ivorked more faithfully 
against the Indians, or who has avqttired the same degree of hnowl- 
edge of the country and of the Indian character. If however, it 
should be deemed impracticable to give him the command he 
desires, I would respectfully recommend that he be i)ermitted to 
accompany the Headquarters of the Eegiment. 

S. D. Stuegis, Col. Seventh Cavalry, 

Bvt. Maj. Gen. U. S. A. Comd. Kegt. 

This was Sturgis's free and unbiased opinion on Custer, fresh 
from the experience of his Indian warfare. It reads well to-day, 
since he has tried to change his opinion, now that Custer is dead. 



476 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

The application was unsuccessful. There was no longer 
an urgent necessity for a first class Indian fighter at Fort Hays, 
and any old seniority fossil would do. Custer had done his 
work very well, no doubt, better than any other man who had 
been put out there, but that was a year before. It was neces- 
sary to give some other regiment a chance at the plains, so the 
Seventh was ordered away into the States, and broken up into 
detachments at small posts. Under these circumstances, the 
position of the field officers of a regiment, if they are inclined 
to be lazy, is very pleasant. There is really nothing for them 
to do. They become mere ornamental appendages tacked on to 
a post, to sign their names to requisitions and reports. It was 
so far pleasant to Custer that he got all the leaves he wanted, 
and was able to go to Monroe early in 1871, while his extended 
leave finally took him to New York on private business. In 
March, the Seventh was ordered partly to Kentucky, partly to 
South Carolina, Custer being assigned to a two company post 
at Elizabethtown, Kentucky, a small place, some forty miles 
south of Louisville. Here the husband and wife settled down 
in June for the next two years to a monotonous existence, 
especially irksome to Custer. Nine officers out of ten, of the 
common pattern, which aims at earning its money easily, would 
have been delighted with this snug billet, but to Custer it was 
the reverse of pleasant. All that saved him from unhappiness 
was his literary work, in writing for the Galaxy the papers 
entitled " My Life on the Plains," which were begun and fin- 
ished during his Kentucky residence. Part of the time he was 
detailed in Louisville on a board for buj'ing horses for the 
regiment, which naturally brought him in contact with all the 
smart horse-dealers of the " horsey " state. This horse pur- 
chasing business also took him out to the Blue Grass country 
at times, and while there he invested much of his private funds 
in race-horses, on which he expected to realize handsomely. 
Just as his " luck " in war had been good, however, just so was 
his " luck " in horse-buying during peace time decidedly bad. 



LOUISVILLE TO THE YELLOWSTONE. 477 

No sooner had he paid his money for a valuable mare, than the 
mare would be kicked by another, and get a leg broken, or fall 
sick or die ; and in this way his horse ventures all came to 
grief and he lost some ten thousand dollars in a few years. 
The fact was, Custer was too honest and frank, too much of a 
knight of romance, he loved his horses too well, to succeed in 
trade with them. To be a successful horse trader, a man must 
be thoroughly callous, and regard his horses as mere objects of 
trade, which Custer never would do. Only one of his pur- 
chases now remains alive, and that one has been nearly ruined 
by the carelessness of the person in whose care it was left. 

During his Louisville residence, Custer only caught one 
glimpse of his beloved plains — in the winter of 1872. During 
that year the Russian Grand Duke Alexis came to the United 
States on a tour, and it was judged civil to show him a bufialo 
hunt. General Sheridan, still in command of the great west- 
ern division, and now moreover a lieutenant-general, was get- 
ting rather too stout for that kind of thing himself, and yet it 
was necessary to find some officer of high rank and national 
reputation to escort the Grand Duke, and to show him the hon- 
ors as well as the buffalo. No one was judged so fit for the 
purpose as Custer, and accordingly he received a telegraphic 
order to report at Omaha in January, 1872, where he joined 
Alexis, the renowned scout William Cody (" Buffalo Bill ") 
being also ordered there. The Grand Duke was delighted 
with his hunt and with Custer, whom he saw for the first time 
in the picturesque buckskin hunting-shirt which the General 
always wore on the plains. The hunt over, the 'duke insisted 
that Custer must accompany him on his further trip through 
the west, which the latter did, returning with Alexis to Louis- ' 
ville. Here they were joined by Mrs. Custer, and the party 
visited Mammoth Cave, and finally started on a regular trip 
through the south, which terminated March, 1872, at New Or- 
leans, where Alexis took ship for Eussia. Nothing of note 
transpired during the summer of 1872, during which the Life 



478 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

on tlie Plains was fairly begun, and nearly completed during 
the rest of the year. In March 1873, the Seventh Cavalry was 
once, more ordered to the Plains, this time up in Dakota. 

This order perfectly delighted Custer. He was getting 
heartily sick of the useless life he had been leading, and he 
knew that work was coming, real work. "When the whole 
Seventh Cavalry was ordered out in a body, it meant business. 
Once before they had been ordered out, and had ended in con- 
quering the southwest. Now it was necessary to overrun the 
nortlnvcst. When Custer pacified the Kiowas, Arapahoes, and 
Cheyennes by force, physical and moral, the Sioux of the 
northwest had fared very differently. They had frightened the 
Government into a treat}', the treaty of 1868, by which the 
United States had promised to give up to them forever a large 
expanse of countr}^, and not to trespass thereon. 

Now that the danger was over, and the Pacific Raih-oad 
safely completed to the south, thanks to Custer, the treaty with 
the Northern Indians became irksome. It was all well enough 
to promise a lot of naked savages to give them up so much land, 
but it could not be expected that such a promise should be kept 
a moment longer than w-as necessary to secure a quiet building 
of the railroad. It w^as now time to break the treaty. A north- 
ern Pacific road had become necessary, and its route was to lie 
right through the very midst of the territory solemnly prom- 
ised the Indians by the treaty of 1868. As a practical measure 
to provoke an Indian war, there is nothing so certain as the 
commencement of a railroad. With the power to run it through, 
however, a difi[;erent state of things ensues, as Custer himself 
forcibly illustrates, in narrating the events of the Yellowstone 
expedition, the last in which we are able to follow his 
words. 

" The experience of the past," says Custer, " particularly 
that of recent years, has shown too that no one measure so 
quickly and effectually frees a country from the horrors and 
devastations of Indian wars and Indian depredations generally 



LOUISVILLE TO THE YELLOWSTONE. 479 

as the 'building and successful operation of a railroad through 
the region overrun." 

Nothing can be truer than this, when once the railroad is 
completed, but the trouble is that while it is being built, the 
war has to be paid for at the same time, for the Indians, recog- 
nizing that the raih'oad will be their ruin, do all they can to 
hinder it. 

Knowing this, the Seventh Cavalry was ordered to Dakota 
in March, 1873. Custer, overjoyed, left Louisville with his two 
companies, and was joined at Memphis by the rest of the regi- 
ment, all delighted to be together. There was Tom Custer, who 
had been down in South Carolina, hunting whiskey distillers, 
and was heartily sick of the nauseous business ; there were Cook, 
Yates, Calhoun, Smith and all the fellows, glad to see each other 
and anxious for work. 

What with friends and relatives, the little group of officers 
nearest to Custer seemed like one family. There was Calhoun, 
the young boyish-looking Apollo of the regiment, who had 
married Maggie Custer a year before, and who was now acting 
as adjutant. There was Tom Custer, who had risen from the 
ranks of the volunteers, as Calhoun did from those of the regu- 
lars, and whose only privilege as the general's brother, was to 
get put in arrest for the. little breaches of discipline oftener 
than any officer in-the regiment. There was "Queen's Own" 
Cook, with his high-bred face and long Dundreary whiskers, 
and sturdy business-like Yates, who kept the " band-box troop " 
of the regiment. How glad all the boys were to see each other, 
and how they delighted in the prospect of work ! 

The regiment was taken by boat to Yankton on the Mis- 
souri, where it was put ashore, and remained a week or so, being 
finally organized again April 10th, 1873. Then the whole 
Seventh Cavalry, in regular old style, took up their march 
along the banks of the Missouri all the way to Fort Rice, 600 
miles off, which they reached in six weeks. In i-egular old 
style, Mrs. Custer rude on her horse at the head of the column, 



480 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

and this time she had the company of more than one lady. 
Mrs. Calhoun, Mrs. Yates, Mrs. Smith and several other of the 
officers' wives went with her, and all accomplished the jour- 
ney in safety. They passed through the Cheyenne, Brule, 
Yanktonnais and Standing Kock Agencies, seeing for the first 
time, the Northern Indians, and finally went into camp at Fort 
Rice late in May. 

There, however, the ladies found themselves, very unwill- 
ingly, compelled to turn back. The regiment was ordered to 
accompany the Yellowstone Expedition. Mrs. Custer and her 
friends returned to Monroe, while Custer proceeded on that ex- 
pedition which he shall henceforth tell in his own words. 

In the early spring of '73, says Custer, the officials of the 
Korthern Pacific railroad applied to the Government authorities 
at Washington for military protection for a surveying party to 
be sent out the ensuing summer to explore and mark out the 
uncompleted portion of the road extending from the Missouri 
River in Dakota to the interior of Montana, west of the Yellow- 
stone. 

To extend encouragement and aid to the projectors and 
builders of the Northern Pacific road, the Government gi-anted 
the application of the road for a military escort, and gave 
authority for the organization of what was afterward designated 
as the Yellowstone expedition. The troops composing the ex- 
pedition numbered about seventeen hundred men, consisting of 
cavalr}^, infantry, an improvised battery of artillery, and a de- 
tachment of Indian scouts, the whole under command of Brevet 
Major-General D. S. Stanley. Fort Rice, Dakota, on the Mis- 
souri River, was selected as the point of rendezvous and depart- 
ure of the expedition. 

It was not until July that the Yellowstone expedition 
assumed definite shape, and began its westward movement from 
Fort Rice. The engineers and surveyors of the Northern 
Pacific railroad were under the direction and management of 
General Thomas L. Rosser. He and I had been cadets together 



LOUISVILLE TO THE YELLOWSTONE. 481 

at the Military Academy at West Point, occupying adjoining 
rooms, and being members of the same company, often march- 
ing side by side in the performance of onr various military 
duties while at the Academy. When the storms of secession 
broke upon the country in '61, Rosser, in common with the 
majority of the cadets from the Southern States, resigned his 
warrant, and hastened to unite his personal fortunes with those 
of his State — Texas. He soon won distinction in the Confeder- 
ate army, under Lee, and finally rose to the rank and command 
of m^jor-general of cavalry. 

When the war was ended, Rosser, like manj of his comrades 
from the South who had staked their all upon the issue of the 
war, at once cast about him for an opportunity to begin anew 
the battle, not of war, but of life. Possessing youth, health, 
many and large abilities, added to indomitable pluck, he decided 
to trust his fortunes amidst his late enemies, and repaired to 
Minnesota, where he sought employment in one of the many 
surveying parties acting under the auspices of the Northern 
Pacific road. Upon applying to the officer of the road for a 
position as civil engineer, he was informed that no vacancy ex- 
isted to which he could be appointed. Nothing daunted, he 
persisted, and finally accepted a position among the axemen, 
willing to work, and proved to his employers not only his in- 
dustry, but his fitness for promotion. He at once attracted the 
attention of his superiors, who were not slow to recognize his 
merit. Rosser was advanced rapidly from one important posi- 
tion to another, until in a few months he became the chief en- 
gineer of the surveying party accompanying the expedition. In 
this capacity I met him on the plains of Dakota, in 1873, nearly 
ten years after the date when in peaceful scabbards we sheathed 
the swords which on more than one previous occasion we had 
drawn against each other. Omitting the incidents of the march 
from our starting point. Fort Rice, on the Missouri, we come to 
the time when we found ourselves encamped on the east bank 
of the beautiful and swift flowing Yellowstone, about a hundred 
31 



482 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

miles from its m©utli. At tliis point the expedition was met 
by a steamer, sent for that purpose up the Missouri, hundreds 
of miles above Fort Rice, then up the Yellowstone to the point 
of junction. From it fresh supplies of forage and subsistence 
stores were obtained. This being done, the entire expedition, 
save a small detachment left at this point to guard our surplus 
stores, intended for our return march, was ferried by the steam- 
er across the Yellowstone River. Our course for several days 
carried us up that stream ; our tents at night being usually 
pitched on or near the river bank. The country to be surveyed, 
however, soon became so rough and broken in places that we 
encountered serious delays at times in finding a practicable 
route for our long and heavily laden wagon trains, over rocks 
and through canons hitherto unexplored by white men. So 
serious did these embarrassments become, and so much time 
was lost in accomplishing our daily marches, that I suggested 
to General Stanley that I should take with me each day a couple 
of companies of cavalry and a few of the Indian scouts, and seek 
out and prepare a practicable road in advance, thereby prevent- 
ing detention of the main command. This proposition being 
acceded to, it was my custom thereafter to push rapidly for- 
ward in the early morning, gaining an advance of several miles 
upon the main expedition, and by locating the route relieving 
the troops and trains in rear of a great amount of fatigue and 
many tedious detentions. One result of this system was that 
I and my little party, who were acting as pioneers, usually ar- 
rived at the termination of our day's march, our camp ground 
for the night, at an early hour in the da}', several hours in 
advance of the main portion of the expedition. 

On the morning of August 4th, with two companies of the 
Seventh Cavalry, commanded by Captain Moylan and Colonel 
Custer — who, with my adjutant, Lieutenant Calhoun, and Lieu- 
tenant Yarnum, composed the officers of the party, and guided 
by my favorite scout. Bloody Knife, a young Arickaree war- 
rior, the entire party numbering eighty-six men and live offi- 



LOUISVILLE TO THE YELLOWSTONE. 483 

cers, I left camp at five o'clock in tlie morning, and set out as 
usual to explore the country and find a practicable route for the 
main column. Soon after we left camp, Bloody Knife's watch- 
ful eyes discovered fresh signs of Indians. Halting long enough 
to allow him to examine the trail, Blood}^ Knife was soon able 
to gather all the information attainable. A party of Indians 
had been prowling about our camp the previous night, and had 
gone aw^ay, travelling in the direction in which we were then 
marching. 

This intelligence occasioned no particular surprise, as we 
had been expecting to discover the presence of Indians for sev- 
eral days. Bloody Knife's information produced no change in 
our plans. The hostile party of whose presence we had become 
aware, numbered nineteen ; our party numbered over ninety. 

Over rock-ribbed hills, down timbered dells, and across open, 
grassy plains, we wended our way without unusual interest, 
except at intervals of a few miles to discover the trail of 
the nineteen prowling visitors of the previous night, showing 
that our course, which was intended to lead us again to the 
Yellowstone, was in the same direction as theirs. Bloody Knife 
interpreted this as indicating that the village from which 
the nineteen had probably been sent to reconnoitre and report 
our movements, was located somewhere above us in the Yellow- 
stone valle3^ About ten o'clock we reached the crest of the 
high line of bluffs bordering the Yellowstone valley, from which 
we obtained a fine view of the river and valley extending above 
and beyond us as far as the eye could reach. 

After halting upon the crest of the bluffs long enough to 
take in the pleasures of the scene, and admire the beautiful 
valley spread out like an exquisite carpet at our feet, we de- 
scended to the valley and directed our horses' heads toward a 
particularly attractive and inviting cluster of shade trees stand- 
ing on the river bank, and distant from the crest of the bluffs 
nearly two miles. First allowing our thirsty horses to drink 
from the clear, crystal water of the Yellowstone, which ran 



48i GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

miirmaringlj by in its long tortuous course to the Missouri, we 
then picketed them out to graze. 

Precautionary and necessary measures having been attended 
to, looking to the security of our horses, the next important and 
equally necessary step was to post half a dozen pickets on the 
open plain beyond, to give timely warning in the event of the 
approach of hostile Indians. This being done, the remainder 
of our party busied themselves in arranging each for his indi- 
vidual comfort, disposing themselves on the grass beneath the 
shade of the wide-spreading branches of the cotton woods that 
grew close to the river bank. For myself, so oblivious was 1 to 
the prospect of immediate danger, that after selecting a most 
inviting spot for my noonday nap, and arranging my saddle 
and buckskin coat in the form of a comfortable pillow, I removed 
my boots, untied ray cravat, and opened my collar, prepared 
to enjoy to the fullest extent, the delight of the outdoor siesta. 

I did not omit, however, to place my trusty Remington rifle 
within easy grasp — more from habit, it must be confessed, than 
from anticipation of danger. Kear me, and stretched on the 
ground sheltered by the shade of the same tree, was my brother, 
the colonel, divested of his hat, coat, and boots ; while close at 
hand, wrapped in deep slumber, lay the other three officers, 
Moylan, Calhoun, and Yarnum. Sleep had taken possession of 
lis all — officers and men — excepting of course the watchful 
pickets into whose keeping the safety, the lives, of our little 
detachment was for the time entrusted. How long we slept I 
scarcely know — perhaps an hour, when the cry of "Indians! 
Indians ! " quickly followed by the sharp ringing crack of the 
pickets' carbines, aroused and brought us — officers, men, and 
horses — to our feet. There was neither time nor occasion for 
questions to be asked or answered. Catching up my rifle, and 
without waiting to don hat or boots, I glanced through the 
grove of trees to the open plain or valley beyond, and saw a 
small party of Indians bearing down toward us as fast as their 
ponies could carry them. 



LOUISVILLE TO THE YELLOWSTONE. 485 

" Run to your horses, men ! Run to your horses ! " I fairly 
yelled as I saw that the first move of the Indians was intended 
to stampede our animals and leave us to be attended to after- 
ward. 

At the same time the pickets opened fire upon our disturb- 
ers, who had already emptied their rifles at us as they advanced 
as if boldly intending to ride us down. As yet we could see 
but half a dozen warriors, but those who were familiar with 
stratagems knew full well that so small a party of savages un- 
supported would not venture to disturb in open day a force the 
size of ours. Quicker than I could pen the description, each 
trooper, with rifle in hand, rushed to secure his horse, and men 
and horses were soon withdrawn from the open plain and con- 
cealed behind the clump of trees beneath whose shade we were 
but a few moments before quietly sleeping. The tiring of the 
pickets, the latter having been reinforced by a score of their 
comrades, checked the advance of the Indians and enabled us to 
saddle our horses and be prepared for whatever might be in 
store for us. 

A few moments found us in our saddles and sallying forth 
from the timber to try conclusions with the daring intruders. 
AVe could onlj' see half a dozen Sioux warriors galloping up 
and down in our front, boldl}^ challenging us by their manner 
to attempt their capture or death. Of course it was an easy 
matter to drive them away, but as we advanced it became 
noticeable that the}'' retired, and when we halted or diminished 
our speed they did likewise. It was apparent from the first 
that the Indians were resorting to stratagem to accomplish that 
which they could not do by an open, direct attack. Taking 
twenty troopers with me headed by Colonels Custer and Calhoun, 
and directing Moylan to keep within supporting distance with 
the remainder, I followed the retreating Sioux up the valley, 
but with no prospect of overtaking them, as they were mounted 
upon the fleetest of ponies. Thinking to tempt them within 
our grasp, I being mounted on a Kentucky thoroughbred in 



4S6 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

whose speed and endurance I had confidence, directed Colonel 
Custer to allow me to approach the Indians, accompanied only 
by my orderly, who was also well mounted ; at the same time 
to follow us cautiously at a distance of a couple of liundred 
yards. The wily redskins were not to be caught by any such 
artifice. They were perfectly willing that my orderly and my- 
self should approach them, but at the same time they carefully 
watched the advance of the cavalry following me, and permitted 
no advantage. We had by this time almost arrived abreast of 
an immense tract of timber growing in the valley and extending 
to the water's edge, but distant from our resting place, from 
which we had been so rudely aroused, about two miles. 

The route taken by the Indians, and which they evidently 
intended us to follow, led past this timber, but not through it. 
When we had arrived almost opposite the nearest point, I sig- 
nalled to the cavalry to halt, which was no sooner done than the 
Indians also came to a halt. I then made the sign to the latter 
for a parley, which was done simply by riding m}' horse in a 
circle. To this the savages only responded b}'' looking on in 
silence for a few moments, then turning their ponies and mov- 
ing off slowly, as if to say, " Catch us if you can."' My sus- 
picions were more than ever aroused, and I sent my orderly 
back to tell Colonel Custer to keep a sharp eye upon the heavy 
bushes on our left and scarcely three hundred yards distant 
from where I sat on my horse. The orderly had delivered his 
message, and had almost rejoined me, when judging from our 
halt that we intended to pursue no further, the real design and 
purpose of the savages was made evident. The small party in 
front had faced toward us and were advancing as if to attack. 
I could scarcely credit the evidence of my eyes, but my aston- 
ishment had only begun when turning to the wood on my left 
I beheld bursting from their concealment between three and 
four hundred Sioux warriors mounted and caparisoned with all 
the flaming adornments of paint and feathers which go to make 
up the Indian war costume. When I first obtained a glimpse 



LOUISVILLE TO THE YELLOWSTONE. 487 

of them — and a single glance was sufficient — they -svere clashing 
from the timber at full speed, yelling and whooping as only 
Indians can. At the same time they moved in perfect line, 
and with as seeming good order and alignment as the best 
drilled cavalry. 

To understand our relative positions the reader has only to 
imagine a triangle whose sides are almost equal ; their length in 
this particular instance being from three to four hundred yards, 
the three angles being occupied by Colonel Custer and his de- 
tachment, the Indians, and myself. "Whatever advantage there 
was in length of sides fell to my lot, and I lost no time in avail- 
ing myself of it. Wheeling my horse suddenly around, and 
driving the spurs into his sides, I rode as only a man rides whose 
life is the prize, to reach Colonel Custer and his men, not only 
in advance of the Indians, but before any of them could cut me 
off. Moylan with his reserve was still too far in the rear to 
render their assistance available in repelling the shock of the 
Indians' first attack. Realizing the great superiority of our 
enemies, not only in numbers, but in their ability to handle their 
arms and horses in a fight, and fearing they might dash through 
and disperse Colonel Custer's small party of twenty men, and 
having once broken the formation of the latter, despatch them 
in detail, I shouted to Colonel Custer at almost each bound of 
m}^ horse, " Dismount your men ! Dismount your men ! " but 
the distance which separated us and the excitement of the occa- 
sion prevented him from hearing me. 

•^ Fortunately, however, this was not the first time he had 
been called upon to contend against the sudden and unforeseen 
onslaught of savages, and although failing to hear my sugges- 
tion, he realized instantly that the safety of his little band of 
troopers depended upon the adoption of prompt means of 
defence. 

Scarcely had the long line of splendidly mounted warriors 
rushed from their hiding place before Colonel Custer's voice 
rang out sharp and clear, " Prepare to fight on foot." This 



4S8 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

order required three out of four troopers to leap from their sad- 
dles and take their position on the ground, where b}' more de- 
liberate aim, and being freed from the management of their 
horses, a more efi'ective resistance could be opposed to the rapidly 
approaching warriors. The fourth trooper in each gi'oup of 
" fours " remained on his horse, holding the reins of the horses 
of his three comrades. 

Quicker than words can describe, the fifteen cavalrymen, 
now on foot and acting as infantry, rushed forward a few paces in 
advance of the horses, deployed into open order, and dropping 
on one or both knees in the low grass, waited with loaded car- 
bines — with finger gently pressing the trigger — the approach of 
the Sioux, who rode boldly down as if apparently unconscious 
that the small group of troopers were on their front. '• Don't 
fire, men, till I give the word, and when you do fire, aim low," 
was the quiet injunction given his men by their young com- 
mander, as he sat on his horse intently watching the advanc- 
ing foe. 

Swiftly over the grassy plain leaped my noble steed, each 
bound bearing me nearer to both friends and foes. Had the 
race been confined to the Indians and myself the closeness of 
the result would have satisfied an admirer even of the Derby. 
Nearer and nearer our paths approached each other, making it 
appear almost as if I were one of the line of warriors, as the 
latter bore down to accomplish the destruction of the little group 
of troopers in front. Swifter seem to fly our mettled steeds, 
the one to save, the other to destroy, until the common goal 
has almost been reached — a few more bounds, and friends and 
foes will be united — will form one contending mass. 

The victory was almost within the grasp of the redskins. 
It seemed that but a moment more, and they would be tram- 
pling the kneeling troopers beneath the feet of their fleet-limbed 
ponies ; when, " Now men, let them have it ! " was the signal 
for a well-directed volley, as fifteen cavalry carbines poured their 
contents into the ranks of the shrieking savages. Before the 



LOUISVILLE TO THE YELLOWSTOJSE. 489 

latter could recover from the surprise and confusion which fol- 
lowed, the carbines — thanks to the invention of breech-loaders — 
were almost instantly loaded, and a second carefully aimed dis- 
charge went whistling on its deadly errand. Several warriors 
were seen to reel in their saddles, and were only saved from 
falling by the quickly extended arms of their fellows. Ponies 
were tumbled over like butchered bullocks, their riders glad to 
find themselves escaping with less serious injuries. The effect 
of the rapid firing of the troopers, and the firm, determined 
stand, showing that they thought neither of flight nor surren- 
der, was to compel the savages first to slacken their speed, 
then to lose their daring and confidence in their ability to 
trample down the little group of defenders in the front. Death 
to many of their number stared them in the face. Besides, if 
the small party of troopers in the front was able to oppose such 
plucky and destructive resistance to their attacks, what might 
not be expected should the main party under Moylan, now 
swiftly approaching to the rescue, also take part in the struggle? 
But more quickly than my sluggish pen has been able to record 
the description of the scene, the battle line of the warriors ex- 
hibited signs of faltering which soon degenerated into an abso- 
lute repulse. In a moment their attack was transforujed into 
flight in which each seemed only anxious to secure his indi- 
vidual safety. A triumphant cheer from the cavalry-men as 
they sent a third installment of leaden messengers whistling 
about the ears of the fleeing redskins served to spur both pony 
and rider to their utmost speed. Moylan by this time had 
reached the ground and had united the entire force. The In- 
dians in the mean time had plunged out of sight into the re- 
cesses of the jungle from which they first made their attack. 
"We knew too well that their absence would be brief, and that 
thej^ would resume the attack, but not in the manner of 
the first. 

"We knew that we had inflicted no little loss upon them — 
dead and wounded ponies could be seen on the ground passed over 



490 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

by the Indians. The latter would not be satisiled without deter- 
mined efforts to get revenge. Of this we were well aware. 

A moment's hurried consultation between the officers and 
myself, and we decided that as we would be forced to act en- 
tirely upon the defensive against a vastly superior force, it 
would be better if we relieved ourselves as far as possible of the 
care of our horses, and take our chances in the fight which was 
yet to come, on foot. At the same time, we were then so far 
out on the open plain and from the river bank, that the Indi- 
ans could surround us. We must get nearer to the river, 
conceal our liorses or shelter them from fire, then with every 
available man form a line or semicircle, with our backs to the 
river, and defend ourselves until the arrival of the main body 
of the expedition, an event we could not expect for several 
hours. As if divining our intentions and desiring to prevent 
their execution, the Indians now began their demonstrations 
looking to a renewal of the fight. 

Of course it was easy to see what had been the original plan 
by which the Indians hoped to kill or capture our entire party. 
Stratagem of course was to play a prominent part in the quarrel. 
The few young warriors first sent to arouse us from our midday 
slumber came as a decoy to tempt us to pursue them beyond 
the ambush in which laj^ concealed the main body of the sav- 
ages ; the latter were to dash from their hiding place, intercept 
our retreat, and dispose of us after the most approved manner 
of barbarous warfare. 

The next move on our part was to fight our way back to 
the little clump of bushes from which we had been so rudely 
startled. To do this Captain Moylan, having united his force 
to that of Colonel Custer, gave the order " Prepare to fight on 
foot." This was quickly obeyed. Three-fourths of the fight- 
ing force were now on foot armed with the carbines only. 
These were deployed in somewhat of a circular skirmish line, 
of which the horses formed the centre ; the circle having a 
diameter of several hundred yards. In this order we made our 



LOUISVILLE TO THE YELLOWSTONE. 491 

way back to the timber ; the Indians whooping, yelling, and 
firing their rifles as they dashed* madly by on their fleet war 
ponies. That the tire of their rifles should be effective under 
these circumstances could scarcely be expected. Neither could 
the most careful aim of the cavalrymen produce much better 
results. It forced the savages to keep at a respectful distance, 
however, and enabled us to make our retrograde movement. 
A few of our horses were shot by the Indians in this irregular 
skirmish ; none fatally, however. As we were falling back, con- 
testing each foot of ground passed over, I heard a sudden sharp 
cry of pain from one of the inen in charge of our horses ; the 
next moment I saw his arm hanging helplessly at his side, while 
a crimson current flowing near his shoulder told that the aim 
of the Indians had not been entirely in vain. The gallant fel- 
low kept his seat in his saddle, however, and conducted the 
horses under his charge safely with the rest to the timber. 
Once concealed by the trees, and no longer requiring the horses 
to be moved, the number of horseholders was reduced so as to 
allow but one trooper to eight horses ; the entire remainder being 
required on the skirmish line. The redskins had followed us 
closely, step by step, to the timber, tempted in part by their 
great desire to obtain possession of our horses. If successful in 
this, they believed no doubt that, flight on our part being no 
longer possible, we must be either killed or captured. 

Taking advantage of a natural terrace or embankment ex- 
tending almost like a semicircle in front of the little grove in 
which we had taken refuge, and at a distance of but a few hun- 
dred yards from the latter, I determined by driving the Indians 
beyond to adopt it as our breastwork or line of defence. This 
was soon accomplished, and we found ourselves deployed behind 
a natural parapet or bulwai-k from which the troo})ers could 
deliver a carefully directed fire upon their enemies, and at the 
same time be protected largely from the bullets of the latter. 
The Indians made repeated and desperate efibrts to dislodge us 



492 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

and force ns to the level plateau. Every effort of tliis kind 
proved unavailing. 

Katlier a remarkable instance of rifle shooting occurred in 
the early part of the contest. I was standing in a group of 
troopers, and with them was busily engaged firing at such of 
om* enemies as exposed themselves. Bloody Knife was with us, 
his handsome face lighted up by the fire of battle and the desire 
to avenge the many wrongs suffered by his peoi)le at the hands 
of the ruthless Sioux. All of us had had our attention drawn 
more than once to a Sioux warrior who, seeming more bold than 
his fellows, dashed repeatedly along the front of our lines, 
scarcely two hundred yards distant, and although the troopers 
had singled him out, he had thus far escaped untouched by their 
bullets. Encouraged by his success perhaps, he concluded to 
taunt us again, and at the same time exhibit his own daring, by 
riding along the lines at full speed, but nearer than before. "We 
saw him coming. Bloody Knife, with his Henry rifle poised 
gracefully in his hands, watched his coming, saying he intended 
to make this his enemy's last ride. He would send him to the 
happy hunting ground. I told the interpreter to tell Bloody 
Knife that at the moment the warrior reached a designated 
point directly opposite to us, he, Bloody Knife, should fire at the 
rider and I at the same instant would tire at the pony. 

A smile of approval passed over the swarthy features of 
the friendly scout as he nodded assent. I held in my hand my 
well-tried Remington. Resting on one knee and glancing along 
the barrel, at the same time seeing that Bloody Knife was also 
squatting low in the deep grass with rifle levelled, I awaited 
the approach of the warrior to the designated point. On he 
came, brandishing his weapons and flaunting his shield in our 
faces, defying us by his taunts to come out and fight like men. 
Swiftly sped the gallant little steed that bore him, scarcely need- 
ing the guiding rein. Nearer and nearer both horse and rider 
approached the fatal spot, when sharp and clear, and so simul- 
taneous as to sound as one, rang forth the reports of the two 



LOUISVILLE TO THE YELLOWSTONE. 493 

rifles. The distance was less than two hundred yards. The 
Indian was seen to throw np his arms and reel in his saddle, 
while the pony made one final leap, and both fell to the earth. 
A shont rose from the gronp of troopers, in which Bloody Knife 
and I joined. The next moment a few of the comrades of the 
fallen warrior rushed to his rescue, and without dismounting 
from their ponies, scarcely pulling rein, clutched up the body, 
and the next moment disappeared from view. 

Foiled in their repeated attempts to dislodge us, the Indians 
withdrew to a point beyond the range of our rifles for the 
apparent purpose of devising a new plan of attack. Of this we 
soon became convinced. Hastily returning to a renewal of the 
struggle, we saw our adversaries arrange themselves in groups 
along our entire front. They were seen to dismount, and the 
quick eyes of Bloody Knife detected them making their way 
toward us by crawling through the grass. We were at a loss 
to comprehend their designs, as we could not believe they in- 
tended to attempt to storm our position on foot. We were not 
left long in doubt. Suddenly, and almost as if by magic, we 
beheld numerous small columns of smoke shooting up all along 
our front. 

Calling Bloody Knife and the interpreter to my side, I in- 
quired the meaning of what we saw. " They are setting fire 
to the long grass, and intend to burn us out," was the scout's 
reply, at the same time keeping his eyes intently bent on the 
constantly increasing columns of smoke. His features wore a 
most solemn look ; anxiety was plainly depicted there. Look- 
ing to him for suggestions and advice in this new phase of our 
danger, I saw his face gradually unbend and a scornful smile 
part his lips. "The Great Spirit will not help our enemies," 
was his muttered reply to my question. " See," he continued ; 
" the grass refuses to burn." Casting my eyes along the line 
formed by the columns of smoke, I saw that Bloody Knife 
had spoken truly when he said, "The grass refuses to burn." 

This was easily accounted for. It was early in the month 



494 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

of August ; tlie grass had not ripened or matured sufficiently to 
burn readily. A month later, and the flames would have swept 
us back to the river as if we had been surrounded by a growth 
of tinder. In a few moments the anxiety caused by the threat- 
ening of this new and terrible danger was dispelled. While 
the greatest activity was maintained in our front by our 
enemies, ray attention was called to a single warrior who, 
mounted on his pony, had deliberatelj^, and as I thought rashly, 
passed around our left flank — our diminished numbers prevent- 
ing us from extending our line close to the river — and was then 
in rear of our skirmishers, riding slowly along the crest of the 
low river bank with as apparent unconcern as if in the midst of 
his friends instead of being almost in the power of his enemies. 
1 imagined that his object was to get nearer to the grove in 
which our horses were concealed, and toward which he was 
moving slowly, to reconnoitre and ascertain how much force we 
held in reserve. At the same time, as I never can see an Indian 
engaged in an unexplained act without conceiving treachery 
or stratagem to be at the bottom of it, I called to Lieutenant 
Varnum, who commanded on the left, to take a few men and 
endeavor to cut the wily interloper off. This might have been 
accomplished but for the excessive zeal of some of Yarnum's 
men, who acted with lack of caution, and enabled the Indian to 
discover their approach and make his escape by a harried gallop 
up the river. The men were at a loss ev^en then to comprehend 
his strange manoeuvre, but after the fight had ended, and we 
obtained an opportunity to ride over and examine the ground, 
all was made clear, and we learned how narrowly we had es- 
caped a most serious if not fatal disaster. 

The river bank in our rear was from twenty to thirty feet 
high. At its base and along the water's edge ran a narrow 
pebbly beach. The redskins had hit upon a novel but to us 
most dangerous scheme for capturing our horses and at the same 
time throwing a large force of warriors directly on our rear. 
They had found a pathway beyond our rear, leading from the 



LOUISVILLE TO THE YELLOWSTONE. 495 

large tract of timber in which the}^ were first concealed through 
a cut or ravine in the river bank. By this they were enabled 
to reach the water's edge, from which point they could move 
down the river, following the pebbly beach referred to, the 
height of the river bank protecting them perfectly from our 
observation. Thus they would have placed themselves almost 
in the midst of our horses before we could have become aware 
of their designs. Had they been willing, as white men would 
liave been, to assume greater risks, their success M'ould have 
been assured. But they feared that we might discover their 
movements and catch them while strung ont along the narrow 
beach, with no opportunity to escape. A few men on the bank 
could have shot down a vastly superior force. In this case the 
Indians had sent on this errand about one hundred warriors. 
After the discovery of this attack and its failure, the battle 
languished for awhile, and we were surprised to notice, not very 
long after, a general withdrawal from in front of our right, 
and a concentration of their forces opposite our left. The rea- 
son for this was soon made clear to us. Looking far to the 
right and over the crest of the hills already described, we could 
see an immense cloud of dust rising and rapidly approaching. 
We could not be mistaken ; we could not see the cause produc- 
ing this dust ; but there was not one of us who did not say to 
himself, "Relief is at hand." A few moments later a shout 
arose from the men. All eyes were turned to the bluffs in the 
distance, and there were to be seen, coming almost with the 
speed of the wind, four separate squadrons of Uncle Sam's best 
cavalry, with banners flying, horses' manes and tails floating on 
the breeze, and comrades spurring forward in generous emula- 
tion as to which squadron should land its colors first in the 
fight. It was a grand and welcome sight, but M-e waited not to 
enjoy it. Confident of support and wearied from fighting on 
the defensive, now was our time to mount our steeds and force 
our enemies to seek safety in flight, or to battle on more even 
terms. In a moment M-e were in our saddles and dashing after 



496 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

them. The only satisfaction we had was to drive at full speed 
for several miles a force outnumbering us five to one. In this 
pursuit we picked up a few ponies which the Indians were com- 
pelled to abandon on account of wounds or exhaustion. Their 
wounded, of whom there were quite a number, and their killed, 
as afterwards acknowledged by them when they returned to 
the agency to receive the provisions and fresh supplies of am- 
munition whicli a sentimental government, manipulated and 
directed by corrupt combinations, insists upon distributing an- 
nually, were sent to the rear before the flight of the main body. 
The number of Indians and ponies killed and wounded in this 
engagement, as shown by their subsequent admission, almost 
equalled that of half our entire force engaged. 

That night the forces of the expedition encamped on 
the battle-ground, which w^as nearly opposite the mouth of 
Tongue River. My tent was pitched under the hill from 
which I had been so unceremoniously disturbed at the com- 
mencement of the fight ; while under the wide-spreading 
branches of a neighboring Cottonwood, guarded and watched 
over by sorrowing comrades who kept up their lonely vigils 
through the night, lay the mangled bodies of two of our com- 
panions of the march, who although not present nor participat- 
ing in the fight, had fallen victims to the cruelty of our foes. 

Thus closes Custer's account of this, his first fight with the 
Northern Indians, In it will be noticed the same coolness and 
deliberately studied recklessness which made him so successful 
an Indian fighter. This was the first intimation that the Sioux 
were on the war-path against the whites, and their first opposi- 
tion to the running of the railroad. 

In the last sentence of Custer's account of this action, which 
closes his published articles on the plains, he mentions two vic- 
tims of Indian cruelty. It is necessary to explain the allusion, 
because these two men were remotely the cause of Custer's own 
death, three years later. 

They were both unarmed men, the veterinary surgeon and 



LOUISVILLE TO THE YELLOWSTONE. 497 

the sutler of the Seventh Cavahy. Dr. Houzinger, the first, 
was a corpulent old man of the quietest and most inoffensive 
habits, a great favorite with the regiment. Mr. Baliran, the 
sutler, was also an elderly man, and a great friend of Dr. Hou- 
zinger. The two were in the habit of straying off from the 
main body of the command, picking up natural curiosities, and 
so far had experienced no trouble. On the day of Custer's fight, 
these two quiet old men were somewhere about two miles be- 
hind his party, and ahead of the main body. Their bodies were 
found by the advance of the main expedition, where they had 
been swooped upon and killed by Indians, some out-lying 
members of the main party. Dr. Ilouzinger's skull was frac- 
tured as with some blunt instrument, but neither body was 
mutilated. Who had killed them was of course not known 
then. It came to light in a very strange manner, two years 
after, as we shall see in its place. 

Another man, a soldier of Company F. Seventh Cavalry, 
was also found killed, where he had been surprised at a spring, 
and it was the discovery of these bodies, together with the re- 
ports of scouts and stragglers that the Indians were up, that had 
induced General Stanley to send on help to Custer, arriving in 
time as it did. Stanley mentions this fight in very handsome 
terms in his report. 

For the next three days after the fight, Indians were to be 
seen hovering round the colunm, and on the 8th of August the 
appearance was explained. A lodge pole trail, evidently be- 
longing to a very large village, was found leading up the Yel- 
lowstone, and Custer was sent out with all the cavalry and scouts 
to pursue it, starting at nine that night. The trail was followed 
for thirty-six hours, and on the 10th August, it was found that 
the Indians had crossed the Yellowstone in " bull boats," the 
old trapper name for the wicker coracle, covered with a bull's 
hide, which is the transport of the plains Indians. Custer tried 
all day to cross after them, but in vain ; the American horses 
would not swim the river. Next morning, he was attacked by 
32 



498 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

the Indians, who had been watching his discomfiture. Some 
came dovvn and fired at him across the river, while another 
body, probably from a second village, came down behind him, 
firing from the rear. The place where they now were, was on 
the north bank of the Yellowstone, three miles below the mouth 
of the Big Horn. Then, as now, the valley of the Upper Yel- 
lowstone, especially the southern bank, was the headquarters of 
the hostile Indians, and then, as now. Sitting Bull seems to have 
been their leader. Such at least was the impression of men in 
the ranks at the time, as I learn from extracts from the diary 
of an old soldier, then of the Twenty-second intantry, and now 
in the marines. His name is Patrick Bi-esland, and he seems 
to have been a regular old warrior all over the world, having 
served in the English army in the Crimea and Indian Mutiny, 
and several enlistments in difi'erent corps of the United States 
Army. This brave fellow it seems, kept a diary, meagre and 
bare enough, but still recording the main facts during the Yel- 
lowstone Expedition, and his entry of the fight of the 4th Au- 
gust is that it was " between the Sioux under Sitting Bull and 
Companies A and B, Seventh Cavalry." He says further, "the 
Indians retreated, followed by the Seventh Cavalry, Twenty- 
second infantry, and the rest of the expedition under General 
Stanley. On the 10th August we struck their trail at the Yellow- 
stone crossing. We lay in camp all night, or until 3 o'clock next 
morning, when the Indians, 1500 strong, who had recrossed to 
our side of the river, commenced an attack at a distance. Gen- 
eral Custer ordered out two companies of his regiment as skir- 
mishers, and they were joined by Companies C. I. F. and K. of 
the Twenty-second infantry. We were ordered by Custer to 
charge in a body. I was present on this occasion, and followed 
the Indians nine or ten miles, when they reached the hills and 
scattered. . . . From here we went to Mussel Shell River, 
which is the extreme point of the survey on the Northern Pa- 
cific Kailroad. We remained here several days, when we 



LOUISVILLE TO THE YELLOWSTONE. 499 

returned to the Yellowstone, where we had several engagements 
with the Indians." 

Bresland's account mentions the killing of Dr. Houzinger, 
Mr. Baliran, and Ball of the Seventh Cavalry, and is valuable as 
coming from an independent and unofBcial source, confirming 
the main facts. General Stanley's report mentions that artil- 
lery was used in the fight, which caused a complete stampede of 
the Indians, they being very much afraid of shells. He also 
mentions that the soldiers found on the field citizens' clothing, 
coffee, sugar, bacon, two Winchester rifles and plenty of shells 
of patent ammunition, showing that the Indians must have 
been at the agencies recently, as those are the only places where 
Indians can get these articles. 

The station where the expedition left the Yellowstone and 
crossed the divide to the Mussel-Shell, was named " Pompey's 
Pillar." This is a knoll on the south side of the Yellowstone, 
thirty miles from the Big Horn. It stands alone, separated by 
the water from the other bluffs, with perpendicular sides one 
hundred and fifty feet high, with a top of grass sod, an acre in 
extent. In fact, says Stanley, it looks like anything but a 
"pillar; " however, such it was named, and such it remains on 
the map to the present day. At this place several Indians 
came out and fired a volley into a number of soldiers belonging 
to the expedition, who were bathing, causing a great scattering 
of naked men. Ko further serious trouble was experienced, 
and Custer returned at the close of the trip to Fort Rice late in 
September. From thence he was ordered to Chicago to report to 
General Sheridan, with whom he went to Toledo to the reunion 
of the Arm}' of the Tennessee, and thence to Monroe, where 
he again met his little wife. 

He was now granted a leave, part of which Avas spent at 
Chicago, during which time the eldest son of Prooident Grant, 
an officer on Sheridan's staff, was married to Miss Honore, a 
wedding duly reported by the Jenkinses of that date. At the 
close of his leave, Custer was ordered to assume command of the 



500 



GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 



post at which he spent the remaining years of his life, Fort 
Abraham Lincoln, on the right bank of the Missouri River, 
opposite to the little town of Bismarck, which is the present 
terminus of the Northern Pacific Railroad. He started, with 
Mrs. Custer and all his belongings, and went through to Bis- 
marck on the very last train that ran that year. The next day, 
down came the first snow, and thenceforth Custer and his little 
post were practically cut ofi from the rest of the world, till the 
spring opened the country once more. 




'4-^-. 



CHAPTER X. 
THE BLACK HILLS. 

THE close of the Yellowstone expedition left Custer in 
quiet for the winter, and it was not till the year 1874 
that he was called on for active service. This time it was in 
connection with the Black Hills expedition, an enterprise that 
was to prove the cause of much trouble and ultimate war, M'hile 
its first inception was founded in injustice and cupidity. 

The Black Hills, from the time of the first overland travel 
down to the establishment of the Pacific Railroad, had been an 
unknown land to the whites. The region that passed by that 
name lay only some sixty or seventy miles to the north of Fort 
Laramie, which was the oldest fort on the plains, but it was 
out of the regular line of travel, and had never been visited by 
white men so as to be thoroughly explored. The Indians, when 
questioned about it, were very mysterious, and refused to give 
definite information, and the few trappers who professed to 
have visited it, reported it as a land of wonders. Little de- 
pendence could be placed on their stories, however. Trappers 
are, like sailors, given to spinning long j^arns, and it was seri- 
ously doubted whether any of them had ever been near the 
hills, as it was known that the Indians guarded the place with 
great jealousy. 

In 1857 a small exploring party, led by Lieutenant Warren 
of the Engineers — the same who afterwards, as General War- 
ren, had trouble with Sheridan at Five Forks — started from 
Fort Laramie to explore the Black Hills. Warren's party 
found the travelling very bad, but succeeded in reaching the 



502 GENERAL GEORGE A, CUSTER. 

western verge of the hills, near a lofty mountain which the 
Indians named Invan Kara. Here the party was met by a 
number of Sioux chiefs, then at peace with the government, 
and warned that it could not proceed further into the hills, 
which the Indians regarded as sacred property. Warren, who 
states in his report that he believed the Indians to be justified 
in their demands, obeyed them and turned back. He went off 
to the south, and then turned to the east, keeping the hills in 
view all the time, and skirting them till he came to the other 
side, where another lofty hill was found and marked Bear 
Butte. Warren's expedition and a previous one from another 
quarter, led by Captain, afterwards General Reynolds, deter- 
mined the general figure of the unknown region, but left its 
interior as mysterious as ever. 

The Black Hills region was found to be a great oval, with 
the long axis running nearly north and south, about a hundred 
miles by fifty. It served as a watershed to divide the South 
Fork and the Belle Fourche or North Fork of the Cheyenne 
River. So far as it could be seen from the plains around, it 
seemed to be a nest of hills covered with dark pines, whence 
its name. 

From the time of Warren to the running of the Pacific 
Railroad, no further efforts were made to penetrate the Black 
Hills. By the treaty of 1868 (already referred to) with the 
Sioux Indians, that region, in common with others, was de- 
clared an inviolable part of Indian reservations, not to be tres- 
passed on by white men, and such it remained for many years. 
At last some Indians, coming to a trading post, brought in 
some gold dust and nnggets, which they admitted came from 
the Black Hills. The story, like that of the gold dust in Sut- 
ter's mill-race in California, spread like wild-fire, and the gov- 
ernment was importuned to sanction trespasses on the Indians' 
land. 

Parties of miners began to organize for the Black Hills, and 
the gold excitement waxed high in the west. Under these cir- 



THE BLACK HILLS. 503 

cumstances it was, that the government ordered the Caster ex- 
pedition of 1874. It was determined to send a strong column 
to explore the hills and ascertain whether there was any gold to 
be found there. Accordingly on the first day of July, 1874, the 
village of Bismarck in Dakota Territory, in the vicinity of Fort 
Lincoln, was all alive with troops as the expedition started, 
under command of Custer himself. 

Tiie column consisted of ten companies of the Seventh Cav- 
alry, Company I. Twentieth infantry, and Company G. Seven- 
teenth infantry, with sixty Indian scouts, and four Gatling 
guns. General " Sandy '' Forsyth was with the column, and 
the President's son, Lieutenant Fred. Grant of the Second Cav- 
alry, accompanied Custer on the staff. The whole force was 
over 1200 strong, and accompanied by a huge wagon train, full 
of provisions. It was to move southwest from Fort Lincoln, 
nearly two hundred miles, striking the Black Hills from the 
north. There was little or no danger to the powerful column, 
either real or apprehended. It started on a romantic and mys- 
terious expedition, as if for a picnic, and as such it found the 
whole journey. The progress of the expedition is best told by 
a few extracts from Custer's reports. He writes from Prospect 
Yalley, a few miles to the north of the Belle Fourche, on the 
15th July, 1874 : 

" This expedition reached this point yesterday, having 
marched since leaving Fort Lincoln 227|- miles. We are now 
170 miles in a direct line from Lincoln within five miles of 
the "Little Missouri" Kiver, and within about twelve miles 
from the Montana boundary, our bearing from Fort Lincoln be- 
ing south 62^* west. After the second day from Lincoln we 
marched over a beautiful country; the grazing was excellent 
and abundant, wood sufficient for our wants, and water in great 
abundance every ten miles. "When we struck the tributaries of 
Grand Eiver we entered a less desirable portion of the country : 
nearly all the streams flowing into Grand River being more or 
less impregnated with alkali, rendering the crossings difficult. 



504 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

We found a plentiful supply of grass, wood, and water, however, 
even along this portion of our route. Upon leaving the head- 
waters of the Grand River, we ascended the plateau separating 
the water-shed of the " Little Missouri " from that running into 
the Missouri, and found a country of surpassing beauty and 
richness of soil. The pasturage could not be finer, timber is 
abundant, and water both good and plentiful. 

" Our march thus far has been made without molestation 
upon the part of the Indians. We discovered no signs indicating 
the recent presence of Indians until day before yesterday, when 
Captain McDougall, Seventh Cavalry, who was on the flank, 
discovered a small party of about twenty Indians, watching our 
movements; the Indians scampered off as soon as discovered. 
Yesterday the same or a similar-sized party made its appear- 
ance along our line of march, and was seen by Captain Moj'lau, 
Seventh Cavalry, who was in command of the rear guard. 
Soon after several signals of smoke were sent up, which our In- 
dian guides interpret as carrying information to the main body 
of our presence and movements.*' 

At the time that the expedition started, there were strong 
indications that the Sioux contemplated opening a general war 
of small parties, such as had greeted Custer in 18G7 when he 
first went on the plains ; but the presence of his column and 
the uncertainty of the Indians as to its destination served one 
good purpose. It kept the greater part of the Sioux forces 
bus}'- M'atching Custer, till he entered the Black Hills, and the 
knowledge of its presence deterred the Indians from overt war 
that year. Once in the hills, the Sioux seem to have been re- 
assured, for he was watched no further, and seems to have quite 
taken the denizens of the hills, such few as there were, by surprise. 
A second despatch, dated August 2d, gives the result of two 
weeks further progress. It seems to have been a regular pic- 
nic still. 

Having taken up his march from Prospect Yallcy, he 
pursues : — 



THE BLACK HILLS. 505 

" After leaving that point this expedition moved in a south- 
westerly direction until it reached the valley of the Little 
Missouri Eiver, up which we moved twenty-one miles. Find- 
ing this valley almost destitute of grazing along our line of 
march I ordered the water-kegs filled, and a supply of wood 
placed on the wagons, and left the valley in search of a better 
camp-ground. During our passage up the valley of the Little 
Missouri we had entered and were about to leave the Territory 
of Montana, Our course was near due south. After a further 
march of nine miles we arrived before sundown at a point 
capable of furnishing us good grazing and water for our ani- 
mals, having marched over thirty miles since breaking camp in 
the morning. From this point to the valley of the Eelle 
Fourche on the 18th of July, encamped where good grass, 
wood and water were abundant, at a point just west of the 
line separating Dakota from "Wyoming. 

" The following day was spent in camp. On the 20th 
we crossed the Belle Fourche and began, as it were, skirmish- 
ing with the Black Hills. We began by feeling our way care- 
fully along the outlying ranges of the hills, seeking a weak 
point through which we might make our way to the interior. 
We continued from the time we ascended from the valley of 
the Belle Fourche, to move through a very superior country, 
covered with the best of grazing and abundance of timber, 
principally pine, poplar, and several varieties of oak. As we 
advanced, the country skirting the Black Hills to the south- 
west became each day more beautiful. On the evening of the 
22d we halted and encamped east of and within four miles of 
the base of Inyan Kara. Desiring to ascend that peak the fol- 
lowing day, it being the highest in the western range of the 
Black Hills, I did not move camp the following day, but taking 
a small party with me, proceeded to the highest point of this 
prominent landmark, whose height is given as 6,600 feet. The 
day was not favorable for obtaining distant views, but I decided 
on the following morning to move due east and attempt the 



506 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

passage of the hills. We experienced considerable delay from 
fallen timber which lay in our pathway. With this exception, 
and a very little digging, rendered necessary in descending 
into a valley, the pioneers prepared the way for the train, and 
we reached camp by two o'clock, having marched eleven miles. 
We here found grass, water and wood of best quality and 
in great abundance. On the following day we resumed our 
march up this valley, which I had explored several miles the 
preceding evening, and which led us by an easy ascent almost 
southeast. After marching nearly twelve miles we encamped 
at an early hour in the same valley. This valley in one respect 
presented the most wonderful as well as beautiful aspect. Its 
equal 1 have never seen, and such, too, was the testimony of all 
who beheld it. In no public or private park have I ever seen 
such a profuse display of flowers. Every step of our march 
that day was amidst flowers of the most exquisite colors and 
perfume. So luxuriant in growth were they that men plucked 
them without dismounting from the saddle. Some belonged to 
new or unclassified species. It was a strange sight to glance 
back at the advancing column of cavalry, and behold the men 
with beautiful bouquets in their hands, wdiile the head gear of 
their horses was decorated with wreaths of flowers fit to crown 
a queen of Ma_y. Deeming it a most fitting appellation, I named 
this Floral Valley. General Forsyth, at one of our halting 
places, chosen at random, plucked seventeen beautiful flowers 
belonging to difierent species, and within a space of twenty 
feet square. The same evening, while seated at the mess 
table, one of the ofiicers called attention to the carpet of flowers 
strewn under our feet, and it was suggested that it be deter- 
mined how many different flowers could be plucked M'ithout 
leaving our seats at the dinner table. Seventeen beautiful 
varieties were thus gathered. Professor Donaldson, the botanist 
of the expedition, estimated the number of flowers in bloom in 
Floral Valley at fifty, while an equal number of varieties had 
bloomed or were yet to bloom. The number of trees, shrubs, 



THE BLACK HILLS. 507 

and grasses was twenty-five, making the total flora of the 
valley embrace 125 species. 

" Through this beautiful valley meanders a stream of crystal 
water so cold as to render ice undesirable even at noonday. 
The temperature of two of the many springs found flowing into 
it was taken and ascertained to be 44 and 44^ deg. respectively, 

" The next morning, although loath to leave so enchanting 
a locality, we continued to ascend this valley until gradually, 
almost imperceptibly, we discovered that we were on the crest 
of the western ridge of the Black Hills ; and instead of being 
among barren, rocky peaks, as might be supposed, we found 
ourselves wending our way through a little park, whose natu- 
ral beauty may well bear comparison with the loveliest por- 
tions of Central Park. Favored as we had been in having 
Floral "Valley for our roadway to the west of the Black Hills, 
we were scarcely less fortunate in the valley which seemed to 
me to meet us on the interior slope. The rippling stream of 
clear cold water, the counterpart of that we had ascended the 
day before, flowed at our feet and pointed out the way before 
us, while along its banks grew beautiful flowers, surpassed but 
little in beauty and profusion by their sisters who had greeted 
us the day before. After advancing down this valley about 
fourteen miles, our course being almost southeast, we encamped 
in the midst of grazing, whose only fault, if any, was its great 
luxuriance. Having preceded the main column, as usual, with 
our escort of two companies of cavalry, E and C, and Lieuten- 
ant Wallace's detachment of scouts, I came upon an Indian 
camp-fire still burning, and which with other indications showed 
that a small party of Indians had encamped there the previous 
night, and had evidently left that morning in ignorance of our 
close proximity. Believing they would not move far, and that 
a collision might take place at any time unless a friendly under- 
standing was arrived at, I sent my head scout, Bloody Knife, 
and twenty of his braves to advance a few miles and reconnoi- 
tre the valley. The party had been gone but a few minutes 



508 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

when two of Bloody Knife's young men carae galloping bact 
and informed me that they had discovered five Indian lodges a 
few miles down the valley, and that Bloody Knife, as directed, 
had concealed his party in a wooded ravine, where they awaited 
further orders. Taking E Company with me, which was after- 
ward reinforced by the remainder of the scouts and Colonel 
Hart's company, I proceeded to the ravine where Bloody Knife 
and his party lay concealed, and from the crest beyond obtained 
a full view of the five Indian lodges, about which a considerable 
number of ponies were grazing. I was enabled to place my 
command still nearer to the lodges undiscovered. I then de- 
spatched Agard, the interpreter, with a flag of truce, accompanied 
by two of our Sioux scouts, to acquaint the occupants of the 
lodges that we were friendly disposed and desired to communi- 
cate with them. To prevent either treachery or flight on 
their part, 1 galloped the remaining portion of my advance and 
surrounded the lodges. This was accomplished almost before 
they were aware of our presence. I then entered the little vil- 
lage and shook hands with its occupants, assuring them through 
the interpreter that they had no cause to fear, as we were not 
there to molest them. I invited them to visit our camp, and 
promised presents of flour, sugar, and coffee to all who would 
accept. This invitation was accepted. At the same time I 
entered into an agreement with the leading men that they 
should encamp with us a few days and give us such informa- 
tion concerning the country as we might desire, in return for 
which service I was to reward them with rations. With this 
understanding I left them. The entire party numbei-ed twenty- 
seven. Later in the afternoon four of the men, including the 
chief, " One Stab," visited our camp and desired the promised 
rations, saying their entire party would move up and join us 
the following morning, as agreed upon. I ordered presents of 
sugar, coffee, and bacon to be given them ; and to relieve their 
pretended anxiety for the safety of their village during the 
night, I ordered a party of fifteen of my command to return 



BLACK HILLS. » 509 

with them and protect them daring the night. But from their 
great disinch'nation to wait a few minutes until the party could 
saddle up, and from the fact that two of the four had already 
slipped away, I was of the opinion that they were not acting in 
good faith. In this I was confirmed when the two remaining 
ones set oif at a gallop in the direction of the village. I sent a 
party of our scouts to overtake them and request their return ; 
not complying with the request I sent a second party with 
orders to repeat the request, and if not complied with to take 
hold of the bridles of their ponies and lead them back, but to 
ofifer no violence. When overtaken by our scouts one of the 
two Indians seized the musket of one of the scouts and endeav^- 
ored to wrest it from him. Failing in this he released his hold 
after the scout became dismounted in the struggle, and set off 
as fast as his pony could carry him but not before the mnsket 
of the scout was discharged. From blood discovered afterward 
it was evident that either the Indian or his pony was wounded. 

" ' One Stab,' the chief, was brought back to camp. The 
scouts galloped down the valley to the site of the village, when 
it was discovered that the entire party had packed up their 
lodges and fled, and the visit of the four Indians to our camp 
was not only to obtain the rations promised them in return for 
future services but to cover the flight of their lodges. I have 
effected arrangements by whicli the chief ' One Stab ' remains 
with us as guide three days longer, when he will take his de- 
parture and rejoin his band.' " 

From this point the march through the hills was continued 
without opposition or further incident. The small party of In- 
dians seems to have found the white man's method of offering 
friendship not to its taste, for which we can hardly blame the 
poor savages. The major part of the despatch is taken up with 
a description of the country, which Custer found delightful. 
It was not till September that he returned, further explorations 
having confirmed his first glowing impression of the beauties 
and advantages of the country, and made his final report, which 



510 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

was mainly an enlargement of the passages already quoted. 
Then the fever of excitement commenced, as also a fever of 
controversy, Caster's statements being stigmatized by some offi- 
cers who had not been with him as baseless and exaggerated. 

Especially there arose between him and General Hazen a 
warm dispute as to the value of the l^orthwest, which was car- 
ried on with some acrimony in the western papers. There 
seemed to be a fate that was always bringing Hazen and Custer 
into collision, whenever they came near each other. It began 
at "West Point, when Hazen's inopportune presence cost Custer 
a court-martial. After that, they did not meet for seven years 
more. When they did, it was to get into a dispute about Sa- 
tanta and the Kiowas, in which each insisted that the other was 
wrong, and which was not decided for six years more. Now, 
in a second seven years, they came into violent collision on an- 
other question of fact, Hazen insisting that the greater portion 
of the Northwest along the line of the Rocky Mountains was a 
barren waste, utterly unfit for human habitation, and incapable 
of permanent amelioration, Custer insisting that it was the very 
garden of America, only needing cultivation to develop into a ' 
Paradise. As usual in such cases, the truth lies between the 
two. The majority of the seasons in Hazen's "Barren Belt" 
appear to be dry, but when a wet season comes, as it does every 
few years, the fertility of the land seems to be amazing. 

A more serious dispute arose as to the mining value of the 
Black Hills, which the geologists who accompanied Custer re- 
ported in an unsatisfactory manner. To settle the dispute, a 
second expedition under Professor Jenney, with a military es- 
cort under Lieutenant Colonel Dodge, Ninth Infantrj^, was sent 
from Fort Laramie the following year. This expedition after 
trying in vain to enter from the south-west, finally effected an 
entrance near the point where Custer went in, and spent some 
time in the hills. Arriving a month earlier than Custer, the 
expedition found "Ploral Yalley" in a miserable state, the 
snow hardly melted, the buds hardly started, not a flower to be 



BLACK HILLS. oil 

seen, but a violent storm of sleet in progress. By tbe time the 
expedition was over, however, the Black Hills revealed them- 
selves as a perfect garden, and the gold region was carefully ex- 
plored, turning out to be not as rich as expected, but enough so 
to attract miners. Several camps of these enterprising individ- 
uals were found, one of twenty-two people having passed the 
whole of the previous winter there, untroubled by Indians. 
The two expeditions revealed one fact, that the Indians rarely 
visited the interior of the Black Hills, which the}^ regard with 
superstitious feelings. Game was not very plentiful, but it was 
very tame. The soil was as fertile as Caster represented it, but 
the extreme shortness of the summer season made it improbable 
that the country could ever become valuable for arable pur- 
poses, though as a stock farm country it offered every in- 
ducement to settlers. Such was the final report on the subject 
of the Black Hills, and by that time it was full of miners, who 
came there in defiance of treaties. 

Dodge's expedition and the troops under General Crook 
made several trips into the Black Hills during the summer of 
1875, to maintain the faith of the government, and half com- 
pelled, half persuaded, the miners to leave, escorting them to 
the military post, where they were delivered over to the " civil 
authority " — the territorial government of Dakota — to be pun- 
ished for disobedience to the law. In every case the miners 
seem to have willingly complied with the injunctions of the 
military authority, though themselves far superior in numbers 
to the small force of troops, and well armed besides. Just as 
soon, however, as the civil authority took them in hand, the 
whole proceeding turned out to be a farce. The miners were 
invariably released, without even the formality of bail, and as 
invariably went straight back to the Black Hills. In August 
there were over six hundred men there, who had started a " city " 
which they called " Custer City," laid it out in lots, and staked 
out their claims, as if the land belonged to them. They were 
removed and others took their places, so that to-day the Black 



512 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Hills are fuller than last year. In all this, the rights of the 
Indians to retain their property and the obligation of the United 
States to keep its word have been wantonly violated, as a nat- 
ural and inevitable consequence of the expedition of 1874. Had 
it not been for the rumors of the presence of gold in that region, 
the expedition would never have started. As long as the Black 
Hills were regarded as worthless, the Indians were allowed to 
retain them. As soon as it was discovered that gold was there, 
all restraints of treaties were thrown aside, and Custer was 
ordered on the Black Hills expedition. That was the first 
wrong act, and from it flowed all the rest. Afterwards, when 
the miners began to crowd in, the government tried to keep its 
word by putting them out, but the first interlopers, the men 
who made the first trouble, were the troopers of Custer's column 
who started from Fort Lincoln July 1, 187-1, in obedience to 
the orders of the United States Government. 

It is a sad and humiliating confession to be made, but the 
irresistible logic of truth compels it, that all the subsequent 
trouble of the Sioux war really sprang from the deliberate vio- 
lation by the United States Government of its own freely 
plighted faith, when Custer was ordered to lead his column 
from Fort Lincoln to the Black Hills. The avowed purpose of 
the journey was to find out whether gold existed there, a mat- 
ter which concerned no one but the owners. All the subse- 
quent efibrts of the government w^ere mere palliations of its own 
first fault, and perfectly useless. Strange, but an illustration of 
poetic justice, that the very man, who, in obeying his orders, 
became the instrument of injustice towards the Indians, should 
fall a victim in the contest which ensued. 

Strange but true ! Yet we cannot blame Custer, as we 
approach the tragic close of so bright and hopeful a career. 
He w'as a soldier, bound to obey orders, and a mere instru- 
ment in the hand of power. He was ordered to explore the 
Black Hills, and he went there. He was ordered on the trail 
of the Sioux, and he went. None the less, the pleasant-seem- 



THE BLACK HILLS. 513 

ing and roseate hues of that long pienic party called the Black 
Hills Expedition close the brightness of his career. From 
thenceforth clouds began to gather, and the time was swiftly 
coming when his sun should set in death. 

The close of the Black Hills Expedition sent Caster back to 
Fort Lincoln, where he remained during the whole of the 
winter, his usual eastern leave being enjoyed before the snow 
closed in, and in New York as usual. 

Happily ignorant of the coming storm, the last years of 
Custer's life were happy ones, so long as he was untrammeled 
by official difficulties or enmities. The reader will remember 
that he had always possessed a disposition remarkably cheerful, 
and a tendency to make the best of things : this tendency seemed 
to become more and more confirmed as he grew older, spite of 
all surrounding difficulties, sobered as it was by the earnest 
Christianity which had marked his private character ever since 
the period of his marriage engagement. To many men Custer's 
lot and that of his little wife seemed hard at the best, but they 
seemed to enjoy it to the full. Where others would have been 
complaining of the isolation of a frontier post, of the lack of 
society, of the privation of luxuries, Custer and his wife seemed 
perfectly happy. A fire came and burned down their house, 
so that they lost everything save what was on the lower story, 
which the men helped to carry out, including, fortunately, most 
of the General's papers : Custer and the little wife made light 
of the misfortune, and passed the bitter cold winter of the 
Northwest in slight temj^orary quarters, laughing at their dis- 
comforts. Nothing seemed to ruffle either, and they even 
made the accident a source of subsequent congratulation, when 
the new quarters were put up. 

If their life was pleasant, if they were happy, it was their 
own sunny temperaments that made them so. They were 
happy, where others would have been miserable. An air of 
luxury and good taste pervaded the " General's room," where 
he wrote and received his visitors. What gave it that air ? 
33 



514 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

The furniture was of the phiinest, and much of it old and worn. 
But over every old chair or sofa, covering all deficiencies, were 
beautiful furs and skins that money could hardly have pur- 
chased, the spoils of Custer's rifle, and all around the walls 
hung grand heads of buffalo, of ahsata or " big horn," graceful 
antelope heads, prepared by Custer himself, the fierce faces of 
wolf, bear or panther, giving a wild and peculiar grace to the 
lofty room, lit up by the glow from yonder ample fire-place, 
with its blazing logs. 

There Custer was perfectly happy. Often he would say to 
his wife, when all alone with her : 

" How happy we are, and how God has blessed us ! It 
seems to me we have everything so good. Our horses are the 
best, our dogs are the best, our regiment is the best, our home 
is the best in all the land, God be thanked for his goodness." 

In all this was no boasting. The man seemed to feel to the 
very core of his heart that his lot in life left him nothing to 
wish for : he was perfectly happy and devoutly grateful. And 
jet, had he known it, the end was coming, and the verj^ happi- 
est years of his life at Fort Lincoln were to bring him forth one 
more enemy, the man who finally slew him. Who he was, the 
next chapter will show. 





RAIN-IN-THE-FACE. 



CHAPTER II. 
RAIN-IK-THE-FACE. 

IT will be remembered that in a previous chapter we recorded 
the murder of two inoffensive old men, Dr. Honzinger and 
Mr. Baliran, on the Yellowstone expedition. They were killed 
it was supposed, by "hostiles," but the discovery of agency 
property on the field of battle subsequently revealed that among 
these hostiles were some so called " good Indians " who drew 
rations at the agencies and received property from the govern- 
ment. No hope was felt that the names of the Indians who 
killed the two unarmed old men would be found out. During 
the winter of 1875, however, their identity came out in a very 
strange manner. 

Charley Reynolds, one of Custer's scouts, who afterwards 
was killed at the Little Horn battle, happened to beat Standing 
Rock Agency, a place some seventy miles below Fort Lincoln, 
where the Indians were drawing rations. As usual at their re- 
joicings, they were having " a dance." The Indians appear to 
signalize every great event by a dance, and this dance is always 
made the occasion of boasting about all the valiant deeds they ever 
have done. In the course of this dance, Charley Reynolds heard 
one of the Indians boasting how he had killed two men at a 
time, white men, too, and then the savage went on with his pan- 
tomime dance and described how he did it, how one of them was 
a fat old man, and how he fell from his horse, how he, the In- 
dian, finished him oft* by smashing his skull with a big stone, 
and then shot the other white man and took all they had. Then 
he proudly exhibited articles that Charley knew belonged to Dr. 



516 GENEEAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Honzinger, and the scout knew that he had found the murderer. 
That Indian was named " Eain-in-the-Faee." 

The rest of his storj was written at the time, January, 1875, 
by Mrs. Custer, and she shall tell it to the reader in her own 
words. 

I have been so much interested, says the dear little lady, in 
the capture and present imprisonment of an Indian murderer, I 
cannot but think that the story might entertain others. Since 
80 many of the " ready writers " of the present day make up 
their histories of Indian life and incidents, thousands of miles 
from the actual scene, I do not wonder that the true impres- 
sion of the real wild Indian is confined mostly to those who live 
either with or near them. I must go back for a moment to the 
Yellowstone Expedition under General Stanley in the summer 
of 1873. Attached to the cavalry accompanying the expedition 
were two civilians who rode a great part of the time together. 
They were not obliged to submit to the regulation that compels 
soldiers to keep the ranks, and so they daily guided their horses 
where they chose. One day they stopped to water their steeds, 
and the main column was scarcely out of sight, hidden by a 
divide, before the two were surrounded and instantly murdered 
by Indians. A portion of the cavalry under General Custer 
had at the same time been surrounded and were fighting, but 
unable of course to go to the relief of the two poor victims. 
Dr. Honzinger was an honest, kind-hearted old man, who had 
followed the fortunes of the Seventh Cavalry for some years, as its 
veterinary surgeon. Mr. Baliran was the sutler for the cavahy. 
Both were favorites with the command and were much re- 
gretted. Both left families poorly provided for. 

It is now over a year and a half since their death. A few 
weeks since, reliable information canie from the Indian agency 
below here on the river, that the murderer of I)r. Honzinger 
and Mr. Baliran was at the agency drawing his rations, blan- 
kets, ammunition, etc., from government, and boasting of his 
foul deed of the two summers preceding. 



EAIN-IN-THE-FACE. 517 

This piece of news at once created the most intense excite- 
ment in our garrison, largely composed as it is of members of 
the Yellowstone expedition and friends of the slaughtered men. 
It really seemed too aggravating to endure the knowledge of 
the fact that the government should feed, clothe and equip In- 
dians, to go out and fight and kill soldiers and others who were 
working to protect the frontier. So after the excitement had 
somewhat lulled, a detachment was quickly prepared to march 
to the agency. No one knew the object of their trip. Most 
persons supposed it was to capture another Indian murderei', 
belonging to the agency, who had killed a citizen on Red Eiver 
of the North, last summer. Four officers and a hundred men 
left this post, one cold windy day, under sealed orders. The 
orders directed them to capture and bring back an Uncpapa 
Indian, called Eain-in-the-Face, the assassin of Dr. Honzinger 
and Mr. Baliran. Our next post is twenty miles distant, and 
had the orders not been sealed. General Custer knew that the 
Sioux scouts employed by government at Fort Rice, as soon as 
the troops arrived there and told their errand, would send out 
a runner to the agency below and inform the Indians of the 
intended arrest, giving time for the murderer to escape. So 
the orders were not opened until Rice was left behind twenty 
miles. As the troops neared the agency it was found neces- 
sary to observe the greatest care, to prevent the Indians from 
finding out the object of the visit. It was the day for our red 
brethren to draw beef from their generous Uncle Sam. Hun- 
dreds of them were there at the agency, of course armed to the 
teeth, as they always are. In the face of hundreds of fully 
armed Indians, though on the reservation, still most of them 
full of hate toward the white man, it seemed a very venture- 
some deed to appear in their midst and claim one of their num- 
ber. The reservation Indians are constantly told that they will 
be fed, clothed, and armed, if they will consent never to make 
war on the white man, but if they do they must submit to the 
penalties of the law. But in the instance of this murderer he 



518 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

dared everything to prove his courage. He had been frequently 
to tlie agency, boasting of his base deed. One party of troops 
had been down to capture him earlier in the winter, but he 
had hidden and escaped them. So Captain Yates, who had 
charge of the troops, sent one of the lieutenants, with forty 
men, to the Indian camp ten miles below, to make inquiries 
for three Indians who had murdered citizens on Red River 
last summer. 

This ruse succeeded in deceiving the Indians as to the real 
object of their presence among them. As the trader's store is 
the great place of resort for the Indians, it was presumed that 
in the course of the day Rain-in-the-Face would be there. Col. 
Custer (brother of the general) was directed to take live picked 
men and go to the store and capture the murderer, should the 
latter put in an appearance. He remained in the store for sev- 
eral hours. The day was cold and the Indians kept their blan- 
kets drawn about their heads, thus rendering it almost impossible 
to distinguish one from the other. At last one of them loosened 
his blanket and Col. Custer identified him as Rain-in-the-Face. 
Coming suddenly behind him, he threw his arms around him 
and seized the Winchester rifle that the Indian attempted in an 
instant to cock. The murderer was taken entirely by surprise. 
Stolid as their faces usually are, his, in this moment of amaze, 
was a study. No fear to be seen, but other emotions showed 
themselves with lightning rapidity on his countenance. Sur- 
prise, hate, revenge, then the final determination that he would 
show his brother warriors he was not afraid to die. He had 
been considered brave beyond precedent, to even enter the 
agency store and encounter this risk of arrest. 

As soon as Rain-in-the-Face was actually captured and his 
hands tied, an old Indian orator of the tribe began exhorting 
the Indians, who had assembled in the store to the number of 
thirty or more, to recapture their comrade. He spoke in the 
key assumed by the Indian warriors, high and loud, but with 
no rising or falling inflections. The most intense excitement 



RAIN-IN-THE-FACE. 519 

prevailed among the braves. The instant Eain-in-the-Face was 
arrested, Captain Yates, who had remained outside a close ob- 
server of affairs, gave the signal, and rallied his entire force in 
the immediate vicinity of the trader's store, prepared to repel 
any attempt to rescue the prisoner. These precautions were 
adopted none too quickly, for no sooner had news of the cap- 
ture of Rain-in-the-Face been conveyed to the numerous groups 
of Indians to be seen in the vicinity of the agency, than a mass 
of armed warriors, estimated at over five hundred in number, 
rushed to the trader's store, and in loud, threatening, and ex- 
cited tones, demanded the instant release of their comrade. 
The occasion was one requiring the exercise of the utmost pru- 
dence as well as the most determined courage upon the part of 
the little group of officers and men who stood with weapons in 
their hands, about the prisoner. Determined to resist to the 
very death any attempt at a rescue, Captain Yates, presenting 
a bold front to the Indians, enraged as they were, prevented 
the immediate recapture of his pi-isoner. By means of an inter- 
preter, he then briefly explained to the Indians the cause of the 
arrest, and announced the determination of himself and men to 
maintain their hold over their captive. He at the same time 
urged the chiefs to withdraw with their followers, and thus 
avoid a collision that would only result in loss of life on both 
sides, without accomplishing any purpose. Seeing they could 
not carry out their end by intimidation or the display of greatly 
superior numbers, the Indians then resorted to parley and offers 
of compromise. They offered through an interpreter to sacrifice 
two Indians of the tribe, if Rain-in-the-Face could be released. 
He is a great warrior among them. He has five brothers at 
the agency, one of whom. Iron Horn, is a chief of influential 
standing in the tribe. It was not expected that Indians of any 
notoriety or rank would be offered as a sacrifice; only some 
who had not distinguished themselves in any way ; and the 
selections were to be made by the great moguls of the tribe. 
These oflTers were of course refused, and Eain-iu-the-Face was 



520 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

taken to the camp of the Cavalry. In an incredibly short time 
not an Indian was to be seen at the agency. All went to their 
camp, ten miles below. Later in the day, a party of fifty 
mounted Indians dashed by the agency on the road to be taken 
by our troops on the return. Of course our officers expected 
to be attacked by this party the next morning, but they were 
unmolested, and reached here after a march of three days, 
through cold and snow and winds such as only Dakota can fur- 
nish. It was explained to us afterward, that the party of fifty 
seen passing the agency were on their way to the camp of the 
chief " Two Bears " to try and induce him to urge his young 
braves to combine with them in the release of E,ain-in-the-Face. 
But Two Bears is an old chief, and he opposed the attack. He 
has been a friend of the whites for a long time, but his age 
would induce one to think the motive of his friendship was 
policy. 

After the ofiicers had reported. General Custer sent forKain- 
in-the-Face to interview him. He is a young man with an im- 
penetrable countenance. This is as we saw him, but in a sub- 
sequent interview, when General Custer locked himself alone in 
a room with him, he showed some signs of agitation. After a 
time, when they had talked by signs as far as it was possible, 
the interpreter w^as admitted, and for hours General Custer 
attempted by every clever question he could invent, to induce 
Rain-in-the-Face to confess his crime. At last he succeeded 
in getting his account of the murder, and the next day in the 
presence of a number of the officers, Rain-in-the-Face made a 
full confession of his crime. He called Dr. Honzinger the old 
man, and says he shot him, but he rode some distance before 
falling from his horse. Mr. Baliran he described as being among 
some trees, and signaling to them by holding up his hand as an 
overture of peace. He says that Baliran gave them his hat when 
they reached him, but they shot him at once, first with a gun, 
then with arrows. One of the arrows entered his back and he 
tried to pull it through, but failed. They did not scalp their 



RAIN-IN-THE-FACE. 521 

victims. Dr. Honzinger was bald, and Mr. Baliran had his hair 
closely cut. Neither of these gentlemen were armed when at- 
tacked by the Indians. This short but cruel story made our 
blood boil when w^e afterwards learned what Rain-in-the-Face 
had confessed. 

The brother of the prisoner, " Iron Horn," and one other 
Indian, had followed the cavalry up from the agency and asked 
to see the captive before they went home. General Custer 
sent for Kain-in-the-Face, and he met his brother and had coun- 
cil with him. They expected it was a farewell interview, as 
the Indians all believed Rain-in-the-Face would be hung. 

During the council, which was very solemn, Iron Horn took 
off his beautiful beaded blanket and put it on his brother, taking 
his common one in place of it. He also exchanged pipes with 
him, giving his highly ornamented one to Rain-in-the-Face, to 
present to General Custer. He charged his brother most sol- 
emnly not to try to escape, that should he get back to the reser- 
vation he would be recaptured, and he believed he would be 
kindly treated while a captive. He hoped the great Father 
would not hang him, and' perhaps General Custer would inter- 
cede in his favor. The great Father rarely hung Indians. 
Asking him not to lose his spirits, they took a farewell smoke 
and he departed. 

In about ten days he returned, bringing a party of In- 
dians with him. Another interview with General Custer 
was obtained. After all the guests were seated, Rain-in-the- 
Face came over from the guard house and entered, having been 
sent for at the request of the Indians. He came into the room, 
trying not to show his pleasure at seeing his friends, nor his 
grief at his imprisonment and his evidently expected death ; 
but these emotions passed over his face in quick succession, 
and then came the look of settled indiffei-ence that the Indian 
constantly tries to wear. His brother rose at once and went 
to Rain-in-the-Face, and, to the intense amazement of the few 
privileged spectators General Custer had allowed to enter, he 



522 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

kissed him. An Indian kiss, to be sure ; the lips were laid 
quietly on his cheek, with no sound or motion ; but it is a 
solemn caress, and one never seen before, with one single ex- 
ception, by the oldest Indian lighter here. Several of the rank- 
ing Indians stepped solemnly to the prisoner and gave him the 
same dignified salute. Then one of the old men of the tribe 
walked in front of him, and lifting his hand above his head and 
raising his eyes, said a few words in prayer to the Great Spirit 
for this unfortunate brother. Eain-in-the-Face hung his head 
low on his breast, to hide the emotion that he thought would 
ill become a warrior as brave as he really is. 

After a long speech by Iron Horn, delivered in the usual 
high monotonous key, the next in rank rose, and so on, till 
half a dozen had spoken. Iron Horn thanked General Custer 
for his care of Rain-in-the-Face, asked permission to visit him 
again, begged him to write again to the Great Father and 
intercede for the life of their brother, and then, taking off" the 
buckskin shirt he wore, he presented the highly ornamented 
garment to the General. Then came such a singular request. 
It was the story of Damon and Pythias among uncivilized 
warriors. Two shy young braves, sitting near the end of the 
circle among the untitled, asked through Iron Horn the privi- 
lege of sharing the captivity of Kain-in-the-Face. Not many 
murderers or felons in the States find friends who in the hour 
of arrest or capture ask to share the prison with them. Con- 
sent was given to this request, if the friends would be willing to 
be locked in the prison till the hour came for them to go home. 

They rested in the guard house with their friend for a day 
and night, and then returned to the agency. The imprison- 
ment of Kain-in-the-Face continued for several months, till a 
circumstance occurred that gave him his liberty. 

So far Mrs. Casters narrative, written at the time. The 
circumstance she speaks of introduces another story which will 
give an excellent idea of another phase of Custer's character, 
besides completing the record. We are indebted for this story 



RAIN-IN-THE-FACE. 523 

to the kindness of Mrs. Yates, widow of the brave captain whose 
party took the Indian. She entitles it the " Story of the Grain 
Thieves." 

"It seems strange," says this lady, " that any one at all ac- 
quainted with the working and planning of Custer's mind, 
could accuse him of rashness / there is the most wonderful de- 
nial of this imputation in every engagement which he entered 
during the war, in the planning of the Washita campaign, and 
last, but not least, to many minds, the following up and final 
arrest of the grain thieves at Fort Abraham Lincoln, a matter 
which some might deem of unimportance, but which should be 
considered of value in showing the patient energy and tenacity 
of purpose as exemplified in his character. It is of importance 
also, because it established him in the eyes of the lawless fron- 
tiersmen of Bismarck and its vicinity, as one whom it would be 
as well to respect, one who was quick to pursue and sure to 
overtake. 

" During the spring of 1875, the grain from the several 
forage buildings at Fort Lincoln had been steadily disappearing. 
The river being still frozen, intercourse between the post and 
the town of Bismarck was fully established, and it became a diffi- 
cult matter to trace the stolen grain to any particular parties, as 
well as a problem what to do with the parties in the event of 
finding it. Law and order had not resolved itself from the 
chaos of the newly-put-together town. 
^^ " The General was also hampered by being forbidden by or- 
der to make arrests outside of the military reservation, all exte- 
rior justice being meted out by the good mayor of Bismarck; 
who, * slow to anger and plenteous in mercy,' the General 
feared might not prove as powerful a coadjutor as he could 
desire. With all these discouraging facts to dauipen his ardor, 
he quietly went to work, early and late, gathering in his proofs 
in which he was greatly assisted by Lieutenant Garland, of 
the Sixth Infantry, formerly a lawyer. Ever watchful of the 
slightest opportunity, nothing escaped him. Believing with 



524 ' GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Pope that ' tlie proper study of mankind is man,' he studied 
man as he found him in Bismarck. 

" Once he arose in the night and himself inspected the grain 
on the landing to see that it was all right, questioning and ex- 
amining the guard, and only retiring when fully satisfied that 
no robbery would be attempted that night. Months before the 
denouement, he knew where each of the dramatis personae 
was, could have arrested any one of them, or even a half a 
dozen, if he had been rash ; but, being patient, he waited until 
he possessed the required proofs to arrest every one who had 
been in the least connected with the disappearance of the grain, 
knowing well that in arresting only a part of the number, he 
gave the rest warning to escape. 

" So when, one bright day, just before the breaking up of 
the river in the spring, he issued orders for the regiment to be 
in readiness to start at the call of the trumpet for Bismarck, not 
an officer of his command but was as astonished, and knew as 
little of what was expected of them, as did the citizens of Bis- 
marck, when they saw the cavalry, fully armed and equipped, 
come riding into their little town. 

" The Seventh Cavalry rode to the different places indicated 
by the General, and found the grain at every place pointed out 
by him, to the surprise and indignation of the honest citizens 
of Bismarck, who being in ignorance of the localities the thieves 
had chosen to secrete it, were naturally indignant at the slur 
cast upon their reputations. For a while loud talking ensued, 
and a riot of no mean pretensions was threatened. Finally, upon 
the General insisting, doors were thrown open to him, and the 
stolen grain in every instance was exposed to view, tlie soldiers 
turning the bags over, and showing the government brand. In 
the Mayor's own warehouse (he being also a prominent mer- 
chant at the time,) a number were discovered. You can im- 
agine the good mayor's surprise at this last selection of a repos- 
itory for these stolen goods, 

" A number of arrests were made, the mayor now concurring 



RAIN-IN-THE-FACE. 525 

heartily with the mihtarv. and for temporary safe keeping the 
corn thieves were escorted by the cavahy back to Fort Abraham 
Lincoln and lodged in the guard house. 

" Their trial, which took place at Fargo, Minnesota, occupied 
many months, and employed numbers of witnesses, the leading 
actors in the scene shortly afterwards finding their way into the 
penitentiary. There is one amusing occurrence connected with 
the above arrest, and following upon the order received by Gen- 
eral Custer to arrest all those implicated in the robbery that 
could be found upon the military reservation of Fort Lincoln. 
Off this reservation, as before mentioned, such arrests devolved 
upon the mayor. The General, one day, became aware that 
two of the principal members of the gang were at that time in 
a shant}^ almost half a mile from the post. Not knowing the 
men, nor having any description of their appearance, his order 

to the officer of the day was merely, ' go to 's shanty, and 

arrest immediately two citizens who you will find there — put 
them in the guard house.' The officer of the day started off, 
and the General proceeded to make a call upon a certain family 
in the garrison. Seating himself near the window where he 
could command a view of the road in front of the officer's quar- 
ters, laughing and conversing meanwhile, his eye scarcely left 
the window. 

"Presently, a wagon drove by, containing two inoffensive 
looking personages in citizen's attire ; there was nothing at all 
suspicious in their appearance, nor was it unusual for citizens to 
have business in, and drive through the post. Only, one of the 
men looked back anxiously over his shoulder. This act aroused 
the General's interest, but he allowed them to drive around — 
which they did slow!}- — until they were almost in front of the 
guard house, when he rose abruptly, excused himself to the 
lady, and stepping upon the porch, placed both hands to his 
mouth shouting ' Guards arrest those men ! ' 

" The wondering guard obeyed, the men were assisted to 
alight, having driven up to their destination themselves. Soon 



526 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

it became evident what had occasioned the anxious looks over 
their shoulders. In a lumbering wagon, drawn by four mules, 
stood the officer of the day, jabbing the mules with his sabre, 
and the while ejaculating in profound English. 

" He had obeyed orders, had searched the shanty, but finding 
no one there, was about to return home without making the 
arrest, when he observed the men in the wagon. At first think- 
ing they were honest hay cutters, he allowed them to make con- 
siderable headway from" him. On second thought, he concluded 
to overtake them, but finding that at this rate they would soon 
be off the reserv^ation, and no arrest could then be made, he 
seized the nearest vehicle, which was a heavy water wagon, 
ordering the soldiers to jnmp out. Clutching the reins with 
one hand and punching the wheelers with his sabre in the 
other, he came upon the scene just as the general had made 
the arrest in person." 

The arrests were made after Rain-in-the-Face had been 
several months in the guard house, and amongst others there 
were two paiticularly hard cases, who had been caught driving 
wagons loaded with hay off the ground. 

" The guard house," says Mrs. Custer, concluding her story, 
" was only a poorly built, wooden building, quite insecure, and 
these citizens had in one night cut a hole in the side of the rear 
wall, large enough to creep through. Two crept safely out, 
and Rain-in-the-Face, seeing the opening after they had gone, 
quickly made his escape. We found afterwards that he went 
at once to the hostile camp, and last spring he sent word by 
agency Indians that he had joined Sitting Bull and was awaiting 
his revenge for his imprisonment." 

That he took it, all the world now knows, and they can see 
in his portrait taken from an excellent photograph, what sort 
of a man this desperado is. Truly he looks soft enough, and as 
innocent as a lamb, but for all that he is well known as one of 
the bravest men of his nation. The tribe were particularly 
proud of him for one thing, his extraordinary fortitude against 



RAIN-IN-THE-PACE. 527 

physical pain. He was said to have hung for four hours in the 
" Sun dance." * 

* The Sun Dance, says Mrs. Yates, to whom we are already indebted, is a 
test of nerve and endurance of the Indian ; in other words, it is the Military 
Academy from which he graduates, a well-informed soldier. Here he is taught 
to be wily, hardy, stoical and cruel. It is held in the middle of summer, 
when the sun's rays are nearly vertical, and its beat therefore, the most 
intense. One of its features is the exposure, upon platforms erected for the 
purpose, of the nude forms of the Indian braveq, to the direct and burning 
rays of the sun. Lying on their backs, with eyes distended, their gaze is 
fixed upon the solar king, uutil tears stream from their tortured and mal- 
treated organs. Numerous tests are too horrible to mention, and would 
require as mucli nerve to witness and describe, as to participate in them. 
Visitors frequently faint away in the presence of such sickening details. 

For these young Indian cadets to fail in the slightest detail, is certain 
disgrace ; to exceed what is demanded by competent j udges, calls forth 
applause, admiration, and gifts. Many a chief goes back to the Sun Dance 
for the beginning of his record. His bravery and endurance there is never 
forgotten, and serves him in good stead ever after. 

Not long since, an excellent engraving of a Sun Dance appeared in Har- 
per's Weekly. In this picture, Indians could be seen undergoing the suspen- 
sion test. This is done by cutting a gash under some of the sinews of the 
back, immediately under the shoulder blades, passing thongs of buffalo 
hide through the gashes, and by these thongs suspending the Indian to the 
roof of a large tepee. Here he hangs until his own weight or motion causes 
the thongs to cut through the sinews, when he falls to the ground, and has 
successfully passed the trial. The summer before General Custer's expedition 
to the Black Hills, a grand Sun Dance was held at Standing Rock, Dakota. 
The tests were unusually severe ; the judges exacting. A Sioux, nick named 
'Pete,' could not endure the suspension test, but fainted away, and upon 
coming to, begged to be taken down. He was released, but henceforth was 
irretrievably disgraced, compelled to dress as a squaw, and forever debarred 
the privileges of a brave. The squaws held him in derision, and poor Pete's 
lot was a gloomy one indeed. Pete accompanied the General on the Black 
Hills expedition ; he bore his disgrace with equanimity, and had always an 
amiable smile for everybody. The Indian scouts obliged Pete to cook and 
do all their other menial labor. 

At this same dance, Kain-in-the-Face so distinguished himself as to win 
the popularity of several tribes. In the suspension test he was gashed so 
deep, that he could not by his own weight cut through the sinews. He 
hung in mid air for several hours, blood streaming from his wounds, and 



528 



GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 



The escape of Rain-in-the-Face to the hostiles was made in the 
spring of 1875 and during that summer these hostiles, clustered 
around the headwaters of the Yellowstone, began to send their 
war parties out near the settlements, while the agency Indians 
were perpetually slipping off to join them. Dodge's Black 
Hills exjDedition further contributed to unsettle the Indians, and 
when the miners moved in numbers into that region, it 
became evident that a general war with the l^orthern Sioux was 
impending. The short summer was the only salvation of the 
settlers, and when 1876 came, it was clear that the light could 
no longer be averted. 

Under these circumstances, the government resolved for 
the first time to make war on the hostiles. 

going through the motion of dancing the while. He became faint from loss 
of blood, and the judges decided to cut him down. Rain-in-the-Face ob- 
jected however to this, and so was allowed to swing in this manner for four 
hours — when the flesh at last gave way and let him down. 




EIGHTH BOOK.— THE LAST CAMPAIGN. 

CHAPTER I. 
SITTING BULL. 

WHILE the retreat of 1868 had pacified most of the Sioux, 
and especially the great chiefs Red Cloud and Spotted 
Tail, with their bands, there was a small portion of the Sioux 
nation which remained implacable in its enmity to the whites, 
and kept to its original habits of life, out in the wilderness. 
This portion was generally known by the title of " the hos- 
tiles," and the most powerful chief of the different bands was 
and is known by the title of Sitting Bull. To explain to the 
general reader the meaning of the words "nation," "tribe," 
and " band," a short sketch of Indian polity is here necessary. 

The Indian tribes of the plains bear a strong likeness in 
their modes of governm.ent to the Arabs and Tartars. Ab- 
stractly it may be termed patriarchal, but actually it is nearly a 
pure republic. Every member of a band does just about what 
he pleases, and obeys his chief when it pleases him, subject 
always to the verdict of popular opinion and the physical ability 
of the chief to thrash him. While the dignity of chieftainship 
appears to be hereditary, it is subject to so many checks, and 
depends so much on personal ability to persuade one's followers 
to pursue a certain line of conduct, that it may be called a mere 
delusion, in the hands of any but a great warrior ; and prowess 
in war is the only sure road to real power among Indians. 
While the Indians, as a mass, are thus independent of all but 
persuasive influences, the patriarchal element so far prevails that 
34 



530 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

the family is the basis of the organization for war and 
The members of a family, in all its ramifications of brothers 
and cousins, uncles and nephews, generally travel together, 
hunt together, and fight together, agglomerating in time, with 
their connections by marriage, into a " band " varying from two 
to twenty or thirty lodges. These " bands " have a remoter con- 
nection, by blood ties, with other bands, and constitute together 
a " tribe," which may number from two to thirty or forty 
"bands." These tribes again have a still more remote blood 
connection with other tribes, constituting a "nation," such as 
the Sioux Nation, which comprises the Yankton, Brule, Teton, 
TJncpapa, and several other tribes, each tribe in its turn embrac- 
ing several bands. 

The " hostiles," so called, are formed of bands differently 
composed. The patriarchal ties noticeable in other bands are 
replaced here by a mere alliance of convenience. Every Indian 
who feels discontented at the agencies joins the " hostiles " and 
attaches himself to the band of Sitting Bull or Crazy Horse, 
the only two great chiefs who were, at the time we write of, 
avowedly "hostile." Thus their bands, originally numbering 
perhaps twenty lodges apiece, with a fighting force of a hundred 
warriors to each band, were swelled by the arrival of discon- 
tented families to many more. The village of Crazy Horse, at 
tlie close of the winter of 1S75, was found to contain one hun- 
dred and five lodges, which, at the ordinary rate of five or six 
warriors to a lodge or " tepee," furnished a force of about 550 
warriors. Sitting Ball's band probably then numbered at least 
150 lodges, he being a more famous chief than Crazy Horse. 
During the summer time, the forces of both received constant 
additions from the agency Indians, who came out for a sum- 
mer's hunt, provided Avith plenty of breechloading and magazine 
guns and ammunition. An inspection of the map near the close 
of this part of our book will show the singular advantages which 
the agencies off'ered for this. The position of the " hostiles " 
was very well selected, near the head of the Yellowstone, in a 



SITTING BULL. 531 

country surrounded by " bad-lands,'' which prevented the whites 
from near approach, except on great and protracted expeditions, 
like that led by Stanley. To form an idea of the " bad-lands," 
the eastern reader can use a familiar illustration. You have all 
no doubt seen a clay-field after a long and hot drought in sum- 
mer, how it is seamed over with innumerable cracks, perfectly 
perpendicular, leaving miniature chasms between. Such, mag- 
nified by a hundred, are the " bad-lands " of the north-west. 
They are patches of clay soil, baked by the long and intense 
droughts of that climate into chasms four or five feet wide and 
perhaps twenty feet deep, absolutely impassable for wagons 
where they occur, quagmires in the early spring freshets, a lab- 
yrinth of ravines in the summer. These bad-lands surrounded 
the country of the hostiles in 1873, and surround them now. 

So much for the natural advantages of Sitting Bull's position, 
considered in a defensive point of view, but a greater advantage 
accrues to him from the strategic lines of the country and the 
existence of the Indian agencies. A second look at the map will 
reveal how the agencies affect the strategic position. 

Observe that the Missouri River, beginning in the north- 
west corner of the map, describes nearly a perfect circle around 
the country of the " hostiles," and remember that all the Indian 
agencies are on this river, and you will begin to realize what is 
meant by the " strategic advantages " of Sitting Bull. Begin- 
ning at the mouth of the Cheyenne River, there are Cheyenne 
Agency, Brule Agency, Grand River Agency, Standing Rock 
Agency, Fort Berthold and Fort Peck and several other places, 
all full of friendly Indians, supported by Government, and ready 
to join the hostiles in the summer, bringing arms and ammu- 
nition with them. To give an idea of the supplies of the latter, 
let us take what went through in the spring of 1876 alone, for 
distribution to Indians. Our evidence is contained in the private 
letter of an oflicer on the spot. This officer has investigated the 
matter, and finds that the following shipments were made by 
river steamer to these agencies, and to Forts Benton, McLoud 



582 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER, 

and Claggett, (also agencies) on the 21st May, 20th June, 6th 
and SOtli July, 1876, while the war was actually raging. No less 
than 56 cases of arms, or 1120 Winchester and Remington 
W^es, and 413,000 rc>'W?2<^s of patent amm.unition went there 
on these steamers, besides large quantities of loose powder, lead, 
and primers. These shipments were all/br issue to Indians, 
through the Indian agents, or for sale through Indian traders. 
The country to which they were sent contains only Indians, 
soldiers, and Indian traders or agents. These shipments more- 
over were as nothing to those of previous years, and especially 
those of the summer of 1875, when more than a million rounds 
of ammunition and several thousand stand of arms were sent 
through. 

Now perhaps Sitting Bull's chief advantage can be seen, as 
first shown in the Yellowstone expedition of 1873. This ex- 
pedition started from Fort Rice in the summer of 1873 and 
moved off at a leisurely pace, dne west. Indian runners at the 
same time started off, up and down the Missouri, to carry the 
news. Many of them travelled luxuriously by the steamers the 
government was kind enough to supply, to cany stores to the 
agencies for the use of the Indians. By the time Stanley had 
reached the Little Missouri, (see map) every agency all along 
the line of the river was informed of his movements, and parties 
of warriors on their war ponies, with no burdens save arms, 
ammunition and food, were starting from the circumfer- 
ence of the quarter circle, to find Sitting Bull and have a 
little fun. 

All those from the upper agencies had a shorter distance to 
travel than Stanley, and knew the country better. No wonder 
they arrived before him. The trail which Stanley struck on 
the Yellowstone was in all probability that of the real acknowl- 
edged " hostiles," the village of Sitting Bull, with a force of 
some 800 braves, but the reinforcements which afterwards 
swelled his numbers to 1500, in the fight near Pompey's Pillar 
must have come from the northern agencies, and Stanley says 



SITTING BULL. 533 

SO in his report, specifying Fort Peck as " the centre of all the 
villainy of the Indian Department." 

Thus, in carrying on war with the United States War De- 
partment, Sitting Bull had great and peculiar advantages from 
the nature of his position, and these advantages it was which 
had made him constantly triumphant. It may have seemed 
strange to many that Custer should have been able, alone, to 
have beaten the Indians of the Southern Plains, while the Sioux 
of the North had overcome all successive combinations against 
them, compelling the government to pacify them by giving 
them up all they asked, in the treaty of 1868. 

The War Department had made a gallant struggle to hold 
this country, but Sitting Bull and the hostiles had beaten them. 
Look again on the map at the sites of old Fort Eeno and old 
Fort Phil Kearny. The last is right at the edge of Sitting 
Ball's stronghold. It was the scene of the fearful massacre of 
1868, when almost the whole garrison was annihilated. It was 
difficult to keep this fort supplied. Everything had to come by 
wagon train from Fort Fetterman on the south, while Sitting 
Bull drew all his supplies of ammunition from Fort Peck 
and a dozen other places, and lived on the buffalo by which 
he was surrounded. The white men could not starve him, 
but he could harass them constantly, and he did so. Finally 
the Department was compelled to abandon Fort Reno and 
Kearny, and gave up the country to Sitting Bull, by the treaty 
of 1868. 

Five years later, in 1873, it was judged expedient to break 
that treaty and try a new line of operations, this time up the 
valley of the Yellowstone. This line possessed one and only 
one advantage : while the Yellowstone was navigable, supplies, 
and even an expedition, could be sent up by steamer, compara- 
tively safe from the Indians. A fleet of light draught steamers 
with bullet-proof guards and a few Gatlings, may yet be found 
the true solution of the Sitting Bull difficulty ; as such boats 
can ascend the Bigr Horn River to within siirht of the Indian 



534: GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

stronghold. By land, as Stanley went, the Yellowstone route 
was as bad as the rest, except for provisions. It was very long, 
and did not stop the supplies of Sitting Bull. The only reason 
Stanley escaped serious disaster, was that he kept near the 
river and was able to use his artillery, while Sitting Bull was 
not as yet joined by any very formidable force of Agency Indi- 
ans. In the war of 1876 all this was to be changed, and Sitting 
Bull was to iind himself in a perfect position, occupying inte- 
rior lines, able to strike at his enemies wherever he pleased 
and beat them in detail, and all the while able to draw his 
supplies and reinforcements from a number of concentrating 
lines, none of which his enemies were able to cut. Indians 
kept streaming in to his help from all the quarter circle of agen- 
cies, informing him of every step taken by his enemies, and 
bringing ammunition, guns, ponies, and men by hundreds. 

Of Sitting Bull personally, not very much is known. It is 
many years since he attended a council, and he has been so long 
secluded from the whites that no portrait of him is extant. 
From the description of Agency Indians and others, he is said 
to be a heavily built Indian, with a large massive head, and 
(strange to say) hrown hair, unlike most Indians. He is heavily 
marked with the small pox. The events of his life have been 
recorded by himself, and fell into the hands of the whites, by 
an accident, soon after the Phil Kearny massacre. A scout 
brought into one of the forts an old roster book, once belong- 
ing to the Thirteenth U. S. Infantry, which Sitting Bull had 
captured, and in this was found a series of over a hundred 
little Indian pictures, describing the various exploits of the 
artist. In the first he is shown as a young warrior, naked and 
unadorned, taking his first scalp by charging a Crow Indian 
mounted. From the mouth of the young warrior goes a line 
which joins him to his " totem '' or symbol, a buffalo bull sitting 
upon its haunches, which identified the book as the diary of 
Sitting Bull. This totem is found in all the pictures. Almost 
every picture represents the killing of a man or woman or both. 



SITTING BULL. 535 

some Indians, some whites. A few represent Sitting Bull 
carrying off herds of horses. These pictures are in regular 
Indian style, such as a clever child, without teacliing, might 
draw. There is no attempt at art, but there is no mistake as 
to what is meant. There are the men, the horses, the women, 
the Indian war bonnets, the white man's stovepipe hat, in the 
true spirit of caricature, the salient features seized and fixed. 
Fac-similes of many of these pictures were published in the 
New York Herald^ and subsequently in Harper's Weehly, in 
the latter case accompanied by an article from Colonel Strother, 
better known as " Port Crayon." We have hardly judged them 
worth insertion here, however. 

It was stated at one time that Sitting Bull, while hating 
the white Americans and disdaining to speak their language, 
was yet very fond of the French Canadians, that he talked 
French, and that he had been converted to Christianity by 
a French Jesuit, named Father De Sraet. How true this may 
be is uncertain, but probably there is some foundation for it. 
The French Jesuits have always been noted for their wonder- 
ful success in winning the affections of the Indians, as well 
as for the transitory nature of their conversions, and it is 
very possible that Father De Smet may have not only baptized 
Sitting Bull at some time, but induced him and his braves to 
attend mass, as performed by himself in the wilderness. The 
benefits of the conversion seem however to have been only 
skin deep, as far as preventing cruelty in war is concerned. 

One thing about Sitting Bull is certain : he is an Indian of 
unusual powers of mind, and a warrior whose talent amounts 
to genius, while his stubborn heroism in defence of the last 
of his race is undeniable. Cruel he may be ; that is from 
the instincts of his race : a general of the first natural order he 
must be, to have set the United States at defiance as he has 
for the last ten years. That he has been able to do this so 
long is owing to his skilful use of two advantages, a central 
position surrounded by " bad-lands," and the quarter circle 



536 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

of agencies from which he draws supplies and allies every 
campaign. 

In the face of these advantages and of Sitting Bull's talents 
as a warrior, the government gave up the fight in 1868. In 
1876, it was determined to try one more campaign against 
Sitting Bull. We shall see how it succeeded. 

In the meantime, the people of America will not fail to 
remark that Sitting Bull's truest and most persistent allies are 
the Indian Department and the Indian traders, who supply him 
with "Winchester rilies and patent ammunition, so tliat his men 
are better armed than the" troops of the War Department. 
Better soldiers individually they always were, for every man is 
a perfect rider and good shot, while the regular cavalry is mainly 
composed of green recruits, so unreliable that even a chief like 
Custer did not dare to fight them mounted, but had to turn his 
men into mounted infantry. But the inferior troops have disci- 
pline^ and had the}' as good or superior M^eapons, could beat the 
Indians, as they used to, before 1861. There is still an easy 
way to stop all these slaughters, which is to stop the supplies of 
ammunition from going to the Indians. 

To accomplish this only one course can succeed. Congress 
in both branches Tnust he compelled hy public opinion to aholish 
the Indian Department forever. Every one admits the neces- 
sity of the step, but the corruption fund of this department is 
so great that public opinion has not yet succeeded in kill- 
ing the abuse. Politicians of both parties are interested in 
the money, and nothing else holds the Indian Department 
together. The cost of the Indians to the government has 
risen in ten years from less than a million to twenty mil- 
lions annually, and Indian agents and traders grow rich on the 
stealings of supplies used by Indians to kill soldiers, while the 
residue of the stealings goes into election funds. The events 
of the Indian w^ar of 1876 have, however, opened the eyes of 
the people to much of this abuse. God grant that it may end 
in the final destruction of the " Indian Rino-." 



CHAPTER II. 

CRAZY HORSE. 

WAR having been once determined on against the Sioux, 
the only questions were, who should begin it, and 
where ? It was finally resolved that three expeditions should 
start, one from the north, one from the south, and one from 
the east ; and that the three should all strike for the country 
near the headwaters of the Yellowstone, where Forts Reno and 
Phil Kearny had formerly been established. 

The three columns could not be, or at all events were not, de- 
spatched simultaneously. They were to start from two distinct 
departments, commanded by Generals Terry and Crook, whose 
headquarters were several hundred miles apart, and in the midst 
of different climates. Terry, whose northern column must start 
from Fort Lincoln, up near the borders of the British Terri- 
tory, could not move as early as Crook, who was far to the 
south. The latter started his column on the 1st of March, 1876, 
from Fort Fetterman, and struck off to the north for the Pow- 
der River. 

The column consisted of ten companies of the Second and 
Third Cavalry and two companies of infantry, with a strength 
of 700 men and 40 days supplies, on pack mules and in wagons. 
The whole was commanded by Colonel Reynolds, Third Cav- 
alry, brevet Major-General, and was accompanied by Briga- 
dier-General Crook, the department connnander. This column 
started with fine weather in its favor, and every indication of 
opening spring. There were sixty wagons and 400 pack-mules 
in the train, making, with the cavalry horses, 1,500 animals for 



538 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

which forap:e had to be carried. Nothing was heard of this ex- 
pedition till March 26, when the following telegram was received 
by General Sheridan from Crook : 

Fort Reno, March 33. 
We cut loose from the wagon train on the 17th inst., and 
scouted the Tongue and Rosebud Rivers until satisfied that there 
were no Indians upon them ; then struck across the country to- 
ward Powder River. General Reynolds, with part of the com- 
mand, was pushed forward on a trail leading to the village of 
Crazy Horse, near the mouth of Little Powder River. This he 
attacked and destroyed on the 17th inst., finding it a perfect mag- 
azine of ammunition, war material, and general supplies. Crazy 
Horse had with him the Northern Cheyennes and some of the 
Minneconjous, probably in all one-half of the Indians off the 
reservation. Every evidence was found to prove these Indians in 
copartnership with those at the Red Cloud and Spotted Tail 
Agencies,* and that the proceeds of their raids upon the settlements 
had been taken to those agencies, and supplies brought out in re- 
turn. In this connection I would again urgently recommend the 
immediate transfer of the Indians of those agencies to the Mis- 
souri River. I am satisfied that if Sitting Bull is on this side of 
the Yellowstone, that he is camped at the mouth of Powder River. 
We experienced severe weather during our absence from the 
wagon train, snow falling every day but one, and the mercurial 
thermometer on several occasions failing to register. 

Geoege Chook, Brigadier-General. 

Such was the first brief intimation of the facts of the Pow- 
der Kiver fight. After a while the history was amplified by 
the reports of the newspaper correspondents. From their 
accounts and the subsequent full report of Crook the whole 
story came out. After leaving Fort Fetterman nothing hap- 
pened for some days. The expedition left Crazy Woman's 
Fork with ten companies of cavalry, on the night of March 7, 
with fifteen days' rations on pack mules. The infantry and 
wagon train were sent back to the rear. The command marched 
down Tongue River nearly to the Yellowstone, scouting the 

* These agencies are to the south, not on the map in this work. 



CRAZY HORSE. 539 

Eosebud and adjacent streams. No Indians were found in 
this entire region. The expedition then moved to the head 
of Otter Creek, where General Reynolds was sent forward with 
six companies, and by a rapid night march reached Powder 
River early on the morning of the 17th, where he surprised 
and attacked Crazy Horse's village of 105 lodges. He captured 
the village, and after an engagement lasting live hours entirely 
destroyed it. 

So far the expedition very closely resembled that of Custer 
on the Washita. A trail in the snow had been found and fol- 
lowed, and the Indian village had been surprised. There 
the resemblance ended. 

Custer's victory on the Washita had been complete and 
overwhelming, and he had brought away all his prisoners, be- 
sides destroying the most indispensable part of an Indian's 
property, — the horses — in the face of a superior force of over- 
awed enemies. Reynolds had no such history. He found the 
village of the Indian chief all alone, and was free from other 
enemies. The contrast of his movements was great. It will 
be remembered how Custer, having found the enemy's village 
in the night, employed the time till morning in surrounding it. 
The correspondents with Reynolds tell a different story. From 
the account of the New York Tribune writer, (an officer of the 
expedition), which we shall in the main follow, the difference 
of leaders will be seen. This officer says : 

At 4. 20 A. M. we had marched thirty miles, and were, as near 
as we could tell, near the Powder Eiver breaks. A halt was 
called here, and the column took shelter in a ravine. No fires 
were allowed to be kindled, nor even a match lighted. The cold 
was more intense than we had yet felt, and seemed to be at least 
30° below zero. The command remained here till about 6 o'clock, 
doing their ntmost to keep from freezing, the scouts meantime 
going out to reconnoitre. At this hour they returned, reporting 
a larger and fresher trail leading down to the river, which was 
about four miles distant. The column immediately started on 
this trail. The approach to the river seemed almost impractica- 



540 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

ble. Before reaching the final precipices which overlooked the 
river-bed, the scouts discovered that a village of about 100 lodges 
lay in the valley at the foot of the bluffs. It was now 8 o'clock. 
Tlie sun shone brightly through the cold, frosty air. The col- 
umn halted, and Noyes's battalion. Second Cavalry, was ordered 
up to the front. It consisted of Company I, Second Cavalry, 
Captain Noyes, and Company K, Second Cavalry, Captain Egan. 
This battalion was ordered to descend to the valley, and while 
Captain Egan charged the camp, Captain Noyes Avas to cut out 
the herd of horses feeding close by and drive it up the river. Cap- 
tain Moore's battalion, consisting of Company F, Third Cavalry, 
and Company E, Second Cavalry, was ordered to dismount and 
proceed along the edge of the ridge to a position covering the 
eastern side of the village, opposite that from which Captain Egan 
was to charge. Captain Mills's battalion was ordered to follow 
Egan, dismounted, and support him in the engagement, which 
might follow the charge. These columns began the descent of the 
mountain, through gorges which were almost perpendicular, and 
it seemed almost impossible that horses could be taken through 
them. Nearly two hours were occupied in getting the horses of 
the charging column down these rough sides of the mountain, and 
even there, when a point was reached where the men could mount 
their horses and proceed toward the village in the narrow valley 
beneath, Moore's battalion had not been able to gain its position 
on the eastern side, after clambering along the edges of the moun- 
tain. A few Indians could be seen with the herd, driving them 
to the edge of the river, but nothing indicated that they knew of 
our approach. Just at 9 o'clock Captain Egan turned the point 
of the mountain nearest the river, and first in a walk and then in 
a rapid trot started for the village. The company went first in 
column of twos, but when within 200 yards of the village the 
command '* Left front into line " was given, and with a yell they 
rushed into the encampment. Captain Noyes had in the mean time 
wheeled to the right and started the herd up the river. . . . AVith 
the yell of the charging column the Indians sprang up as if by 
magic, and poured in a rapid fire from all sides. Egan charged 
through and through the village before Moore's and Mills' battal- 
ions got within supporting distance, and finding things getting 
very hot, formed his line in some high willows on the south side 
of the camp, from which point he poured in rapid volleys upon 
the Indians. Up to this time the Indians supposed that one com- 
pany was all they had to contend with, but when the other bat- 



CRAZY HORSE. 541 

talions appeared, rapidly advancing, deployed as skirmishers, and 
pouring in a galling fire of musketry, they broke on all sides and 
took refuge in the rocks along the side of the mountain. The 
camp, consisting of 110 lodges, with immense quantities of robes, 
fresh meat, and plunder of all kinds, with over 700 head of 
horses, was in our possession. The work of burning began imme- 
diately, and soon the whole encampment was in flames. While 
the work of demolition was going on under the direction of Gen- 
eral Reynolds, the Indians poured in a well-directed fire from the 
sides of the mountain and from every available hiding-place. 
Not satisfied with this, they made a determined attack on the 
troops about noon, with a view to regaining possession of the 
camp. Captain Mills, who had charge of the skirmish line, per- 
ceived their movement, and asked for additional men. These 
were sent in promptly, and the attack was quickly and handsomely 
repulsed, the Indians retiring in disorder. After the work of de- 
struction had been completed, the withdrawal of the troops began, 
and the whole command moved rapidly up the river, twenty 
miles, to the mouth of Lodgepole Creek, where it went into camp, 
after two days and one night of constant marching. 

So far so good. It will be observed that the troops, instead 
of surrounding the Indians, had been surrounded bj them, 
and finally fell back. JSTow mark the sequel. 

After the fight was over, the troops marched rapidly up the 
river to the mouth of Lodgepole Creek, ^^his point was reached 
at nightfall by all except Moore's battalion and Captain Egan's 
company. Company E. Second Cavalry, was the rear guard, and 
assisted Major Stanton and the scouts in bringing up the herd of 
horses. Many of these were shot on the road, and the remainder 
reached camp about 9 p. m. These troops had been in the saddle 
for 36 hours, with the exception of five hours during which they 
were fighting, and all, officers and men, were much exhausted. 
The horses had had no grazing, and began to show signs of com- 
plete exhaustion. Upon arriving at Lodgepole, it was found that 
General Crook and the other four companies and pack-train had 
not arrived, so that everybody was supperless and without a blan- 
ket. The night, therefore, was not a cheerful one, but not a 
murmur was heard. The wounded men lay upon the snow or 
leaned against a tree, and slept as best they could on so cold a 
night. 



542 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Owing to some misunderstanding, our four dead men tvere left 
on the field to be mutilated by the Indians. These men could have 
been removed easily, and that they were not, caused a great deal 
of dissatisfaction among the troops. Saturday at noon General 
Crook and the remainder of the command arrived. In the mean- 
time a portion of the herd of -ponies, had draggled into the ravines, 
and fallen into the hands of the Indians. 

This is very unlike the sequel to Custer's triumph, and 
shows forcibly the lack of an energetic leader and officers iinbned 
with the same enthusiasm. The correspondent closes with the 
following paragraphs of unconscious severity. 

It is hardly proper to close this sketch of the engagement with- 
out referring more particularly to those causes which prevented 
its complete success. First among these was the failure of Cap- 
tain Moore's battalion to reach the position assigned it in the 
rear of the village, or a point covering the rear, before the charge 
was made by Captain Egan. This failure allowed the Indians to 
make good their escape to the rocky fastnesses of the mountains 
overlooking the valley, from which they subsequently poured in a 
galling fire upon our troops. Moore's battalion was a sti-ong one 
in number, and needed only to be led to the front where it could 
be effective to do good service. When it was discovered that the 
battalion would not be at the place assigned it, and that its com- 
mander did not apparently intend to put it there, Major Stanton 
and Lieut. Sibley, ivithfive men, left it andioent on, taking up the 
position which the battalion should have occupied, and gave the 
flying savages the best enfilading fire they could. But they were 
too few to prevent the escape of the Indians. This was the first 
serious blunder. The next was that after the herd of ponies, 
numbering over 700, had been captured, driven twenty miles from 
the scene of action, and turned over to General Eeynolds, com- 
manding the troops, he failed to place a guard around them, so 
that the greater portion of them strayed off during the night, and 
were picked up by the Indians. Furthermore, there were large 
quantities of buffalo meat and venison in the village, which Gen- 
eral Crook had directed, in case of capture, to be brought out for 
the use of the troops, who were on half rations of fresh meat. 
This was not done, and as a result, the soldiers have had no fresh 
meat except ponies since that time. 



CRAZY HORSE. 543 

In short it became clear, when fall news of the expedition 
leaked out, that the Powder River fight was an example of an 
opportunity thrown away, in which almost every one was to 
blame for only one thing — want of energy. Capt. Noyes actu- 
ally allowed his men to unsaddle and rest, after he had first 
driven away the Indian herd, and while the fighting was going 
on, and for this he was afterwards court-martialed and repri- 
manded in general orders. 

But the real trouble seems to have been simple enough — a 
want of heart, an excessive caution in evei-y one, especially the 
leader. When Custer went after Indians, he himself was alM'ays 
in the advance, and looking out for his enemy. At the Washita, 
we have found him with the advanced sconts on all occasions, 
and watching his enemy himself. Here, on the other hand, we 
see neither Crook nor Reynolds out in front, the night wasted 
in idle waiting, and the battle commenced at 9 o'clock, with the 
result of everybody falling just a little short of his work. 

The Powder River fight, which, under Custer, would prob- 
ably have ended in the complete destruction of the band of 
Crazy Horse, ended in merely burning some of his property 
and exasperating him, while leaving him all his weapons and 
men, and almost all his horses. It was an ominous commence- 
ment for a campaign of disaster. 

After that time, the curtain was hardly ever lifted till the 
commencement of the M'inter of 1S76, and even then not in the 
form of a victory over hostile Indians, but the more question- 
able success of a movement of far less danger, that should have 
been made long ago. This movement was the surrounding and 
forcible disarmament of the Sioux at the principal agencies, 
taking from them their ponies, and compelling them to live 
peaceably ; and the army is fain to be proud of this, lacking 
other subjects of congratulation. 

Recognizing fully the difiiculties which surround army op- 
erations against the Indians, we must still admit the worst to be 
the low character of the regular troops. In the infantry, this is 



544 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

marked b}' apparent inability to execute severe marches on foot, 
in the cavalry by an almost total incapacity to fight mounted 
against the Indians. Infantry and cavalry advance well enough 
in the common skirmish line on foot, but there are so many 
recruits, so few veterans in the ranks, that the issue of a single 
combat between an Indian and a dragoon is, almost as a matter 
of course, the death of the dragoon. Compelled as they are, by 
the inferiority of their men, to fight dismounted, too many of 
our cavalry officers have fallen into the pernicious habit which 
spoiled the Confederate cavalry during the civil war, which 
ruined all European cavalry from the invention of firearms till 
the days when Gustavus Adolphus once more introduced 
the charge sword-in-hand, and which again ruined them in 
the interval between his days and those of Frederick the Great. 
This habit is the distrust of the sdbre^ and the consequent 
timidity evinced by all concerned, when a hand-to-hand fight 
is necessary. The Indians, with all their improved firearms, 
universally retain the lance with their other weapons. Tiie 
drilled soldier, possessing a sabre, uses it only as an orna- 
ment on dress parade, and leaves it in quarters when he goes 
out to fight — first, on the ground that its clattering may be 
heard by Indians, second, on the singular plea, put forth by 
Colonel Brackett, in his "History of the U. S. Cavalry," 
that "if the soldier gets near enough to an Indian to use his 
sabre, it is an even chance which goes under." Can it be 
wondered at that Indians beat men who are so ignorant of 
the art of attack and defence, and who despise all tHe teachings 
of military history ? If it be true that the chances are now 
even, or in favor of the Indian, there is a simple remedy. It 
is to teach the men how to use their sabres, till they trust to 
them. When officers and men do that, the Indians will fear 
them, not they the Indians. 



CHAPTER III. 
CUSTER AND GEANT. 

IT is now time to turn to that part of the campaign under 
General Terry's orders. When Sheridan and Sherman 
planned the destruction of Sitting Bull, it was ordered that Cus- 
ter should be assigned to the command of the Dakota column. 
It was organized at his post, was mainly composed of his regi- 
ment, and was repeatedly denominated in orders " Custer's 
column."' The reasons for giving him this post were perfectly 
simple. Custer had never yet met loiih, a single disaster while 
m command of an important expedition^ and lie had heen 
Messed with more comjylete success in his Indian expeditions 
than any other officer in the regidar ai'my. His onlj'- rival as 
an Indian tighter was Crook, and Crook had gained his reputa- 
tion by a pursuit and extermination of small scattered bands of 
Apaches in Arizona, who were not blessed with a semi-circle of 
Indian agencies in their rear to supply them w'ith Winchester 
rifles and patent ammunition. Besides this. Crook was getting 
older, and having been made a brigadier, was not so likely to 
work as Custer, who was still only a lieutenant-colonel, thanks 
to the seniority rule. Brigadier General Terry, tjje department 
commander, had never been in the field as an Indian fighter, 
and felt quite content to leave the Indian laurels to Custer. 

Terry was a brigadier who owed his sudden elevation to 
his present rank to the capture of Fort Fisher. Having been 
a volunteer only, and before that a lawyer, not a West Pointer, 
Terry found himself in a peculiar position in the army. Had 
he been a nervously energetic officer like Custer, the enmity 
35 



546 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

he would have excited among the old seniority officers, espe- 
cially the graduates, would have been much greater. As it 
was, while they hated him passively, they had not the same 
opportunity to spite him, Terry being two steps higher than 
Custer. Only his great sweetness of temper and modesty 
preserved him from active enmity. Terry trusted Custer im- 
plicitly, and admired him greatly, and it was all settled that 
Custer should lead the Dakota column. 

Then came a sudden interruption to all these plans, a chain 
of incidents which ended in a disaster to the nation and in the 
temporaiy triumph of Custer's enemies. The facts of this 
business are so important to the vindication of Custer's character 
from the attacks of these enemies, that the nation of which he 
was the pride will not deem wasted the space which brings 
them clearly to light. 

While Custer was hard at work preparing for his part of the 
Sioux Expedition, eager for work and foreseeing a further tri- 
umph, he received a telegram from Mr. Helster Clymer, Chair- 
man of a certain Congressional Committee, requiring his 
presence in Washington, to give testimony as to some alleged 
abuses in the War Department. At the time, Mr. Belknap, 
who had lately resigned the office of Secretary of War, was 
under investigation in regard to an alleged sale by him of a 
post-tradership * to a person called Mai'sh. The committee had 
stumbled on the evidence of this sale by accident, and the Sec- 
retary, overwhelmed with shame at the discovery of his appar- 

* Post-traders now supply the place of the old sutlers, whose office wag 
abolished a few years since. They have the exclusive privilege of trading at 
the post to whicit they are appointed, and where the garrison is large the 
privilege is exceedingly valuable, as much of the pay of soldiers and officers 
is generally spent in the post-trader's store, for little luxuries. The post- 
tradership given to Marsh was at Fort ISill, Indian Territory, where ten 
companies of cavalry were generally stationed, aggregating about 600 men 
and forty officers, including staff, etc. The pay of the garrison amounted to 
about $100,000 a year, and at the ordinary sutler's rates, it was pretty cer- 
tain that at least $100,000 would be spent at the store, with a profit to the 
post-trader, at 100 per cent., of at least $50,000 per annum. 



CUSTER AND GRANT. 547 

ent venality, had resigned his office under charges, and was at 
once impeached by the Honse of Representatives. 

The defence of the delinquent secretary, so far as it appeared, 
was that his first wife had, unknown to him, sold her influence 
with him for the office, that his second wife, sister of the first, 
had continued the bargain with Marsh after the death of her 
sister, and that he, Belknap, was perfectly ignorant of the whole 
matter till shortly before the examination of Marsh, when the 
shame and misery, experienced by him at the exposure of the 
delinquencies of his two wives, was so great as to lead to his 
giving up the figlit in advance. Although this is not the place 
to enter into the merits or demerits of the Belknap case, whicli 
has since been legally settled in his favor, it may be stated that 
this explanation M-as believed to be the truth by all those who 
were personally intimate with the ex-secretary's career. One 
of these was President Grant, on whose staff the Secretary had 
served as General Belknap, during the war, and who remained 
his firm friend in his trouble. 

The Congressional committee was determined, however, to 
investigate every act of Belknap's career in regard to frontier 
posts, and began to call witnesses from all quarters, groping 
blindly after the facts. The vaguest hearsay evidence was 
snatched at, and at last some one suggested that General Custer 
knew something about corruption on the part of the ex-secre- 
tary ; he had been heard by some one to say that he had heard 
something on the subject, and so forth. On this vague infor- 
mation the sapient Chairman telegraphed a summons to Custer 
to come to Washington, and so started a train of circumstances 
which was to end in ^;he untimely death of the best cavalry chief 
on the American continent. Custer was much disturbed. He 
telegraphed at once to Terry to know what he should do, stating 
that his own information was only hearsay, and devoid of value 
to the case, and asking whether an order was not necessary. 
He made these inquiries of Terry, knowing that his general had 
been bred a lawyer. At the same time, showing his scrupulous 



548 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

sense of justice, he asked whether he was not bound to go, and 
tell what little he knew and how he knew it. In the same tele- 
gram, showing his peculiarly sensitive honor, he asks for a court 
of inquiry on himself in regard to his own conduct towards a 
discontented officer of his regiment, concerning a transfer from 
one company to another, in wliich the officer complained that 
injustice had been done him. Terry's answer to this telegram 
was as follows : 

Hdqrs. Dept. of Dakota, St. Paul, Mm., March 16, 1876. 
To Lieut. Col. Custer, Fori Lincoln, DaTcota: 

Despatch received. You need no order beyond the sum- 
mons of the committee. I am sorry to have you go, for I fear it . 
will delay our movements. I should suppose that if your testimony 
is not as to the facts themselves, and will only point out the wit- 
nesses from whom the committee can get the facts, your informa- 
tion might be communicated by letter or telegraph, and that being 
done, you might ask to be relieved from personal attention 
without exposing yourself to misconstruction. However, you 
must use your own judgment. 

In regard to the other matter, I don't think that yon need a court 
of inquiry. Your statement to me vindicated you in my eyes : a 
repetition to General Sheridan would doubtless vindicate you in 
his. A court could not be convened until after the summer cam- 
paign is over. Your services are indispejisahle, and no iliougM oj 
a transfer can he entertaiiied. 

Terrt, Comd'g. Dept. 

Custer took Terryl^ advice and telegraphed to Clym.er as 
follows : 

Fort liiNCOLN, Dakota, Marcli 16, 1876. 
Hon. Heister Clymer : 

While I hold myself in readiness to obey the summons of your 
committee, I telegraph to state that I am engaged upon an impor- 
tant expedition, intended to operate against the hostile Indians, 
and I expect to take the field early in Ajyril. My presence here is 
deemed very necessary. In view of this, would it not be satisfac- 
tory for you to forward to me such questions as may be necessary, 
allowing me to return my replies by mail. 

Geo. a. Custer. 



CUSTER AND GRANT. 549 

Clymer, proud of his power to see tlirongh a millstone 
much further than any one else, would not be denied, and made 
Custer come on, besides putting him through a cross-examina- 
tion that lasted two days, and compelling him to tell not only 
all he knew, but all he did not know, into the bargain. After 
a month's torture of Custer, he finally found out that the latter 
had written him an honest letter, and that the committee 
might better have left him in Fort Lincoln, 
^ To only one fact was Custer able to testify, of his own knowl- 
edge. This was that, on one occasion the contractor at Fort 
Lincoln had turned him over a large quantity of grain, in sacks 
which had home the Indian hrand^ and which he suspected had 
heen stolen from the Indian Department, as part of the gigantic 
system of fraud by which the Indian Ring played into the hands 
of army contractors. At the time this grain was issued to 
Custer he refused to receive it, and telegraphed to Department 
Headquarters on the subject, expressing his suspicions. In due 
time, his communication having been forwarded through regu- 
lar channels, he received a positive order to take the grain. 
This order he stated to the committee, he helieved to have 
come down from the Secretary of War. This evidence, while 
avowedly only on information and belief, was regarded by 
Clymer as implicating the Secretary in some fresh fraud, and 
on the face of things there was ample ground for Custer's 
honest suspicions of the wdiole business. It turned out after- 
wards, that Custer was mistaken as to the origin of the per- 
emptory order. It really came from Terry alone, on the 
latter's responsibility. We shall see later how perfectly frank 
Custer was in the matter, and how ready publicly to retract his 
error. 

Much has been said by strong political partisans as to this 
last public action of Custer. By those who were ardent sup- 
porters of the ex-secretary, and especiall}'' of his avowed friend, 
President Grant, the indirect and hearsay testimony which was 
all that Caster could give, was contrasted with the previ- 



650 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

ous parade of its promised value made by the committee, and 
especially by the partisan newspapers on the side of the com- 
mittee. Custer was called a '' swift witness," a " retailer of 
gossip " and accused of intriguing for his summons in order to 
escape frontier duty. Much of this abuse might be now passed 
over on the score of partisan excitement, were it not that the 
writer of Custer's biography feels himself bound by a sense of 
duty to probe the truth to the very bottom. 

As regards the Belknap case, it is certain that Custer's 
evidence was wholly immaterial. His only item of personal 
knowledge adverse to the secretary was founded on an honest 
mistake, which he was swift to acknowledge when it was pointed 
out to him. As a witness of the prosecution, he should never 
have been called. 

Who called him ? 

Helster Clymer and that ingenious committee which so 
studiously mismanaged the Belknap case, were the real parties 
to blame. Custer had telegraphed to Clymer, begging to be 
excused from attendance at Washington, as an important 
expedition was about to take the field, in which his presence 
was necessary. He earnestly begged to be left at his post, but 
his request was denied. Clymer was bound to have him in 
Washington for political effect, just as Johnson in old times 
had been determined to have Custer's name associated with 
his, in " swinging round the circle." In both cases the only 
party injured was the honest unsuspecting soldier. The more 
Clymer questioned him, the more ludicrous was his failure to 
extract anything but the truth. For this truth, Custer has 
been blamed by his enemies, when the real party to blame was 
the officious chairman who persisted in calling him. On Cly- 
mer's shoulders, moreover, rests the responsibility of deferring 
Custer's departure after Sitting Bidl a whole tnonth. Had he 
gone in April, before the Indians had gathered in force, Custer 
might be alive now. 

One person in the United States, however, would not believe 



CUSTER AND GRANT. 551 

in Custer's unwillingness to testify. Instead of this, he took 
Custer's presence and testimony in Washing-ton as a personal 
affront to himself. This person was President Grant. 

President Grant was once General Grant. As General Grant 
he was chiefly distinguished for one virtue, an indomitable resolu- 
tion and obstinacy in following whatever plan he had resolved on, 
an iron determination to pursue it at whatever cost. This qual- 
itj^ of determination in war had finallj'- conducted him to success, 
because as a general his power was absolute. As the executive 
of a republic, it brought him hatred and ill-will, for the success- 
ful head of a republic must be an eloquent and persuasive man, 
who can win others to his side by flattery, and who knows how 
to yield outwardly, while gaining his ends by craft and subtlety. 

Another virtue possessed by General Grant was that of 
faithfulness to his friends, and this virtue also tended to his 
success in war, while in peace it operated in exactly the oppo- 
site direction. Had it been accompanied by good judgment in 
the choice of friends, it might not have been so disastrous, but 
unluckily, Grant seems from the first to have fallen into the 
hands of very questionable friends, who would have fleeced 
him had he been a ricli man, who were accused of fleecing the 
nation under his protection, he being a high officer. 

The efforts of the Clymer committee and the House during 
the Belknap investigation had undoubtedly been directed to- 
wards the injury of Grant and his friends, who formed what 
was known under the general term of "the Administration;" 
and the animus of the whole attack was so evident, the persis- 
tency of the efforts to find something on which to hang more 
impeachments so untiring, that they had excited the bitterest 
indignation in Grant himself. His very virtues, pride, firm- 
ness, faithful friendship, conviction of honesty, tended to era- 
hitter his animosity against all connected with the attack on 
"his administration." He looked on them as mortal enemies, 
and never forgave them. Amongst these he now counted Cus- 
ter. He never paused to inquire whether the latter was a 



552 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

willing witness, whether his testimony was dragged out of him 
or not ; he made up his mind that Custer had turned against 
him in his period of trial, and he became bitterly and inexora- 
bly incensed against him, personally. Custer heard of this, 
through private sources, and knew that the President's im- 
pression as to his own testimony was quite unfounded. As 
soon, therefore, as he was released from his attendance at the 
committee, he called at the White House to \ydy his respects to 
the President, hoping by a frank personal statement to disabuse 
his mind of the mistake. For the lirst time in his life, Custer 
found himself treated with ignominy, compelled to wait in the 
ante-room for hours, to see other persons getting audiences be- 
fore him, while he himself was left perfectly unnoticed, although 
his card was sent in from the first. Three times he called at 
the White House, and on neither occasion was he even noticed. 
These visits were made at various times during his sojourn at 
Washington, while he was daily expecting his release and re- 
turn to Dakota. He had left the fort, expecting to be gone 
ten days at furthest: he had now been detained at Washington 
for over a month, unable to go anywhere, uncertain of his 
movements from day to day. He was only able to take one 
hurried trip to Kew York on one occasion, to have a little busi- 
ness talk with his publishers about his " War Memoirs," which 
he had commenced during the past winter at Fort Lincoln. 
This hurried visit was the occasion of the last glimpse of Cus- 
ter caught by the writer of this biography, while in the edito- 
rial rooms of the " Galaxy." Custer looked worn and thin, and 
somewhat woi-ried, his hair cut short, a great change from the 
debonair cavalier of the Waynesboro' fight. His manner 
conveyed the impression of a nervous man with his nerves all 
on edge, in a state of constant repressed impatience. He had 
left his wife behind at Fort Lincoln, and knew that every day 
brought the season of active operations nearer, while he was 
away. Ko wonder he looked worried. At last he was released 
from his attendance. May 1st, and went to the White House, 



CUSTER AND GRANT. 553 

with a last, almost despairing effort to get an audience from 
Grant and to explain his action. Once more he was compelled 
to submit to the slight of being kept waiting in the ante-room 
among the President's lackeys. Time was going on : his de- 
tention by the official summons was over, and he knew that 
his duty imperatively called him back to Fort Lincoln, that 
very day. He sat down and wrote the following note, which 
he sent in. 

To His Excellency the President : 

To-day for the third time I have sought an interview with the 
President — not to solicit a favor, except to be granted a brief 
hearing — but to remove from his mind certain unjust impressions 
concerning myself, which I have reason to believe are entertained 
against me. I desire this opportunity simply as a matter of jus- 
tice, and I regret that the President has declined to give me an 
opportunity to submit to him a brief statement, which justice to 
him, as well as to me, demanded. 

Kespectfully submitted. 
G. A. Custer, Lt. Col. Seventh Cavalry, 

Bvt. Maj. Genl. U. S. Army. 

This letter was sent in to, and read by, the President. Da- 
ring the last visit, as we are credibly informed. General Ingalls, 
then acting quartermaster-general, found Custer in the ante-room, 
and went in to see the President. Ingalls was a good and just 
man, and a friend of both. He asked the President if ho knew 
that Custer was outside, waiting. The President did — he did 
not wish to see him. Then, Ingalls urged, he should at least spare 
Custer the indignity of waiting outside, and send him a message 
to save his time — that so much was due to Custer's past services 
at least. Then the President sent out word that he refused to 
see Colonel Custer, and Custer sat down and wrote his quiet, 
manly letter, honest and proud, sad and dignified, like himself 
in every word. It was useless. Grant refused to see him. 

Custer had no longer any pretext for staying in Washing- 
ton. He had already been to call on tlic General of the Army, 



554 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

and found that Sherman was away in New York, but was ex- 
pected back in the evening. He went off and secured his pas- 
sage on the night train, calling on Inspector-General Marcj and 
Adjutant-General Townsend on the way. Adjutant-General 
Marcy had wished Custei", on the way back to Dakota, to perform 
some duty in Detroit which would delay liim, but hearing from 
Custer of the urgency of his haste, on account of the late- 
ness of the season, and of the necessity of his immediate pres- 
ence at Fort Lincoln, gave him the following letter. 

War Depaetment, Inspector-General's Office. 

Washington, D. C. May 1st, 1876. 
Lieut. Col G. A. Custer, U. S. Army. 

Colonel : — Understanding that the general of the army de- 
sires you to proceed directly to your station, the service •which I 
recommended you to perform in Detroit, Michigan, can be exe- 
cuted by another officer. And in the absence of the general you 
have my consent to omit stopping at Detroit for the purpose 
specified in the Adjutant-General's letter to you. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

E. B. Marcy, Inspector General. 

Custer made a last call at Sherman's office. The General 
was not back from New York, and his length of stay was still 
uncertain. Custer took the train, and was soon whirling away 
toward Chicago. The next day, May 2d, General Sheridan 
was awakened from his slumbers by the following extraordinary 
telegram : 

Washington, D. C, May 2d, 1876. 
General P. H. Sheridan, Cliicago, Illinois. 

I am this moment advised that General Custer started last 
night for Saint Paul and Fort Abraham Lincoln. He teas 
not justified in leaving without seeing the President or myself. 
Please intercept him at Chicago or Saint Paul, and order him to 
halt and await further orders. Meanwhile, let the Expediiion from 
Fort Lincoln proceed tvithout him. 

(Signed) W. T. Sheeman, General. 



CUSTER AND GRANT. 555 

It Avas the hand of Sherman, but the head of Grant. The 
grim implacable animosity of the President was aroused. Cus- 
ter's testimony had made liim the President's foe. Eight or 
wrong, Grant was determined to punish him, and there was 
but one way to do it — deprive him of the command of the ex- 
pedition, and so humiliate him. No one knew better than 
Grant that if Custer went in command of the Dakota column 
lie was certain to return victorious^ with fresh laurels. Tliat 
pill was too bitter for the President to swallow. All that 
Sheridan could do, in the face of such a positive order, was to 
obey it. An officer was sent to the station, and Custer was 
stopped on the 4th of May by the following letter : 

Headquarters Military Div. of the Missouri, 

Chicago, 111., May 4tli, 1876. 

Lieutenant- Col. G. A. Custer, Seventh U. 8. Cavalry, Chicago, III. 
Sir : — Agreeably to instructions contained in the enclosed copy 
of a telegraphic dispatch from the general of the army,, of the 2d 
instant, the Lieutenant-General commanding the division directs 
you to remain in Chicago until the receipt of further orders from 
superior authority, to be furnished you through these head- 
quarters. 

Very respectfully your obedient servant, 

E. C. Drum, Assistant Adjutant-General. 

There was nothing for it but to obey. Custer drove in haste 
to Sheridan's headquarters, and found him as friendly as ever. 
Sheridan knew no more of the cause of the order than did Cus- 
ter himself, and told him so. He had no objection to Custer's 
telegraphing direct to Sherman for an explanation, and the as- 
tonished officer at once sent off the following dispatch : 

Chicago, III. 
General W. T. Sherman, Washington, D. G. 

I have seen your despatch to General Sheridan directing me to 
awiiit orders here, and am at a loss to understand that portion re- 
ferring to my departure from Washington loithoiit seeing you or 
the President, as I called at the White House at ten o'clock a. m. 



556 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Monday, sent my card to the President, and, with the exception 
of a few minutes' absence at the War Department, I remained at 
the White House waiting an audience with the President until 
three p. m., when he sent me word that he would not see me. I 
called at your office about two p. M., but was informed by Colonel 
McCook you had not returned from New York, but were expected 
in the evening. I called at your hotel at four p. m. and about six 
p. M., but was informed by the clerk that you had not returned 
from New York. I then requested Colonel McCook to inform 
you of the substance of the above dispatch, and also that I was to 
leave at seven that evening to report to my command. 

While at the War Department that day, I also reported the 
fact of my proposed departure to the Adjutant-General and to the 
Inspector-General of the army, and obtained from them written 
and verbal authority to proceed to my command without visiting 
Detroit, as previously ordered to do. At my last interview with 
you, I informed you that I would leave Washington Monday night 
to join my command, and you, in conversation replied that " that 
was the best thing I could do." Besides, you frequently, during 
my stay in Washington, called my attention to the necessity for my 
leaving as soon as possible, I telegraph you direct, with the per- 
mission of the Lieutenant-General. 

G. A. Custer, Brevet Major-General, 

Later in the day he sent tliis further telegram : 

Chicago, May 4, 1876. 2:30 p. m. 
Gen. W. T. Sherman, Washington, D. 0. 

I desire to further call your attention to your statement to me, 
in your office, that I should go in command of my regiment. 

Also to your reply when I inquired if the President or other 
parties had any charges to make against me. In leaving Wash- 
ington, I had every reason to believe I was acting in strict accord- 
ance with your suggestions and wishes. I ask you as General of 
the army to do me justice in this matter. 

G. A. Ouster. 

No answer came to these despatches, and Custer well knew 
the reason. It was not Sherman who was thus putting him to 
torture, but some one behind Sherman who was able to com- 
mand him. Grant was resolved to humiliate Custer, no matter 



CUSTER AND GRANT. 557 

at what cost. He was stolidly determined to have his own 
way. As a last resort, Custer telegraphed a third time in the 
evening. 

General W. T. Sherman, Wasliington, D. C. 

After you read my despatch of to-day, I would be glad if my 
detention could be authorized at Fort Lincoln, where my family is, 
instead of at this point. 

G. A. Custer, Bvt. Major General. 

Not a word in answer to all this. Custer had committed 
no crime ; there were no charges against him. He had dune 
nothing but obey orders all through, but it was necessary he 
should be punished, as the President could punish no one else. 
In this Grant showed great knowledge of human nature. No 
doubt he would have liked immediately to punish every officer 
who had testified against his "administration," but he had no 
means by which to do it. No one else of the witnesses was 
in command of an expedition, no one was a successful Indian 
fighter, no one else was a high-strung nervous cavalier, sensitive 
to a slight. Custer was the only man. It was so easy to pun- 
ish him, by the simplest means: the reason assigned was so 
plausible. Grant knew that the torture lay in the^V'.^^ humili- 
ation, the minor details were of little consequence. After all, 
the President, while a bitter foe, was not a cruel one. He had 
no objection to letting Custer see his family. So it appears by 
the following despatch : 

Chicago, May 5th. 
Brigadier Oemral A. H. Terry, St. Paul, Minn. 

The Lieutenant General directs me to transmit for your infor- 
mation and guidance the following telegram from the General of 
the Army : — 

" Have received your dispatch of to-day, announcing General 
Custer's arrival. Have just come from the President,who orders 
that General Ouster be allowed to rejoin his post, to remaiii there 
on duty, hit not to accom^mny the expedition supposed to he 



558 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

oji the point of starting against the hostile Indians, under Gen- 
eral Terry. 

(Signed,) W. T. Sherman, General. 

Please acknowledge receipt. 

(Signed,) E. C. Drum, A. A.G. 

Hdqrs. Deft, of Dakota, 

St. Paul, May 8th, ,1876. 
Official copy respectfully furnished for the information of 
Lieutenant-Colonel Custer. 

Geo. Euggles, Ass. Adj. Genl. 

It appears clearly from the next message that Sherman was 
not inimical to Custer, for he telegraphed to him kindly enough. 
Immediately following Sherman's telegram, will be found one 
from Cnster, illustrating the frankness and completeness with 
■which he alwaj^s acknowledged his errors. It is the one we 
have before referred to, as connected with the matter of the 
grain frauds. Sheridan's telegram is as follows : 

Washington, D. C. 
Oen. G. A. Custer, Chicago, III. 

Before receipt of yours, had sent orders to General Sheridan 
to permit you to go to Abe Lincoln on duty, hut tlie President 
adheres to his conclusion that you are not to go on the expedition. 

W. T. Sherman, General. 

The other telegram is as follows : 

Saint Paul, May 6tla, 1876. 
To Hon. Heister Clymer, Washington, D. C. : 

General Terry, commanding the Department of Dakota, informs 
me that the report I forwarded from Fort Lincoln, regarding 
certain corn delivered at that post, for the use of the army, in 
Indian sacks, was received at his headquarters in the city, and 
after due investigation, was acted upon finally by his authority ; 
and that it was he and 7iot the late Secretary of War, who sent 
the order to Fort Lincoln, directing that, under certain instruc- 
tions intended to protect the government, the corn in question 
should be received. The receipt of the order Avas reported to 



CUSTER AND GRANT. 559 

me, and at the same time I derived the impression that the 
order emanated from the War Department. As I ivould not 
Jcnoiuingly do injustice to any individual, I ash that this telegram 
may he appended to, and made part of my testimony before your 
committee. 

G. A. Custer. 

Then Custer found himself, May 6, in St. Paul, and con- 
demned by the President's order to remain behind and see his 
comrades go to war. How bitterly it must have recalled to 
him his equally unjust detention, eight, years before, at Fort 
Leavenworth, and the disasters to the nation which had fol- 
lowed his punishment. That punishment led to the Pliil Kearny 
massacre and Forsyth's disastrous siege on the island. It shows 
how free from vulgar ambition and how pure was Custer's pa- 
triotism, that he, the proud soldier, publicly insulted and humil- 
iated without the pretence of a fault on his part, should have 
written such a letter as this, which follows. The last words 
we commend to the nation that loves him. We also commend 
Terry's letter of transmittal. 

Headquarters Department of Dakota, 

Saint Paul, Minn., May 6th, 1876. 
Adjutant General, Division of Missouri, Chicago. 

I forward the following : — 
To His Excellency The President, through Military Channels. 

I have seen your order, transmitted through the general of the 
army, directing that I be not permitted to accompany the expedi- 
tion about to move against hostile Indians. As my entire regi- 
ment forms a part of the proposed expedition, and as I am the 
senior officer of the regiment on duty in this Department, I re- 
spectfully but most earnestly request that while not allowed to go 
in command of the expedition, I may be permitted to serve with 
my regiment in the field. 

I appeal to you as a soldier to spare me the humiliation of seeing 
my regiment march to meet the enemy and I not to share its dangers. 
(Signed) G. A. Custer, 

Bvt. Maj. Genl. U. S. Army. 

In forwarding the above, I wish to say expressly, that I have 



560 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

no desire -whatever to question tlie orders of the President, or of 
my military superiors. Whether Lieut. Col. Custer shall be per-, 
mitted to accompany my column or not, I shall go in command 
of it. 

I do not know the reasons upon which the orders already given 
rest ; but if those reasons do not forbid it, Lieut. Col. Custer^s 
services would he very valuable witli his command. 
(Signed) Terkt, 

Commanding Department. 

It will be seen that Terry is cautious as to expressing an 
opinion, being restrained from speaking out by official reticence. 
He could not say to his superior officer, whether he thought it 
or not; — "Look here; this is a scandalous shame. Custer has 
done nothing wrong, he has only obeyed the law and told the 
truth ; and the President is taking a mean and cowardly advan- 
tage of his power to punish Custer indirectly, because he dare 
not do it directly." The old adroitness of the lawyer appears 
in all of Terry's conduct. He makes no enemies ; even the old 
"West Pointers, over whose heads Fort Fisher had jumped 
liim, could not find it in their hearts to hate him. 

But the opposition papers were not so mealy-mouthed. All 
over the land they teemed with double-leaded articles on 
"Grant's tyranny" and " Custer's degradation," and took the 
quarrel up, not because they cared for Custer, but because 
they could make political capital out of it. All the foul vul- 
tures of politics flocked to see the battle, expecting a feast at 
its conclusion. The "administration" papers were thus in a 
manner forced into the fight, and into an attitude of antagonism 
to Custer, which has pursued him beyond his grave. This w^as 
unfortunate enough, and it is to be hoped that it will go no 
further. I have written in this chapter a plain statement of 
facts, and introduced copies of the original documents, on pur- 
pose to show that Custer's action in the whole of this matter 
was entirely unpolitical, and in the earnest hope that it may 
prevent his memory from being made the subject of a partisan 
light. No man was ever more thoroughly an honest soldier and 



CUSTER AND GRANT. 561 

less of a politician than Custer, and no man has suffered more 
from the efforts of those vampires of life, the politicians, to make 
use of him in their quarrels. 

Two men were to blame for all the trouble : meddling, offi- 
cious Heister Cljmer, who insisted on making Custer come to 
Washington ; obstinate, implacable Grant — the man, not the 
President — who would not listen to a word, and who was actu- 
ally' willing to imperil the whole fate of the Sioux campaign 
and to lyermit hundreds of lives to he lost, to gain his revenge 
on Custer. The question has nothing to do with one party or 
the other, but the responsibility of all that follows rests person- 
ally on these two men — the busy-body and the implacable 
tyrant. One was willing to imperil a nation to serve his fac- 
tion, the other was ready to forget his office, to prostitute his 
position, to sacrifice a hecatomb of innocent lives, to gratify his 
private revenge. From the consequences of that act he cannot 
escape. 

Grant was satisfied with his first disgrace of Custer, or dared 
not face the criticism which would have greeted the announce- 
ment of the fact that the President of the United States was 
willing to imperil the success of an important expedition to 
gratify his private revenge. That was going a step too far : so 
Grant yielded to Custer's petition so far as to let him go as a 
subordinate, in the expedition which Grant well knew in his 
heart that Custer alone was ft to command. 

The papers said this openly, both opposition and indepen- 
dents, whereupon the administration papers felt themselves com- 
pelled to print alleged utterances of General Sherman to the effect 
that there were " plenty of officers in the army just as capable 
as Custer." Here again the officious meddling of Custer's in- 
judicious friends only embittered his single real enemy, Grant, 
and compelled Sherman, as an official person, to appear hostile 
to Custer. Possibly the general of the army did say there 
were plenty of officers fit to take Custer's place, but he knew 
well enough that there was not one, for it was now May 7th, 
36 



662 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

and the operations of every other officer had so far been marked 
bj want of energy all through, especially in \hQ fiasco of the 
Powder River fight. The fact was, and Sherman, Grant, and 
Sheridan knew it, none better, that no one could replace Cus- 
ter's peculiar qualities. " Ciister^'' said Sheridan at Fort Leav- 
enworth, seven years before, " Yoxi are the only man that never 
failed meP 

Write those words in gold on his monument. None could 
wish a prouder epitaph. 

Note. Since this chapter was printed and stereotyped, the 
author has received information from the publishers of the Gal- 
axy, that tends further to disprove the accusation that Custer was 
willing to go to Washington before the committee. In conversa- 
tion with members of the firm, while on his way to Washington, 
Custer distinctly stated that he knew nothing of his own knowl- 
edge, as to the Belknap or other cases, that could be of the slightest 
value to the committee. He displayed the greatest anxiety to bo 
back at his post, and the peremptory summons of the committee 
was a great disappointment to him. As he expressed it, he had 
'^ begged of the committee to allow him to remain at Fort Lincoln, 
where he was so busy preparijig the expedition of icMch he had 
heen promised the command." 

Mrs. Custer, who of all persons, is most capable of judging 
of her husband's wishes, has also most positively assured the 
author that it was with the greatest unwillingness that Custer de- 
parted from Fort Lincoln, and with the fear before his eyes that 
it would end in disaster to the expedition. 




CHAPTER IV. 

THE GEEAT EXPEDITION. 

THE slight and partial success of the Powder River fight 
was productive of one very serious result, as it turned out. 
General Crook virtually agreed, and the authorities agreed with 
Inm, as to the substantial truth of the following statement, made 
by a writer present with the expedition. He said : Instead of 
15,000 or 20,000 hostile Indians in this country, the expedition 
has demonstrated that there are probably not 2,000 all told. 
The Tribune correspondent in his report also said : 

It does not seem probable that there are half as many hostile 
Indians in this northern country as the War Department has sup- 
posed. For nearly two weeks this command has been marching 
through the best part of the whole unceded Sioux lands, and it 
has not seen 1,000 Indians in all. I doubt if there are 3,000 hos- 
tile people south of the Missouri and east of the Big Horn Moun- 
tains. Other military expeditions will soon follow this one, and 
in the end all these tribes will be glad to take agency rations, poor 
and insufficient as they generally are, for the rest of their days. 

These sentiments were echoed by others, and formed the 
basis of the calculation on which the expeditions to come were 
composed. The strength of the columns was as follows, Crook 
had ten companies of the Third Cavalry, five of the Second 
Cavalry, with six companies from the Fourth and Ninth In- 
fantry, an aggregate strength of 1,300 men. His route was 
north from Fort Fetterman. (See map.) 

Gibbon, whose route was due east from Fort Ellis, Mon- 



564 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

tana, had four companies of the Second Cavah-y and two com- 
panies of the Seventh Inftintry, a total force of some four hun- 
dred men, including train, etc. 

The Terry column moving west from Fort Lincoln consisted 
of the whole of the Seventh Cavalry — twelve companies — nnder 
Custer, and three companies of the Sixth and Seventeenth In- 
fantry, with four Catling guns and a detachment of Indian 
scouts. Official returns show that this force comprised twenty- 
eight officers and seven hundred and forty-seven men of the 
Seventh Cavalry, eight officers and one hundred and thirty-live 
men of the Sixth and Seventeenth Infantry, two officers and 
thirty-two men in charge of the Catling battery, and forty-five en- 
listed Indian scouts. The wagon train contained one hundred and 
fourteen six-mule teams, thirty-seven two-horse teams, and sev- 
enty other vehicles, ambulances, etc., with eighty-five packmules, 
and employed one hundred and seventy-nine civilian drivers. 

Thus there was a total force of twenty-seven hundred armed 
men seeking for the Sioux, divided into three columns, respec- 
tively of the strength of four hundred, one thousand and one 
thousand three hundred. These three columns were to start 
from the circumference of a circle with a radius of some three 
hundred miles, to concentrate somewhere in the country where 
Eeynolds had struck Crazy Horse and his band. 

Crook did not leave Fort Fetterman till May 29th. His 
column reached old Fort Reno, June 3d. In this vicinity the 
expedition rested, while a party of scouts were detached to the 
encampments of the Crows and Shoshones, tribes of Indians 
inimical to the Sioux, to obtain their assistance as scouts and 
light troops. On the 7th of June the column was on the head 
of the Tongue Eiver, near old Fort Phil Kearny, where, on 
the 8th a war party of Sioux came down and tried to stam- 
pede the American horses, bringing on a skirmish which resulted 
in the repulse of the Indians. On the 14th the column was 
joined by a number of Crows, Shoshones and ]N'ez Perces whom 
the scouts had brought back, and on the 16th the whole party 



THE GREAT EXPEDITION. 565 

started to find the bands of Sitting Bull and Crazy Horse, re- 
ported to be on the Rosebud River, to the north. The Crows 
who came in reported that they had seen Gibbon's camp on the 
other side of the Sioux, on the Tongue River, and that the 
United States forces had already been attacked by Sitting Bull's 
people, who had taken some horses from them. 

Thus it will be seen that up to the 16th June, the United 
States programme was carried out as fairly as could be expected, 
and that two of the converging columns had already arrived 
within striking distance of Sitting Bull and his friends. It 
was now that its faults were to be glaringly exposed. The 
regular force near the enemy amounted to 1700 men, whereof 
400 were separated from the other 1300 by a rough mountain- 
ous country of some hundred miles, and between the two lay 
Sitting Bull and his braves, in a compact body. 

On the 16th, Crook advanced his force early in the morn- 
ing. Each man carried four days' rations, the infantry were 
mounted on mules, and the train was left behind them. The 
destination of the column was Sitting Bull's village, on the 
Rosebud River, sixty miles north. By the evening of the 16th, 
the column had marched forty miles, and went into camp for 
the night. The Tribune correspondent says very justly, " This 
was the first mistake." Crook should have marched all night 
and attacked at daybreak, but just as in the case of the Powder 
River fight, the time was wasted. The mistake is claimed by 
the correspondent to be the fiiult of the Indian allies, who had 
been out hunting buffalo that day, and who gorged themselves 
with meat at night and refused to advance. A poor excuse is 
better than none. 

The next morning Sitting Bull turned the tables on Crook 
by attacking him, and the story told by the correspondent is 
instructive. It shows what a tissue of blunders and cross pur- 
poses a battle may become under the command of the oldest of 
generals, in Indian warfare, when all are not animated by the 
same spirit. 



666 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

The Crows and other scouts had been sent forward to find 
the Sioux village, and the correspondent proceeds : 

*' June 17th, having marched seven miles, being in camp un- 
saddled, successive shots were distinctly heard, and the advance 
of the Sioux confirmed by our scouts pouring over the hills. Our 
present position, being surrounded by bluff's, was an untenable one, 
and one well chosen by the Sioux for their attack. The advance 
was sounded, and the line of battle then formed, was "Noyes' 
battalion" right, '^ Mills'" right centre, " Chambers' " centre, 
*' Indian allies " left centre, Eoyall (with *' Henry's battalion," 
and one company of Mills) left. Mills' and Noyes' battalion were 
pushed forward, charging the enemy in gallant style. The rest 
of the line did not advance. Mills and Noyes were ordered to 
march on the village, which order fortunately for them was re- 
voked. Eoyall's right was separated from the main command by 
about a quarter of a mile. He occupied a very important and dan- 
gerous position ; one which if held by the enemy would have ren- 
dered Crook's line on the bluff untenable unless he had advanced. 
Having occupied this place under a heavy fire from the commence- 
ment of the fight (8 A. M.,) until 2 p. m., Captain Nickerson of 
General Crook's stafi brought, attended with great personal dan- 
ger (as the Indians seemed to divine his mission), orders for 
Colonel Koyall to retire or connect his line with General Crook's. 
This was effected, instead of by a forward movement, by a sort of 
left about v)heel, or retreat. The Indians seized this favorable 
opportunity by advancing and occupying the place vacated by our- 
selves and pouring uj)on us a galling fire from three different 
directions, charging upon our lines and trying to capture our led 
horses, our men being dismounted as skirmishers. Royall, by 
maintaining successive lines of retreat, aided by the great gal- 
lantry of his men and officers, succeeded, with loss, in joinino 
Crook's command. 

This loss was diminished by the charge made by our allies and 
two infantry companies from Crook's left upon the advancing 
Sioux. This charge should have been made when we first com- 
menced our retreat movement. It was in what may be called 
"Death Hollow" during the retreat, while superintending the 
movements of his' battalion, that Colonel Henry was severely 
wounded in the face, the ball entering near the left temple, and 
coming out the right side of the face. 



THE GREAT EXPEDITION. 567 

" The order now was for all the trooiDS to advance upon the Til- 
lage, supposed to be some six miles off. This order was twice given 
and twice changed, the latter OAving to ammunition becoming short, 
and upon the representation of the guide, who had lived with the 
Sioux, that it would be impossible to pass through a difficult 
canon and secure the village without immense loss to our troops. 
These reasons, besides caring for his wounded, decided General 
Crook to go into camp on the battle-field of the day, which he did. 

" The next two succeeding days, without farther molestation, 
we returned to our permanent camp.^'' 

It will be seen that the correspondent puts the very best 
face on the battle that could be put there, but none the less it 
is impossible to hide the fact that Crook was taken by surprise. 
" Being in camp unsaddled " is the commencement of the 
fight, while on a march to " surprise " an active foe. In the 
course of the battle, Crook's left is driven in with serious loss, 
and only saved from annihilation by the charges of the Indian 
allies and the infantry. The Herald correspondent puts on a 
still better face, by claiming a substantial victory, but even he 
cannot hide the fact of real defeat. He says : 

The object of the scout which was so unsuccessful and yet not 
without an encouraging result, was to discover and destroy the 
Tillage of the Sioux, which the guides, Avhite, half-breed and 
Indian, agreed in declaring to be on the Yellowstone River, be- 
tween the mouths of the Rosebud and the Tongue. It proved to 
be nearer the base of the expedition than was believed, and Ge^i- 
eral Crook'' s ignorance of its proximity , due to the negligence and 
inactivity of the Crow allies, who were entrusted with the work 
of scouting, is the cause of failure of the movement. The Sioux 
were certainly repulsed in their bold onset, and lost many of 
their bravest warriors, but when they fled, could not be pursued 
without great danger in the rough country through which their 
way lay. Had his scouts proved faithful, so that he coidd have 
been prepared to occupy the commanding p)Ositions loith infantry 
in advance of the main column, he would have had warning of 
the concentration of the enemy to impede his course, and could 
have driven him back into the village and ended the campaign by 
destroying it. It will be seen that the blame of the miscarriage 



568 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

of the scout belongs to the Crows, whose instinct, vigilance, and 
knowledge of their own country was relied upon to render every 
move of the force intelligent. On the contrary, their undisci- 
plined frenzy and failure to discover the lodgment of the 
enemy in time to frustrate their meditated attack precipitated a 
battle which began with a stupendous advantage on his side and in 
a spot of his own choice naturally suitable to the success of their 
method of warfare. The Sioux's strength was masked, except 
when, emboldened by the disastrous withdrawcd of the left wing of 
the cavalry, they made a dash from both ends of a deep hollow 
which lay in its way and exposed it to a murderous fire, and 
suddenly swarmed on the front, left and rear. Then it was that 
the timely fire of the infantry upon their main body, the charge 
of the Snakes into the hollow and a rapid pursuit of them for 
three miles, dismayed them utterly and they fell back and dis- 
appeared. Sad it not been for their occupation, tmperceived by the 
General, of positions from xohich they could pour an enfilading 
fire upon both fianks of the body of cavalry on the left, they 
would not liave stood in the face of the troops a moment after 
their first charge. 

The last sentence, " had it not been " etc., isdecidedlj^good. 
It shows that Crook was outgeneraled by Sitting Bull, and 
that the latter had troops not accustomed to the direct charge, 
and that is all. The Indians fought in their own way, and did 
all they wanted. They drove Crook back to his camp. 

Meanwhile what were Terry and Gibbon doing % The re- 
ports show the following state of things : 

Generals Terry and Gibbon communicated with each other, 
June 1st, near the junction of the Tongue and Yellowstone Elvers, 
and learned that a heavy force of Indians had concentrated on 
the opposite bank of the Yellowstone, but about eighteen miles 
distant. For fourteen days the Indian pickets had confronted 
Gibbon's videttes. 

General Gibbon reported to General Terry that the cavalry had 
thoroughly scouted the Yellowstone as far as the mouth of the 
Big Horn, and no Indians had crossed it. It was now certain 
that they were not prepared for them, and on the Powder, Tongue, 
Eosebud, Little Horn, or Big Horn rivers General Terry at once 
commenced feeling for them. 



THE GREAT EXPEDITION. 569 

Major Reno, of the Seventh Cavalry, with six companies of 
that regiment, was sent up Powder River 150 miles to the mouth 
of Little Powder to look for the Indians, and, if possible, to com- 
municate with General Crook. He reached the mouth of the 
Little Powder in five days, but saw no Indians and could hear 
nothing of Crook. As he returned, he found on the Rosebud a 
very large Indian trail, about nine days old, and followed it a short 
distance, when he turned about up Tongue River, and reported 
to General Terry what he had seen. It was now known no Indi- 
ans were on Tongue River or Powder River, and the net had nar- 
rowed down to Rosebud, Little Horn and Big Horn Rivers. 

General Terry, who had been waiting with Custer and the 
steamer Far West, at the mouth of Tongue River, for Reno's re- 
port, as soon as he heard it, ordered Custer to march up the south 
bank to a point opposite General Gibbon, who was encamped on 
the north bank of the Yellowstone. Terry, on board the steamer 
Far West, pushed up the Yellowstone, keeping abreast of General 
Custer's column. 

General Gibbon Avas found in camp, quietly awaiting develop- 
ments. A consultation was had with Generals Gibbon and Cus- 
ter, and then General Terry definitely fixed upon the plan of 
action. It was believed the Indians Avere on the head of the Rose- 
bud or over on the Little Horn, a divide of ridge only fifteen 
miles wide separating the two streams. It was announced by 
General Terry that General Custer's column would strike the 
blow. 

In order to understand the position of affairs, it will noAV be 
necessary to lay before the reader an outline sketch of the lines 
of the campaign so far, and show the position of the contending 
parties at this time. (See map.) This sketch indicates with 
sufficient accuracy for the reader the progress of the campaign. 
It shows the routes of the three columns up to the juncture 
when Custer was sent after the Indians, and the lines of march. 
It will be seen that after Gibbon's and Terry's junction the two 
were about a hundred miles from Crook, and that the Sioux 
A\^ere between them. Crook, after his defeat, fell back to the 
head of the Tongue River. The Powder, Tongue, Rosebud, 
and Big Horn Eivers all run north into the Yellowstone, and 



570 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Sitting Bull was between the head-waters of the Rosebud and 
Big Horn, the main tributary of the latter being known as the 
Little Big Horn. Thus stood matters when Terry sent off the 
following despatch to Sheridan, from his camp at the mouth of 
the Eosebud River. He writes : 

No Indians have been met with as yet, but traces of large and 
recent camp have been discovered twenty or thirty miles up the 
Eosebud. Gibbon's column will move this morning on the north 
side of the Yellowstone, for the mouth of the Big Horn, where it 
will be ferried across by the supply steamer, and whence it will 
proceed to the mouth of the Little Horn, and so on. Custer Avill 
go up the Eosebud to-morrow with his whole regiment, and 
thence to the head-waters of the Little Horn, thence down the 
Little Horn. 




CHAPTER V. 
THE LAST BATTLE. 

BEFOEE entering on the consideration of Custer's last march 
and battle, it is necessary to correct a mistaken impression 
set afloat by those same insincere friends and real enemies who 
had already done their best to embroil and embitter the close 
of his life. This impression is, that Custer, during the whole 
of the last campaign, was suffering from depression of spirits, 
that he felt his disgrace keenly, that he was slighted by General 
Terry, and that these stings induced him to act rashly. The 
facts are exactly the reverse. 

General Terry, from the very commencement of the expe- 
dition, trusted Custer implicitly, and the very best feeling existed 
between them. No one was more modest than Terry, nor more 
wilHng to defer to the experience of Custer ; and inasmuch as 
the route followed by the Terry column was the very same as 
that followed three years before by the Stanley expedition, Gen- 
eral Terry was only too glad to avail himself of Custer's help to 
pilot the column, just as Stanley had in his time. It becarae 
Custer's regular duty to ride ahead of the main body with a 
battalion of the Seventh Cavalry'-, and to mark out the day's 
march for the wagons by leaving a broad trail. An officer 
present during the whole compaign, whose name we at present 
withhold, says: 

As he seemed to me first, so he was to the last, the incarnation 
of energy. How often I watched him in our march to the Powder 
Eiver, like the thoroughbred he rode, champing the bit and chaf- 
ing to be off, longing for action. Our last day's march before 



574 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

reaching Powder Eiver was through the worst and roughest country 
that I have ever seen a train taken over in campaign. 

Early in the day the guides and scouts were baffled by the 
labyrinth of ravines and confusion of bad-lands. Custer took the 
lead and took us through. I heard General Terry express his 
satisfaction that evening in these words : " No one hut General 
Custer could have hrouglit us through. He is the lest guide lever 
satv." Notwithstanding his manifestation of a little restiveness 
during this march, I was glad to know that he was steadily reveal- 
ing his fine qualities to General Terry, and winning his way to the 
position which drew from his commanding officer the carte blanche 
under Avhich he marched up the Eosebud on the 22d June. It 
will not do for any one to say that he disobeyed orders on that 
occasion. He did as every one capable of comprehending him and 
his orders knew that he would do, and by those orders I am will- 
ing that he shall be judged, not by documents or explanations 
outside of them. 

The reader will now very naturally ask to see these orders 
and find what they were. Fortunately they exist, and are as 
follows : 

Zieid. Col. Custer, Seventh Cavalry: 

Colonel : — The Brigadier-General Commanding directs that 
■ as soon as your regiment can be made ready for the march you 
proceed up the Rosebud in pursuit of the Indians whose trail was 
discovered by Major Eeno a few days since. It is, of course, im- 
possible to give any definite instructions in regard to this move- 
ment, and, were it not impossible to do so, the Department Com- 
mander places too much confidence in your zeal, energy and abil- 
ity to wish to impose upon you precise orders which might hamper 
your action when nearly in contact with the enemy. He will, 
however, indicate to you his own view^s of what your action should 
be, and he desires that you sbould conform to them unless you 
shall see sufficient reason for departing from them. He thinks 
that you should j^roceed up the Eosebud until you ascertain defi- 
nitely the direction in which the trail above spoken of leads. 
Should it be found, as it appears to be almost certain that it will 
be found, to turn toward the Little Big Horn, he thinks that you 
should still proceed southward, perhaps, as far as the head-waters 
of the Tongue, and then turn toward the Little Big Horn, feeling 



THE LAST BATTLE. 575 

constantly, however, to your left so as to preclude tlie possibility of 
the escape of the Indians to the south or south-east by passing 
around your left flank. The column of Col. Gibbon is now in 
motion for the mouth of the Big Horn. As soon as it reaches 
that point it will cross the Yellowstone and move up at least as 
far as the parks of the Big and Little Big Horn. Of course its 
future movements must be controlled by circumstances as they 
arise ; but it is hoped that the Indians, if ui^on the Little Big 
Horn, may be so nearly inclosed by two columns that their escape 
will be impossible. The Department Commander desires that on 
your Avay up the Rosebud you should thoroughly examine the 
upper part of Tulloch's Creek, and that you should endeavor 
to send a scout through to Col. Gibbon's column with information 
of the result of your examination. The lower part of this creek 
will be examined by a detachment from Col. Gibbon's command. 
The supply steamer will be pushed up the Big Horn as far as the 
forks of the river are found to be navigable for that space, and 
the Department Commander, who will accompany the column of 
Col. Gibbon, desires you to report to him there not later than 
the expiration of the time for which your troops are rationed, 
unless in the meantime you receive further orders. 
Respectfully, etc., 
E. W. Smith, Captain 18th Infantry. 
Acting Assistant Adjutant-General. 

These orders are quite clear and explicit on one subject. 
Custer was sent out to find the Indians by following their trail 
up the Rosebud, and Gibbon was to hunt them from another 
direction, first up the Yellowstone, then up the Big Horn River. 
This would bring the two columns together on the Big Horn 
somewhere to the south of the place where the battle finally 
occurred, if both moved at the same rate, for tlieir trails would, 
then be each round two sides of a rectangle, from corner to cor- 
ner. The first corner was the junction of the Rosebud and 
Yellowstone, the opposite one Sitting Bull's village on the Big 
Horn, l^othing, however, was said in the order about rates of 
marching, and Caster was left entirely to his own discretion as 
to what he should do if he struck the enemy first. The only 
limit placed to his time in the order is the period for which his 



576 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

troops are rationed. That period was fifteen days. The only 
expression of opinion on future movements is found in the sen- 
tence " it is hoped that the Indians, if upon the Little Big 
Horn^ may he so nearly enclosed hy the tiao columns that es- 
cape may he impossihlej'^ The only fear of Terry seems to be 
that the Indians will escape. On Custer's way up the Kose- 
bud, he is directed to examine " the upper part of Tulloch's 
Creek." This creek runs into the Big Horn near its mouth. 
Its " upper part," was some ten miles to the right of Custer's 
actual trail, which followed that of the Indian village previously 
found by Reno. Custer was to '* endeavor to send through a 
scout to Colonel Gibbon's column." If he found that the trail 
turned, (as it did) to the right, Terry '• thinks you shoidd still 
proceed southward'''' to the head waters of the Tongue before 
turning after the Indians. All these instructions, it will be no- 
ticed, are entirely advisory and permissory, not perempto7'y. 
Terry expresses his conviction of the impossibility of giving 
any precise orders " which might hamper your action when 
nearly in contact with the enemy," and only desires Custer to 
conform to his views " nnless you shall see sufficient reason for 
departing from them." It is quite clear on the face of these 
orders that Custer cannot be held legally or morally responsible 
for any departure from Terry's advice. The whole matter is 
left entirely in his discretion, the general placing " too mucli 
confidence in jowy zeal, energy and ability " to give any orders, 
beyond one to report in fifteen days. On his discretion solely 
he must be judged. In following him through the course of 
this his last march, we shall embody so much of the official re- 
port of his second in command, Major Reno, made at the close 
of the operations, as covers the period to Custer's death, illus- 
trating it by the evidence of other persons, taken since that 
time. This report is valuable on account of its presumed relia- 
bility as to dates, times and places. It was first published in 
the Army and Navy Journal of New York City, the official 
Army paper, and is addressed according to military etiquette, to 



THE LAST BATTLE. 577 

the chief of Terr3''s staff for tlie time being. It commences as 

follows : 

Headquarteus, Seventh Cavalry, 
Camp on Yellowstone River, July 5, 1876. 

Oaptnin E. W. Smith, A. D. C. and A. A. A. G. : 

The command of the Eegiment having devolved upon me, as 
the senior surviving officer from the battle of June 25th and 26th, 
between the Seventh Cavalry and Sitting Bull's band of hostile 
Sioux, on the Little Big Horn Eiver, I have the honor to submit 
the following report of its operations from the time of leaving the 
main column until the command was united in the vicinity of the 
Indian village. 

The regiment left the camp at the mouth of Eosebud Eiver, 
after passing in review before the Department Commander, under 
command of Brevet Major-General Sr. A. Custer, lieutenant-colo- 
nel, on the afternoon of the 22d of June, and marched up the 
Eosebud twelve miles, and encamped. 23d. Marched uj) the Eose- 
bud, passing many old Indian camps, and following a very large 
lodge pole trail, but not fresh, making thirty-three miles. 24th. 
The march was continued up the Eosebud, the trail and signs fresh- 
ening with every mile until we had made twenty-eight miles, and 
we then encamped and waited for information from the scouts. 
At 9.25. P. M., Custer called the officers together, and informed 
us that, beyond a doubt, the village was in the valley of the Little 
Big Horn, and that to reach it, it was necessary to cross the di- 
vide between Eosebud and Little Big Horn, and it would be im- 
possible to do so, in the daytime, without discovering our march 
to the Indians ; that we would prepare to move at 11 p. M. This 
was done, the line of march turning from the Eosebud to the 
right, up one of its branches, which headed near the summit of 
the divide. 

About 2 A. M. of the 25th, the scouts told him that he could 
not cross the divide before daylight. We then made coffee and 
rested for three hours, at the expiration of which time the march 
was resnmed, the divide crossed, and about 8 a. m. the command 
was in the valley of one of the branches of the Little Big Horn. 
By this time Indians had been seen, and it was certain that we 
could not surprise them, and it was determined to move at once 
to the attack. 

Previous to this no division of the regiment had been made 
since the order was issued, on the Yellowstone, annulling wing 
37 



678 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

and battalion organizations. General Custer informed me he 
would assign commands on the march. I was ordered by Lieu- 
tenant ^Y. W. Cook, adjutant, to assume command of Companies 
M, A and G- ; Captain Benteen, of Comj^anies H, D and K ; Cus- 
ter retaining C, E, F, I and L, under his immediate command, 
and Company B, Captain IMcDougall, in rear of the pack train. 
I assumed command of the companies assigned to me, and with- 
out any definite orders moved forward with the rest of the col- 
umn, and well to its left. I saw Benteen moving further to the 
left, and, as they passed, he told me he had orders to move well 
to the left, and sweep everything before him ; I did not see him 
again until about 2.30 p. m. The command moved down the 
creek towards the Little Big Horn valley. Custer, with five 
companies on the right bank ; myself and three companies on the 
left bank ; and Benteen farther to the left, and out of sight. . . . 

Here we must pause awhile. Major Keno, Brevet-colonel 
Benteen and President Grant have made the pause necessary, by 
official accusations of Custer's action up to this point. Major 
Reno, near the close of his report, accuses Custer in these words: 

I think (after the great number of Indians there were in the 
village) that the following reasons obtained for the misfortune ; 
his rapid marching for two days and one night before the fight, 
attacking in the daytime at 12 m., and when they Avere on the qui 
vive, instead of early in the morning, and lastly, his unfortunate 
division of the regiment into three commands. 

General Terry, in a subsequent despatch to Shevidan , quotitig 
Benteeyi, accuses Custer of the same ftiult, and states that Custer 
had told him that his marches " would be at the rate of thirty 
miles a day." 

Custer, according to Reno's report, left Terry at noon 22d 
June, and struck Sitting Bull on the morning of June 25th, hav- 
ing made one night march only. On the face of Reno's report, 
the night march was only from 11 p. m. to 2 a. m., or three hours. 
Then came a rest of three hours, with feed for man and horse, 
the march resumed at 5 a. m. the Indians seen at 8 a. m., finally 
struck at 12.30. This gives a period of three whole days in all, 
at 30 miles a day, making DO miles. The actual distance. 



THE LAST BATTLE. 579 

measured on the best accessible map, makes the length of Cus- 
ter's trail just 90 miles ; and we can afford to allow 10 more for 
windings. According to Eeno's report, the distance marched 
to the evening of the 24th June was 73 miles (12 + 33 + 28) 
leaving only 27 miles for the distance covered during the fol- 
lowing night and day march. In Terry's despatch of self-justi- 
fication, above referred to, he says, " I learned from Captain 
Benteen^ that on the 22d the cavalry marched 12 miles ; on the 
23d, 25 miles ; from 5 a. m. till 8 p. m. of the 24th, 45 miles, and 
then after night 10 miles further, resting but without unsad- 
dling, 23 miles to the battle-field." This account adds just 15 
miles to the actual distance. It also subtracts 8 miles from 
Reno's report of the march of the 23d June, and puts on 17 
miles to Reno's account of the march of the 24th. Where Reno 
says 33, Terry, quoting Benteen^ says 25 ; where Reno says 28, 
Terry, quoting Benteen, says 45. 

President Grant, who hated Custer, as he had reason to, 
having injured him, distorts the facts still more in his published 
interview with a Herald correspondent, months after. "We give 
this part of the interview entire, question and answer. 

Correspondent — Was not Custer's massacre a disgraceful de- 
feat of our troops ? 

The President — (with an expression of manifest and keenly 
felt regret) — I regard Custer's massacre as a sacrifice of troops, 
brought on by Custer himself, that was wholly unnecessary — 
wholly unnecessary. 

Correspondent — How so, Mr. President ? 

The President — He was not to have made the attack before 
effecting a junction with Terry and Gibbon. He was notified to 
meet them on the 2Gth, but instead of marching slowly, as his 
orders required, in order to effect the junction on the 26th, he 
enters upon a forced march of eighty-three miles in tioenty-four 
hours, and thus had to meet the Indians alone on the 25th. 

Thus Reno, who, whatever his faults, is apparently an hon- 
orable man, who labors to tell the truth, makes the whole march 



580 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

of the 24th and 25th June only 55 miles (28 + 27) agreeing with 
the map ; Terry, quoting Benteen, makes it 78 miles (45 + 10 
+ 23) ; Grant, the President, in his eagerness to bury a dead 
man out of sight, makes it 83 miles. 

On the face of Reno's report, and compared with the actual 
distance, judging Custer as we have a right to, solely on his 
"zeal, energy and ability," not on supposed orders, which 
Terry's written instructions prove he never received, it appears 
that so far he had done everything that a cool and wary Indian 
fighter could have done. At all events the Indians had not 
escaped. Let us see now what followed, still quoting Keno. 
His report proceeds thus : 

As we approached a deserted village, in which was standing 
one tepee, about 11 a. m., Custer motioned me to cross to him, 
which I did, and moved nearer to his column, until about 12.30 
A. n., when Lieutenant Cook, adjutant, came to me and said 
the village was only two miles ahead and running away. To 
*' move forward at as rapid gait as I thought prudent and to charge 
afterwards, and the whole outfit would sujjport me ; " I think 
those were his exact words. I at once took a fast trot, and moved 
down about two miles, when I came to a ford of the river. I 
crossed immediately, and halted about ten minutes or less, to 
gather the battalion, sending word to Custer that I had everything 
in front of me, and that they were strong. 

I deployed, and with the Ree scouts on my left, charged down 
the valley, driving the Indians Avith great ease for about 24^ miles. 
I however, soon saw that I was being drawn into some trap, as 
they certainly would fight harder, .and especially as we were near- 
ing their village, which was still standing ; besides, I could not 
see Custer,* or any other support, and at the same time the very 
earth seemed to grow Indians, and they were running towards me 
in swarms, and from all directions. I saw I must defend myself, 
and give up the attack mounted. This I did, taking possession 
of a point of woods, and which furnished, near its edge, a shelter 

* This fact, of not seeing Custer, evidently frightened Reno excessively, 
and his story shows how unfit he was to take part in any operation requiring 
combined efforts. Had he gone on, as he was ordered, he would have found 
Custer supporting him, in the most effective manner possible, by attacking 
the enemy in rear. 



THE LAST BATTLE. 581 

for the horses ; dismounted, and fought them on foot, making 
headway through the wood. I soon found myself in the near vi- 
cinity of the village, saw that I was lighting odds of at least five 
to one, and that my only hope was to get out of the wood, where 
I would soon have been surrounded, and gain some high ground. 
I accomplished this by mounting and charging the Indians be- 
tAveen me and the bluffs, on the opposite side of the river. In 
this charge, First Lieutenant Donald Mcintosh, Second Lieuten- 
ant Ben H. Hodgson, Seventh Cavalry, and A. A. Surg. J. M. 
I)e Wolf, were killed. I succeeded in reaching the top of the 
bluff, with a loss of three officers and twenty-nine enlisted men 
killed, and seven men wounded. Almost at the same time I 
reached the top, mounted men were seen to be coming towards 
us, and it proved to be Colonel Benteen's battalion, companies H. 
D. and K ; we joined forces, and in a short time the pack train 
came up. As senior, my command was then companies A, B, D, 
G, H, K and M, about 380 men, and the following officers : Cap- 
tains Benteen, Weir, French and McDougall ; First Lieutenants 
Godfrey, Mathey, and Gibson ; Second Lieutenants Edgerly, Wal- 
lace, Varnum, and Hare ; A, A. Surg. Porter. First Lieutenant 
De Eudio was in the dismounted fight in the woods, but having 
some trouble with his horse, did not join the command in the 
charge out, and hiding himself in the woods, joined the command 
after nightfall of the 26th. 

Still hearing nothing of Custer, and with this reinforcement, 
I moved down the river in the direction of the village, keeping on 
the bluffs. We had heard firing in that direction, and knew it 
could only be Custer. I moved to the summit of the highest bluff, 
but seeing and hearing nothing, sent Captain Weir with his com- 
pany to open communication with the other command. He soon 
sent back word, by Lieutenant Hare, that he could go no farther, 
and that the Indians were getting around him ; at this time he 
was keeping up a heavy fire from his skirmish line. I at once 
turned everything back to the first position I had taken on the 
bluff, and which seemed to me the best. I dismounted the men, 
had the horses and mules of the pack train driven together in^-a 
depression, put the men on the crests of the hills making the de- 
pression, and had hardly done so, when I was furiously attacked ; 
this was about 6 p. m. ; we held our ground with the loss of 
eighteen enlisted men killed and forty-six wounded until the attack 
ceased, about 9 p. m. 



682 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

A perusal of the first part of this account will show that 
whatever the length of the previous marches, the horses in 
Reno's column were not so fagged out but what they could take 
" a fast trot " for two miles to the ford, and then drive the In- 
dians two and a half miles further. This makes nearly five 
miles at a fast pace in column or in ranks, with packed saddles, 
and exhausted horses could not have done that. 

The next point to be considered is that of dividing the regiment 
into three commands. Here Custer is again blamed by Reno 
at the close of his report, as well as in a letter which the au- 
thor lately received from him, totally unsolicited, and in which 
he tries to justify his conduct. In the report he calls it " his 
unfortunate division of the regiment into three commands ; " in 
the letter he says " The division of the regiment into three sep- 
arate and independent commands he was responsible for, and 
must always be held so." 

It will be here observed by those who have read this 
history through, that Custer's invariable method of attack on an 
enemy was the same which he adopted on the Big Horn, an 
attack on front and flank at all events, both flanks and front if 
possible, from all sides at once if he had time to execute it. In 
every battle in the civil war when he was in an independent 
position, he always worked his command by fractions, so as to 
attack an enemy on several points at once, and always suc- 
ceeded, because he was always heartily seconded by men who 
adored him. He counted much on the moral efiect to be pro- 
duced on an enemy by combined attacks and a cross-fire, and 
always found his calculations correct. In fact only one thing 
could vitiate them. This was, cowardice or disobedience in the 
leader of any of the fractions which were to work simultane- 
ously ; and this misfortune Custer had never hitherto sufl'ered. 
His subordinates were used to be put into tight places, where 
everything at first seemed liopeless, trusting implicitly to their' 
leader's combinations to get them out. 

Next, were these commands independent ? "We can hardly 



THE LAST BATTLE. 583 

see that, any more than regimental commanders are independ- 
ent in a brigade. No general can do anything if his colonels 
will not support him, no colonel can fight a cavalry regiment 
under Upton's tactics if his battalion commanders slight, dis- 
obey, or even misunderstand his orders. Custer was a peculiar 
man. He fought in a peculiar way, and needed to have men 
under him used to his rapid energetic style, and who understood 
him. Did Reno understand him, and was he used to him ? 
The official record says not. He had never served under Cus- 
ter in the field, nor seen an Indian fight since the civil war. 

Let us see whether he supported Custer. He says he 
" charged down the valley, driving the Indians with great ease 
for about 2 J miles." Then he suddenly stops. Why ? Ho says 
he " saw he was being drawn into some trap." An officer pres- 
ent with the expedition, who examined the ground, but whose 
name we prefer to withhold for the present, writes as follows : 

He [Reno] marched until he came to the village, dismounted, 
and occupied a timber bottom, which completely sheltered him and 
his horses. Girard (the interpreter) says, corroborated by Hern- 
don, a scout, not many Indians in sight at this time, and firing at 
500 and 600 yards. So long was the range that Charley Reynolds, 
another scout, said, ^^ No use firing at this range ; we will have a 
better chance ^hy and hyP An officer present says that Reno 
mounted and dismounted, and then mounted again in hot haste, 
and made what figures in his report as a " charge." He is the only 
person I have heard call it by that name. The surgeon present 
says there was only one man wounded before Reno abandoned the 
timber, and his loss begun when he was making the charge, men 
and horses shot from behind. Think of the charge they must 
have made, across the Little Horn, and were checked in their 
flight by Benteen running into them. I say running into them, 
because it was mere accident. But where was Custer ? He moved 
down to the lower end of the village from three to four miles. How 
long did Reno engage the Sioux village ? Not over thirty minutes. 
What is the conclusion ? That Reno was in and out of the fight 
before Custer was engaged. If further proof is wanting, it is 
found in tlie fact that Reno says in his report he heard Custer's 
firing from the top of the hill to which he had retreated. 



584: GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Besides the letter from which this extract is taken, the author 
has received a letter from another officer present with Major 
Reno, in response to one asking several detailed and specific 
questions as to the light in the bottom, the subsequent halt on 
the hill, and the possibility of cooperation with Custer on the 
part of Eeno and Benteen. This letter is especially valuable, 
because written with Major Reno's sanction and knowledge, 
and representing his side of the question as fully as could be 
desired. In the expression of opinion on probabilities this 
officer coincides with Reno, but his facts corroborate those 
stated by the other officer, whose opinions are exactly opposite. 
The facts furnished by Major Reno's friend are as follows : 

" At the time Reno ceased his forward movement, no man had 
been killed or wounded, but the cloud of dust denoted an immense 
number of Indians a short way off, and several times that number 
between us and that cloud, which was over the village, advanc- 
ing in their peculiar manner andpassing to our left andrear. . . 
The command was dismounted, the horses placed in a wood, and 
the men deployed on foot across the plain. The number of In- 
dians continued to increase and to surround us. Colonel Reno 
ordered us to prepare to mount, which of course took every one to 
the wood. We were mounted as though to charge, and in an in- 
stant afterward dismounted, and I supposed we were to fight it 
out there, when a fire opened from the rear through the brush 
. . . We xoere ordered to moxint. I was by the side of Colonel 
Reno, going out of the wood, and asked if we were to charge 
through. He said yes, and the command moved, Colonel Reno 
leading. I was here separated from the command for a time, and 
on turning towards it, saw it moving towards the ford that led 
to the hill. The column was fighting at close ratigeirom all sides. 
I rejoined with difficulty, and followed close along the rear to the 
ford, and here the confusion began. Previously the men had 
kept in column^ using their pistols. When the ford was reached, 
it was each man for himself. In passing up the hill, beyond the 
river, horses and men were joined together, and some of the 
hindmost suffered necessarily. 

So far, as to the facts of the fight in the bottom, Reno's 
fi-iend even exceeds the testimonv of Reno's harshest critics as to 



THE LAST BATTLE. 685 

liis incapacity and utter demoralization during the attack of the 
Indians. We have italicized the places of most importance, as 
they tell the real story. " Advancing in their peculiar manner," 
— what does this mean in plain English ? That the Indians 
were all at full speed, crouching over the necks of their fleet little 
ponies, flogging away with their short whips, and all the time 
yelling out their " Hi !—yip — yip — yip — yip — hi yah ! 1 1 " 
firing random bullets in the air. These sights and sounds 
seem to have deprived Keno of all presence of mind. This he 
shows clearly by his repeated changes of policy, mounting and 
dismounting four times in as many minutes, and finally charg- 
ing out in column^ firing pistols, said column speedily becoming 
a huddled mass of frightened fugitives. y^ 

As to the halt on the hill, this oflScer diflers materially with 
Eeno and Benteen, in point of time. He admits hearing a few 
shots down the stream, but no heavy firing, and states that it 
was an hour before Benteen arrived, and half an hour more 
before the packs came up, whereas Benteen and Reno both 
agree that they came together, almost immediately after Reno's 
action. In this matter it is pretty clear that the recollection of 
Major Reno's friend must deceive him, as he places Weir's ad- 
vance almost imm.ediately after the junction, and it is clear 
from Reno's report that AVeir must have started out after five 
o'clock, for it was only fifteen minutes from his return to the 
beginning of the siege on the hill (at 6 p. m.) on Reno's show- 
ing. This officer, like Benteen, thinks that Custer had been 
destroyed by the time Benteen arrived on the hill, whereas Kill 
Eagle's evidence, subsequently mentioned, shows that this was 
not the case till sunset. He makes one curious assertion in 
giving his estimate of the Indian warriors, which he places at 
3,500. It is this : in a milage, standing, squaws, old men, and 
hoys, are as effective as the ordinary recruitP Endorsing such 
opinions, is it any wonder Reno's battalion was beaten, when 
they are ready to succumb to squaws, old men, and boys ? 

Now let us return to Reno's report, and try it by the test 



586 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

of time and place. He sajs that Adjutant Cook told him to 
attack at 12.30, that he advanced altogether 4:^ miles, crossed 
a river, halted ten minutes, had his fight, and came back, meet- 
ing Ben teen. When did he meet Benteen ? Look back to 
the report. He there says of Benteen, "I did not see him 
again till about 2.30 p. m." That gives two hours for his ad- 
vance of 4|- miles, fording the river twice, driving the enenjy 2^ 
miles and the dismounted fight. Our period of thirty minutes 
for the fight in the bottom seems to tally with Keno's report. 
It is clear that it was a short fight, and Reno confesses his over 
caution in the words " / saw that I was being drawn into 
some trap.^^ 

The next question is, how long did Reno remain on the hill 
with his seven companies, in safety and unassailed. Here 
again his report helps us. He met Benteen at 2,30 p. m. : he 
was ^'furiously attacked ; this was ahout 6 p. m." The time 
is thus complete. Three hours and a half of waiting on the 
hill, listening to Custer's volleys, and not a step taken to renew 
the attack. Another piece of evidence is found in the narrative 
of Herndon, the scout, who was with Reno. When the major 
" charged " out, Herndou's horse fell and threw him, then i-an 
away, leaving him in the bush, where he was joined by thir- 
teen soldiers, three of them wounded and left behind. His 
story was published in all the papers, but I quote from the 
Army and Navy Journal of July 15, 1876, as a semi-official 
paper, and the one chosen by Reno for publication of his re- 
port. Statements in that paper on army subjects are apt to be 
more reliable than elsewhere, as, being the only professional 
paper in the country, all army officers watch its columns and 
correct every mistake. Herndon says of the " charge " which 
he saw from the timber, " Little resistance was offered, and it 
was a complete rout to the ford. I did not see the men at the 
ford, and do not know what took place, further than a good 
many were killed when the command left the timber." Hern- 
don and his thirteen comrades remained in the timber un- 



THE LAST BATTLE. 587 

molested for nearly three liours, after Reno's fiiglit, hearing 
firing down the river about two miles, while nearly all the In- 
dians in their front left, and went down the valley. Then the 
little party got out and went to Reno, meeting only a roving 
group of five Indians, whom they beat ofi", then crossed the 
river to Reno. In fifteen minutes after, the siege on the hill 
commenced.* 

AVhat should Reno have done ? His only real safety was to 
hug the timber and defend himself, surrounded or not. Custer 
had done so on the Yellowstone in 1873, ninety against three 
hundred ; Robbins had done even better in defending his w^ag- 
ons in 1867, forty against six hundred. In both these eases 
there was no apparent hope of succor coming, and yet Robbins 
and Custer found the reward of their tenacity, help coming 
when it was least expected, and victory following. On Reno's 
own statement, he had one hundred and forty-five men, who in 
a circle, lining the edge of the wood, could have held it for 
hours. The Indians were fighting mounted, and could never 
have stormed the wood, and help was coming. Custer had 
promised to come. If Reno could get no further he could at 
least defend himself, die in his tracks if need be, like a soldier. 
Instead of this, he tried to escape by running away from an 
enemy who had the advantage in speed, and who could ride 
alongside of the demoralized cavalry, pouring in perfect streams 
of bullets from their AVinchester rifles. By his inexperience in 
Indian warfare, Major Reno thus gave himself up, helpless, to 
the favorite style of fighting of his enemies, wdierein their supe- 
rior horsemanship and superior arms had a full chance to assert 
themselves. Looking for personal security, he took the course 
least adapted to secure it. 

* " Lieutenant de Radio, mentioned in Reno's report, was also left be- 
hind, and remained in the wood, together with Mr. Girard, (the interpreter) 
Private O'Neill, and a half breed scout. All these four got off, some that 
night, some next night. De Rudio's account shows a general careless hap. 
liazard state of things among the Indians, entirely opposed to any deliberate 
trap or generalship. 



I 



588 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

The major indeed seems, from liis hesitating movements in 
the fight, mounting and dismounting, to have been quite over- 
whehned from the first by the novelty of his position, cowed by 
the fierce yells and rapid charge of the Indians, and finally to 
have completely lost his head. For all this we wish it distinctly 
understood that we do not deem Reno so blamable, as for sub- 
sequent events. It was his first Indian fight, and many a man 
has done badly in his first fight, who has afterwards succeeded. 
We should not have occasion to dissect his conduct in the 
afifair, were it not for that unjust sentence in his ofiieial report 
in which he throws the blame of a disaster, brought on by his 
own incapacity, on the shoulders of his dead chief. Tlie facts 
shown by himself in the same report, illustrated by eye-wit- 
nesses, pass a different verdict on his actions. 

But now, where was Benteen all the time of this fight? 
His own statement, published in the 'New York Jleralrl, gives 
his movements. It seems that when he was sent out on the 
left bank of the stream with orders to sweep everything, he 
found no Indians, and that he recrossed the stream, and rejoined 
the main trail. He says, " the whole time occupied in this 
march was about an hour and a half," to the main trail, about 
three miles from the point where Reno came back over the ford. 
From Major Reno's statement in the same paper, in reply to a 
letter of General Rosser, we learn that the division into battal- 
ions which sent Benteen off to the left was made at half past ten 
A. M. An hour and a half brings us to nooji and Benteen with- 
in three miles of the battle field. At 12.30 Reno was ordered 
by Cook, the adjutant, to attack, and trotted off. At this time 
Benteen says : 

About three miles from the point where Reno crossed the ford 
I met a sergeant bringing orders to tlie commanding officer of the 
rear guard, Captain McDougall, Company B, to hurry up the pack 
trains. A mile further I was met by my trumpeter, bringing a 
written order from Lieutenant Cook, the adjutant of the regi- 
ment, to this effect : " Benteen, come on ; big village : be quick ; 



THE LAST BATTLE. 589 

bring packs." And a postscript saying, "Bring packs." A mile 
or a mile and a half further on, I first came in sight of the valley 
and Little Big Horn. About twelve or fifteen dismounted men 
were fighting on the plain with Indians, charging and recharging 
them. This body [the Indians] numbered about 900 at this time. 
Colonel Eeno's mounted party were retiring across the river to the 
bluffs. I did not recognize till later what part of the command 
this was,but was clear that they had been beaten. I then marched 
my command in line to their succor. On reaching the bluff I re- 
ported to Colonel Keno, and first learned that the command had 
been separated, and that Custer was not in that part of the field, 
and no one of Eeno's command was able to inform me of the 
whereabouts of General Custer. 

Reno's report states that he met Benteen at 2.30 p. m. It 
seems thus, that it took Benteen two hours and a half to cover 
a distance of three miles. What was he doing all this time ? 
One incident, furnished us by an officer who was present, shows. 

With Custer on this campaign was his brother, Boston Cus- 
ter, who was the civilian forage master of the column. It seems 
that Boston Custer came to the rear during this period, went 
to the pack train, in rear of Benteen, got a fresh horse, and 
passed Benteen on his way back, speaking to some of the officers. 
Benteen was then watering his horses. Where did he water? 
He could only have done it at one place, whe7'e he crossed the 
river, that is, three miles above the ford where he met Reno. 
Boston Custer had time to get back to the general and be killed 
in the fight. Benteen kept on at a slow pace. Did he obey the 
order '"'• Benteen^ come on ^ Mg village , hequich; hring jpacTcsf'' 
What did this order direct from Custer mean ? what could it 
mean, but that Custer wanted every man in his fight ? He had 
sent in Reno, and he needed Ben teen's battalion and the com- 
pany guarding the packs with himself. That this was his in- 
tention is proved by Reno, in his letter to Rosser, by these 
words : 

Trumpeter Martin, of Company H, and who the last time of 
any living person heard and saw General Custer, and who brought 



590 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

the last order his Adjutant, Colonel Cook, ever penciled, says he 
left the general at the summit of the highest bluff' on that side, and 
which overlooked the village and my first battle-field, and as he 
turned, General Custer raised his hat and gave a yell, saying 
they were asleep in their tepees and surprised, and to charge. 
Cook's order, [Custer's order, through his adjutant] sent to Ben- 
teen, and which I afterwards saw and read, said, " Big village ; 
big thing ; * bring up the packs." 

Thus Benteen and Eeno both unite in ascribing the same 
plan to Custer, that of charging with all liis force from two 
points. Both admit by their testimony that they disobeyed 
orders. Reno was ordered to " charge : " he obeyed by opening 
a hesitating skirmish and then running away. Benteen was 
ordered to " come on ; be quick." He obeyed by advancing 
three miles in two hours, and joining Eeno in a three hours' 
halt. The order to " come on " was from Custer, not Reno. 
Benteen made, on his own statement, no effort to obey it. He 
might have known where Custer was. Reno lets that much 
out. Benteen could have questioned Trumpeter Martin, who 
brought the order. No, he stopped, and let his chief perish. 

Looking at all the testimony impartially from this distance 
of time, the conduct of Benteen is fer worse than that of Reno. 
The major did his best in his fight, and it was nothing but want 
of experience in command and in Indian warfare that caused his 
defeat. Benteen's case is different. He was an old Indian- 
lighter, a man of remarkable personal courage, as he proved in 
the subsequent battle, had often fought under Custer, and knew 
his business perfectly. That he should have, as his own testi- 
mony confesses, deliberately disobeyed t\\Q peremjptory order of 
Custer to " come on,'' argues either a desire to sacrifice Custer, 
or an ignorance of which his past career renders him incapable. 

* There is a great difference between the words "big thing" and " be 
quick," and I am inclined to believe that the expression "big thing" is an 
afterthought of Major Reno's, as tending to confirm the notion which he in- 
culcates all through his report and evidence, that Custer ran into a trap and 
was full of rash eagerness. Benteen got the order and he says it was "be 
quick," and that " bring packs " was repeated. 



THE LAST BATTLE. 591 

Custer told him to " come on " and he " reported to Colonel 
Een ." Well then, it ma}- be said, what did Benteen, after- 
wards ? The rest of his testimony shows what he did. He says : 

While the command was awaiting the arrival of the pack mules, 
a company was sent forward in the direction supposed to have been 
taken by Custer. After proceeding about a mile, they were at- 
tacked and driven back. During this time I heard no heavy fir- 
ing, and there was nothing to indicate that a heavy fight was 
going on, and I believe that at this time Custer's immediate com- 
mand had been annihilated. 

The rest of the story you must get from Colonel Eeno, as he 
took command and knows more than any one else. 

It is curious in Benteen's evidence how his only estimate of 
time comes in lefore the battle. Afterwards, there is not a 
word about time. Who would think that this brief paragraph 
covered from 2. 80 to 6 p. m. If the one company was sent for- 
ward, why was it not supported by the whole outfit? Why 
■was Custer left alone with his battalion, while the other battal- 
ions were out of danger ? 

The answer to the questions is given by Reno and Benteen, 
in their evidence, almost unassisted by others. The reasons 
were, Beno's incapacity and Benteen's disobedience. 

AVe have now examined Reno and Benteen : it is time to go 
to Custer. Where was Custer during all this time, from 12.30 
to 6 p. M. ? Let Reno, Terry, and the trail answer ; assisted by 
Trumpeter Martin, the last white man who saw Custer alive ; 
Curl}', the Upsaroka scout, the last living being of his column ; 
and Kill Eagle, an Indian chief who M-as in Sitting Bull's camp, 
who has since come into Standing Rock agency to surrender, 
and has given evidence. 

Reno, in his letter says that Custer, after leaving him, 
" moved rapidly down the river to the ford, at which he at- 
tempted to cross." Curly, the Crow scout, calls it about four 
miles, and such the trail shows it, on account of the winding of 
the ravines. Reno's advance was about 2|- miles in a diagonal 



592 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

line. Consequently his skirmish line at the edge of the woods 
was not over two miles from the ford wliich Custer tried to 
eross. The Indian village was 3i- miles long, and Custer struck 
it about the middle. When did he strike it? "VVe get this from 
the examination of Kill Eagle, published in the Xew York 
Herald of October 6th, '76. The deposition was taken by 
Captain Johnston, First Infantry, acting Indian agent. We 
extract all that concerns the light. 

The troops struck our trail on the tributary, followed it down, 
swam their horses over the Greasy Grass Creek and struck the 
camp at the upper end, where there was a clump of timber. On 
the southwest end of the camp they dismounted and tied their 
horses in the timber and opened the fight. When the firing com- 
menced the Indians rushed to the scene of action. I and my men 
were lower down, about the middle of the camp. The Indians 
drove the soldiers back out of the timber, and they crossed the 
Greasy Grass Creek below the mouth of the tributary, taking their 
position on the high hills, bare without any grass. There they 
were reinforced by the soldiers who had not crossed the creek 
(Colonel Benteen and Captain McDougall). Before retreating 
across the creek the soldiers (Colonel Eeno) got into the camj) 
and set fire to some of the lodges. On retreating across the creek 
to take position on the hill, they left their dead behind them. 
Another party appeared on top of a long hill moving toward, 
the south. 

After quitting the party on the knolls, word came that soldiers 
were on the left across the creek, and there was great excitement 
in the camp, the Indian warriors rushing to the left to meet the 
troops. The Indians crossed the creek and then the firing com- 
menced. It was very fust at times, then slower until it died away. 
(He describes the firing as follows : — He claps the palms of his 
hands together very fast for several minutes, stopping suddenly, 
which denotes the sound of the firing when they (Custer) first 
began. After a few seconds elapses he repeats the same as above 
and continues, but all the time lessens the quickness of the 
patting and sound until it gradually dies out.) The United 
States troops were all killed on the east side, none crossed the 
stream. 

I got the following information from Sitting Bull himself : — 



THE LAST BATTLE 593 

After crossing the creek with his warriors, he met the troops (Cus- 
ter) about 600 yards east of the river. He drove the soldiers back 
up the hill. He then made a circuit to the right around the hill 
and drove off and captured most of the horses. The troops made 
a stand at the lower end of the hill, and there they were all killed. 
In going around the hill the Cheyenne Indians killed a warrior, 
thinking he was a scout, who left this agency ; but he was not, he 
was a hostile. 

Q. How long did the fight last on the right ? 

A. It was about noon when they [Reno] struck the camp, and 
it only lasted a feio minutes. The fight at the lower end {under 
Custer) VMS not finished till near sunset. 

Q. Did all the warriors leave the right and go to the left ? 

A. They did ; the ichole tJdng left. 

Q. When Reno was driven across the creek where was Sitting 
Bull ? 

A. I don't know. 

Q. What Avere the families doing when the fighting was going 
on on the hill ? 

A. The women fled to the lower end of the camp and left 
everything. 

Q. What did they do when they heard the firing on the left 
by Custer ? 

A. The upper end of the camp was at this time all deserted, 
and at the lower end of the camp they took down and packed the 
lodges ready for flight. 

Q. I have heard that after the Custer fight, the Indians went 
back to the other end and attacked there again. How is it ? 

A. That is correct ; the Indian soldiers went back and attacked 
the troops (Reno) on the hill again. 

Q. Did you hear the fij-ing ? 

A. Yes, I heard the firing while moving away. 

It must be explained that Kill Eagle took the opportunity 
of the confusion, to steal away from Sitting Bull's camp. His 
evidence shows that there was no design or trap on the part of the 
Indians, that they were really surprised, that Custer's attack was 
a second surprise, and that they were in the wildest confusion : 
this too, when Reno's hesitating assault had convinced them 
that there was nothing to be feared from him. 
38 



59i GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Now for Custer's fight. The trail shows tliat he came down 
to the ford, and was tliere driven back, leaving dead men and 
horses. The rest of the description is thus given by an oiB- 
cer of the general staff who examined the ground, and refers to 
the map which we annex. 

From this point he was driven back to make successive stands 
on the liigher ground. His line of retreat stretches from the 
river to the spot indicated on the map as that where he fell. 
On the line of .retreat, Calhoun's company seems to have 
been thrown across it to check the Indians. At a distance of 
about three-quarters of a mile from the river, the whole of Cal- 
houn's company lay dead, in an irregular line, Calhoun and Crit- 
tenden in place in the rear. About a mile beyond this, 
on the ridge parallel to the stream, still following the line of 
retreat indicated on the map, Keogh's company was slaughtered 
in position, his right resting on the hill where Custer fell, and 
which seems to have been held by Yates' company. On the 
most prominent point of this ridge, Custer mar^*^ li'« Ifo^- dpsne- 
rate stand. Here, with Captain Yates, Colon ; 
Custer, Lieutenant Riley, and others, and tl 
Yates' command, he went down, fighting lieroi 
against the tremendous odds which assailed them on all sides. It 
is believed by some that, finding the situation a desperate one, 
they killed their horses for a barricade. From the point where 
Custer fell, the line of retreat again doubles back toward the river 
through a ravine, and along this line in the ravine, twenty-three 
bodies of Smith's comj)any were found. Where this line termi- 
nates near the river, are found the dead men and horses of Cap- 
tain Custer's company commingled with Smith's, and the situa- 
tion of the dead indicates that some desperate attempt was made 
to make a stand near the river, or to gain the woods. 

There we have the short and simple history of the fight 
which was going on within two miles of Benteen and Reno, for 
three long weary hours. It is dry and simple in its words, but 
what a wealth of heroism that simple story reveals. This little 
band was made of Custer's men, under Custer's best officers, Cus- 
ter's little knot of chosen friends. All we can do is to fill out its 
details. On this line, Calhoun s company was thrown across to 



596 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

check the Indians. The men lay dead in an irregular line, 
Calhoun and Crittenden in place in rear. This is the order 
of the tactics, the officers watching and moving along their line, 
within a few feet. There they fell, every man in his place. 
They were ordered to stay and be killed, to save the day, and 
they obeyed orders. Who then was Calhonn, that he was the 
first ordered to die ? 

Lieutenant James Calhoun of the Seventh Cavalry was the 
husband of Custer's only sister; he was Custer's dearest of all 
friends on earth ; he was the bravest and gentlest of men, with 
the face and form of an Apollo, bright fair hair and dark eyes, a 
man whom a lady who knew him well describes as the " hand- 
somest man I ever saw." He was a gentleman's son, with all the 
education of a gentleman, and the most refined literary taste, who 
yet had not hesitated to enlist as a private soldier in the regular 
army, and had actually worked his way up, refined and sensi- 
tive as he was, in the midst of all the discomforts, hardships 
and degradations which surrounded the life of a private soldier 
at the close of the war, to a well-earned commission. He mar- 
ried Maggie E. Custer in Monroe, Michigan, March Tth, 1872, 
and acted as Custer's post-adjutant during the time the regi- 
ment was divided. He was remarkably quiet and reserved 
in demeanor, but hid beneath his calm dignity of outward 
seeming the most lofty aspirations. Too young to have gained 
distinction in the civil war, he hoped yet to gain it by un- 
wavering fidelity to his duty. Duty was his one watchword, 
and by it he hoped to attain success. Such was the bright 
brave youth whom Custer told to stay behind and be killed, 
that so the day might be saved. Did Calhoun murmur — did 
he question the order? "Why did Custer leave him there to 
die? 

Not a murmur came from the one, and the other showed by 
this his first sacrifice that he placed the country above all his 
earthly loves, " The country needs; I give her a man who will 
do his duty to the death : I give them my first brother. 1 



THE LAST BATTLE. 597 

leave my best loved sister a widow, that so the day may be 
saved. Farewell." 

Well did Callioun redeem that trust. Every man in his 
place, no faltering, no going back, Calhoun's company kept on 
firing till the last cartridge was gone, and one by one dropped 
dead in his tracks under the fire of the swarms of Indians that 
kept dashing to and fro before them, firing volley after volley. 
Down they went, one after another, cheered up by this grand 
figure of Duty, young Calhoun encouraging them to the last. 
With him young Crittenden of the Twelfth Infantry, a mere 
boy, only appointed the previous fall, and temporarily with the 
cavalr}' in his first and last battle, as cool as his chief, cheered 
and steadied by the calm princely dignity of courage that 
inspired that glorious stand. So they stood till the last man 
was down, and Crittenden was killed, and then came the friendly 
bullet that sent the soul of James Calhoun to an eternity of glory. 
Let no man say such a life was thrown awa3^ The spectacle 
of so much courage must have nerved the whole command to 
the heroic resistance it made. Calhoun's men wonld never 
have died where they did, i7i liiie, had Calhoun not been there 
to cheer them. They would have been found in scattered 
groups, fleeing or huddled together, not fallen in their ranks, 
every man in his place, to the very last. Calhoun, Math his forty 
men, had done on an open field, what Eeno, with a hundred and 
forty, could not do defending a wood. He had died like a hero, 
and America will remember him, while she remembers heroes. 

Let us go on with the tale. About a mile heyoncl, KeogKs 
company was slaughtered in position, his right resting on the 
hill where Custer fell. Custer had chosen the best ground to 
be found, and was determined to retreat no farther. By this 
time he must have realized that Reno had been beaten, but he 
trusted at least to Benteen to come and help him. The Indians 
were all around him, but a vigorous attack by Benteen on their 
rear would beat them, could Custer only hold them long enough. 

Keogh was an older soldier than any there. He had been 



598 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

an officer in the Papal service in the davs when Garibaldi made 
war upon the Holy Father, and he had served on the staiFs of 
Buford and Stoneman during the war. The sight of Calhoun's 
men, dying as they did, had nerved Keogh's men to the same 
pitch of sublime heroism. Every man realized that it w^as his 
last fight, and was resolved to die game. Down they M'ent, 
slaughtered in posiiion, man after man dropping in his place, 
the survivors contracting their line to close the gaps. We read 
of such things in history, and call them exaggerations. The 
silent witness of those dead bodies of heroes in that mountain 
pass cannot lie. It tells plainer than words how they died, the 
Indians all round them, first pressing them from the river, then 
curling round Calhoun, now round Keogh, till the last stand on 
the hill by Custer, with three companies. 

How that fight went. Curly the Upsaroka scout, tells us, he 
the only man who escaped alive, and who got away to the 
steamer Far West lying at the mouth of the river. His testi- 
mony was taken by the officers of Terry's staff, through an 
interpreter. It is plain and prosaic in its simplicity, but it tells 
the tale. 

He says ho went down with two other Crows and went into ac- 
tion with Custer. The General, he says, kept down the river on 
the north bank four miles, after Eeno had crossed to the south 
side above. He thought Eeno would drive down the valley, so 
that they could attack the village on two sides, he believing Eeno 
would take it at the upper end, while he (Custer) would go in at 
the lower end. Custer had to go farther down the river and far- 
ther away from Eeno than he wished on account of the steep bank 
along the north side ; but at last he found a ford and dashed for 
it. The Indians met him and poured in a heavy fire from across 
the narrow river. Custer dismounted to fight on foot, but could 
not get his skirmishers over the stream. Meantime hundreds of 
Indians, on foot and on ponies, poured over the river, which was 
only about three feet deep, and filled the ravine on each side of 
Custer's men. Custer then fell back to some high ground behind 
him and seized the ravines in his immediate vicinity. The In- 
dians completely surrounded Custer and poured in a terrible fire 



THE LAST BATTLE. 599 

on all sides. They charged Custer on foot in vast numbers, but 
were again and again driven back. The fight began about 2 
o'clock, and lasted, Curly says, almost until the sun went down 
over the hills. The men fought desperately, and, after the ammu- 
nition in their belts Avas exhausted, went to their saddlebags, got 
more and continued the fight. He also says the big chief, (Custer) 
lived until nearly all his men had been killed or wounded, and 
went about encouraging his soldiers to fight on. Curly says when 
he saw Custer was hopelessly surrounded, he watched his oppor- 
tunity, got a Sioux blanket, put it on, and worked up a ravine, 
and when the Sioux charged he got among them, and they did not 
know him from one of their own men. There were some mounted 
Sioux, and seeing one fall, Curly ran to him, mounted his pony, 
and galloped down as if going towards the white men, but went 
up a ravine and got away. 

When questioned closely by one of the officers,^ he mentioned 
one little fact about his escape that is pregnant with light on 
Custer's fate. When he saw that the party with the Genei'al 
was to be overwhelmed, he went to the General and begged 
him to let him show him a way to escape. General Custer 
dropped his head on his breast in thought for a moment, in a 
way he had of doing. Tiiere was a lull in the fight after a 
charge, the encircling Indians gathering for a fresh attack. 
In that moment, Custer looked at Curly, waved him away 
and rode back to the little group of men, to die with them. 
How many thoughts must have crossed that noble soul in that 
brief moment. There was no hope of victory if he stayed, 
nothing but certain death. Witli the scout he was nearly certain 
to escape. His horse was a thoroughbred and his way sure. 
He might have balanced the value of a leader's life against 
those of his men, and sought his safety. AVhy did he go back 
to certain death ? 

Because he felt that such a death as that which that little 
band of heroes was about to die, was worth the lives of all the 
general officers in the world. Thanks to the story of the Crow 

* This officer told the story personally to Mrs. Custer afterwards. 



600 ■ GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

scout, we know that he had the chance to live alone, and that 
he deliberately accepted death with his men as the worthier. 
He weighed, in that brief moment of reflection, all the con- 
sequences to America of the lesson of life and the lesson of 
heroic death, and he chose death. The Indian hovered round 
the fight, still watching : in the confusion he was not noticed, 
or taken for a Sioux. He had washed off his Upsaroka paint, 
and let down his hair like a Sioux. Let us see what he saw. 

Curly did not leave Custer until the battle was nearly over, 
and he describes it as desperate in the extreme. He is quite sure 
the Indians had more killed than Custer had white men with him. 

There was the little group of men on the hill, the Indians 
hovering round them like hounds baying a lion, dashing up 
close and receding, the bullets flying like swarms of bees, the 
men in the little group dropping one by one. At last the charm 
of Custer's charmed life was broken. 

He got a shot in the left side and sat down, with his pistol in 
his hand. Another shot struck Custer and he fell over. The last 
ofldcer killed was a man who rode a white horse (believed to be 
Lieut. Cook, Adjutant of the Seventh, as Lieuts. Cook and Calhoun 
were the only officers who rode white horses, and Lieut. Calhoun 
was found dead on the skirmish line, near the ford, and probably 
fell early in the action). 

At last they were all gone, every oflicer of the group. Cus- 
ter fallen and Cook killed, the remaining men broke. Then 
the scout fled too. 

He says as he rode off he saw, when nearly a mile from the 
battle-field, a dozen or more soldiers in a ravine, fighting with 
Sioux all around them. He thinks all were killed, as tiiey were 
outnumbered five to one, and apparently dismounted. These 
were no doubt part of the thirty-five missing men reported in the 
official despatches of General Terry. Curly says he saw one cav- 
alry soldier who had got away. He was well mounted, but shot 
through both hips, and Curly thinks he died of his wounds, starved 
to death in the bad lands, or more likely his trail was followed, 
and he killed by the Sioux. 



THE LAST BATTLE. 601 

Thirty-two men of Yates' company fell with their chief and 
the other officers on the hill, the rest of them, with Captain 
Custer's and Captain Smitli's men, tried to cut their way to the 
river and all fell in the ravine, as marked on the map. Then, 
says Kill Eagle, the Indian wounded came streaming back into 
Sitting Bull's camp, saying : "' We have hilUd them all : put 
up your lodges where they arer 

From the account of some Indians who went across the line 
into British America, to trade with the Manitoba Indians, we 
gain more particulars of the last fight than Curly could see. 
The scout was so utterly broken down with fear and agony of 
mind when he reached the steamer, that he could not for a 
long time give a connected account, but his exultant enemies 
have filled the gap with their boasts. From these it appears 
that when only a few of the officers were left alive, the Indians 
made a hand to hand charge, in which Custer fought like a 
tiger with his sabre when his last shot was gone, that he killed 
or wounded three Indians with the sabre, and that as he ran 
the last man through, Rain-in-the-Face hept his oath and shot 
Custer. 

While this account disagrees with that of Curly, I am in- 
clined to believe it, for several reasons. Curly was some way 
off, the confusion was great, and the two brothers Custer were 
dressed alike and resembled each other closely in figure. I am 
inclined to believe that it was Colonel Tom Custer whom Curly 
saw fall as he described it. On the other hand, several Indians 
who were in the fight have told the same story about the sabre, 
and have given Big Rain or Rain-in-the-Face, as the man who 
shot the General. We know Custer to have been a man of 
great strength and activity, one who had used the sabre freely 
in the civil war; and in his last struggle such a man would have 
been as able to kill three Indians, as was Shaw the f:^nlous Eng- 
lish guardsman at Waterloo, who was seen to kill nine French 
cuirassiers with his sword before he was shot. A last reason that 
is convincing is this. It is well known that the Indians did 



602 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

not mutilate Custer's body, it being the onlj^ one in that group 
entirely spared. The only reason for such a respect could have 
been a reverence for his valor. It is also well known that the 
Indians regard the striking of a living enemy with a hand wea- 
pon as the highest proof of valor possible, placing a very dif- 
ferent estimate on shooting an enemy. All the reports of the 
Indians who i-eached the British Possessions were unanimous in 
saying that they dreaded the sabre more than any thing, and 
this is easily understood when their superstition as to hand 
weapons is considered. It seems certain that they would never 
have reverenced Custer's body as they did, had he not struck 
down their best men in that grim hand-to-hand fight, wherein, 
among all the brave and strong, he was the bravest and best 
swordsman of all, the other officers having had but little teach- 
ing in the use of the sabre. Be that as it may, it is known that 
he must have died under circumstances of peculiar heroism to 
win such respect, and that he was only kiUed by the bravest 
Indian of the whole northwest, a man whose unflinching forti- 
tude had enabled him to hang in the air for four hours in the 
Sun Dance. 

So fell Custer, the brave cavalier, the Christian soldier, sur- 
rounded by foes, but dying in harness amid the men he loved. 
Who fell with him ? 

There by his side lay his brother Tom, brave Colonel Cus- 
ter, a double of the General, w4io had enlisted as a private 
soldier at sixteen, was an officer at nineteen, who wore what no 
other officer in the army could boast of, two medals, each for a 
flag taken from an enemy in battle. Brave and gentle, courte- 
ous and tender, a model officer of cavalry, God be with gallant 
Tom Custer till the last day. He died like all the Custers, with 
his face to the skj^ and his feet to the foe. 

Not far oflf", close together, lay two more of the same family, 
poor young Boston Custer and little Autie Reed, Custer's 
nephew, son of that good gentle Christian woman, who had 
saved Custer himself from a reckless career, whose prayers had 



THE LAST BATTLE. 603 

helped to make liim the Christian knight he became. Brave 
boys, nearly boys both, no sworn soldier of the state could die 
more nobly than they, who would not abandon a brother and 
kinsman. They could do little for him, but they could die with 
him. Autie was fresh from school a few weeks before, and wild 
to see the Plains with " Uncle Autie." To take him along it 
was necessary to give him some official employment, and Custer, 
knowing that the rough hard life would make a man of the boy, 
had him and another schoolmate appointed herders, to help drive 
the great herd of cattle with the column. Kough as the lot 
was, the lad never complained. He was seeing wild life, which 
was all he wanted, and had obtained leave to go on this 
scout with the General. Boston Custer's official position was 
that of forage master to the Seventh Cavalry, which he had held 
some time. He had been for years of a consumptive tendency, 
and his only chance for life was the open air existence of the 
plains. How far better for him the wild heroic death he died, 
under the blue sky, fighting like a true Custer, to the slow 
lingering failing end of a consumptive, which was his certain 
portion had he lived. 

So closed the lives of the three Custers and their young 
nephew, fallen on that stricken field. It is time to turn to 
the comrades that fell with them. 

There is something remarkable in the power which Custer 
apparently possessed of attracting to his side and intimate com- 
panionship the noblest and best of the men with whom the 
army brought him in contact ; and the facts of his death bring 
out this power in a conspicuous manner. It is clear that Avhen 
he made the division of the regiment into battalions in the 
morning, Custer knew that heavy work was coming, and in- 
tended to take the heaviest work into his own hands, as he al- 
ways did. Into his own battalion he seems to have gathered all 
of his own familiar friends, including his three brothers, as 
knowing he could depend on them to the death. His confi- 
dence was well repaid, and we may say to-day, without fear 



604 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

of contradiction, that Cnster and Custer's friends were the 
flower of the Seventh Cavakj. The battalion that fell with 
Custer held them nearly all. 

There was the Adjutant, Brevet-Colonel Wm. W. Cook, the 
last officer left living, and whose final fall broke the hearts of 
his men and ended the battle. Cook was a model of manly 
beaut}'', in a very different style from that of Calhoun. Fully 
as tall (both were over six feet) and as powerfully framed, Cook 
was the image of a typical English Life Guardsman, with his 
highbred aristocratic features and long wav}^ black moustache and 
whiskers. Like Iveogh, he was a foreigner, having been born in 
Canada, whence he entered the American service in the Twenty- 
fourth New York Cavalry, rising to its colonelcy. The reader 
has seen his name frequently during Custer's life on the plains. 
One proud sentence will be his best epitaph. In choosing an 
officer to command the sharp-shooters of the Seventh Cavalry 
in the Washita campaign the question was not, says Custer, " to 
choose a good one, but among m.any good to choose the hestP 
He chose Cook. Let it be written : " Custer said he was his 
best officer." 

By his side was gallant Yates, captain and brevet colonel, 
tender and true, a man like Calhoun, of old family and gentle 
blood, who had not hesitated to enter the ranks as a soldier in 
the war, had enlisted as a boy of sixteen and worked his way 
up to a captaincy in the Regular Army. Yates was a true, 
sterling fellow, a soldier to the backbone, with the crack com- 
pany of the Seventh. They used to call his troop the " band-box 
troop," so neat were they always, with an affectation of mili- 
tary dandyism. It was a tradition in that company that every 
man who died from it, " died with his boots on," the homely 
western phrase that tells such a story of unflinching courage. 
There fell brave old Yates, game to the last, with every man ot 
the little " band-box troop " in his place, round their leader, who 
fell with a smile on his lips. He and they had done their duty, 
and died like men. God will help the widow and fatherless. 



THE LAST BATTLE. 605 

The last company commander of all fell near Yates, Lieuten- 
ant and Brevet Captain Algernon E. Smith, one more member 
of that little circle of refined qniet gentlemen who had shared 
Custer's friendship at Fort Lincoln. Captain Smith was one of 
the bravest and most modest of men. One little incident will 
illustrate his character better than a volume of description. 
During the civil war, while a captain of volunteers, Captain 
Smith was detailed on the staff of General Terrj, at that des- 
perate storming of Fort Fisher which gave Terry his star in the 
Regular Array. During the storming, a regiment faltered under 
the tremendous fire, having lost two color-bearers and all its 
field officers. Smith seized the colors, led on the regiment, 
sprang on the parapet, and was among the first in the works, 
where he fell severely wounded, his left shoulder smashed by a 
musket ball. For this he was bre vetted major of volunteers. 
The wound healed, but in such a manner that he could never after 
lift his left arm above the shoulder. He was appointed to the 
Seventh Cavalry in 1867 and served in every campaign, in fa- 
miliar intercourse with his brother officers ; yet very few in the 
regiment even knew he had served in the civil war, and none 
of the ladies would have known that he had been wounded, but 
for an accidental remark by his wife in 1875, from which it 
came out that he could not put on his uniform without assist- 
ance, on account of his crippled left arm. Algernon Smith died 
as he had lived, a simple, modest soldier, in front of his men ; 
while behind him lay the twenty-three bodies of the poor dis- 
heartened remnant that tried to cut their way out, when all was 
over and their beloved officer killed. 

And now we come to the last of all, the youngest of that 
little band, Lieutenant William Yan W. Reily. His portrait 
lies before me as these words are written, and it is hard to keep 
the cold composure of the impartial chronicler as I think of his 
peculiarly touching history. His father, a gallant officer of the 
U. S. navy, went down in his ship in the Indian Ocean, and not 
a soul came back to tell the tale, before Reily was born. That 



606 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

father sailed away from a bride of a few months never to re- 
turn, and his boy left the mother who idolized him, to meet 
a similar fate, amid foes as pitiless as the ocean waves. Willie 
Reily fell next to Caster, and his fair young body was found 
lying at the feet of his commandei*. A good, noble-looking 
face he had, with a certain wistful musing expression, prophetic 
of his early fate. He had been ill for some time befoi^ the ex- 
pedition started, and the surgeon wished to order him on some 
post duty, but he refused to stay, and was eager to share the 
fate of his regiment whatever it might be. He had his dearest 
wish ; he died like his brave father, at his post doing his duty. 
Let no man say such an end was sad : it was heroic. We must 
all die some time, but not all like him. To him and all such, 
America says, " God bless our brave dead." 



I have told the facts of Custer's last battle as closely as the 
means at hand will permit the truth to be ascertained. Begin- 
ning my task with a strong impression, produced by the official 
reports, that Custer had been rash and imprudent, and that the 
conduct of Reno and Benteen had been that of prudent and 
brave soldiers, a careful examination of all the accessible evi- 
dence has left me no other course than to tell the whole story, 
to vindicate the reputation of a noble man from unjust asper- 
sions. I leave the facts to the world to judge whether I am not 
right in these conclusions : — 

1. Had Reno fought as Custer fought, and had- Benteen 
obeyed Custer s orders, the hattle of the Little Horn might have 
^proved Custer'' s last and greatest Indian victory. 

It may be objected to this conclusion that the numbers of 
the Indians were too great to admit it : but a careful examina- 
tion of the conflicting statements leads to the belief that these 
numbers have been exaggerated by Reno in his report, to cover 



THE LAST BATTLE. GOT 

his own conduct. He estimates tlie Indians at 3,500 "at tlie 
least," and the popular impression has since increased this esti- 
mate any where up to ten thousand. Herndon, the scout, a 
much cooler person, puts them at only 2,000 or 2,500 ; and 
Benteen thinks they were only 900. One means of approxi- 
mate computation is unwittingly offered by Reno. Near the 
close of his report, he mentions the whole village as defiling 
away before his eyes, and says, " the length of the column was 
fully equal to that of a large division of the cavalry corps of 
the Army of the Potomac, as I have seen it on the march." 
The divisions of the Cav^ah-y Corps, at their strongest, were 
about 4,000 men ; and they had no women and children with 
them. Making the very smallest allowance for led horses, pack 
horses, squaws and children, it is clear that at least one-half of 
the column must be taken away to leave the true number of 
warriors. This would give us 2,000, and if we allow 500 for the 
losses in fighting Reno and Custer, we come to Herndon's esti- 
mate. These numbers were four to one of Custer's, but he had 
fought such odds before, at the Washita, and come out tri- 
umphant. The obstinacy of his attack shows that he expected 
to conquer. He could have run like Reno had he wished, and 
Reno says in the report he thought Custer had done so. It is 
clear, in the light of Custer's previous character, that he held 
on to the last, expecting to be supported, as he had a right to 
expect. It was only when he clearly saw he had been betrayed, 
that he resolved to die game, as it was then too late to retreat. 

2. Had not President Grant, moved hy private revenge^ 
displaced Custer from command of the Fort Lincoln column^ 
Custer would he alvve to-day and the Indian war settled. 

The Dakota column would have been confided to the best 
Indian-fighter of the army ; Reno and Benteen would never 
have dreamed of disobeying their chief, had they not known 
Custer and Gibbon would have 



608 



GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 



cooperated, as men both familiar with Indian warfare; and 
cross-pui'poses would have been avoided. 

The action of a court of inquiry, which will be able to call 
forth the testimony of officers whose names the author with- 
holds from the public at present, will settle whether these 
conclusions are correct or not. Many witnesses have been 
deterred from speaking b}' fear of those superiors whom their 
evidence will impeach ; and these witnesses will be able to 
swear in public to what they have hitherto only dared to say 
and write in private. The nation demands such a court, to 
vindicate the name of a dead hero from the pitiless malignity, 
which first slew him and then pursued him beyond the grave. 




NINTH BOOK.— SOLDIER AND MAN. 

CHAPTER I. 
CUSTER, THE SOLDIER. 

THE popular idea of Custer as a soldier is that of a brave, 
reckless, dashing trooper, always ready to charge any odds, 
without knowing or caring what was the strength of his enemy, 
and trusting to luck to get out of his scrapes. In the public 
mind, he has always been associated, even by his admirers, 
with Murat and Prince Rupert, as a type of mere impetuosity. 

A great deal of this impression among civilians has been 
the effect, partly of the frequency of his dashing personal ex- 
ploits, but very largely also to a combination of the sneers of 
professional soldiers envious of his fame, and of the anxiety of 
the war correspondents to write home a " picturesque " letter. 
During the civil war, the so-called war correspondents seldom 
knew much of military life, and had rarely been soldiers before 
that war. As a consequence, they wrote home a great many 
ridiculous stories about Custer, the product of camp gossip. He 
was accused of putting his hair up in papers, of wearing staj^s, 
using curling tongs, etc., and the ingenious correspondent of 
on6 New York paper set the seal on the whole by a stilted ac- 
count of the runaway of Don Juan and Custer at the last pa- 
rade. He thus became, to a large part of the public, a perfectly 
ideal personage, as unlike the real Custer as Tom Moore's po- 
etry was unlike the real quiet, domestic Tom Moore. 

The real Custer was as far from being the reckless liarum- 
39 



610 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

scarum cavalier of public fancy as possible. He was a remark- 
ably quiet, thoughtful man, when any work was on hand, one 
who never became flurried and excited in the hottest battle, 
and who, on a campaign, was a model of wary watchfulness, 
a man who was never surprised during his whole career^ and 
who was equal to any emergency of whatever kind. 

Three times during Custer's service as a brigade command- 
er, did he find himself surrounded by enemies and compelled 
to cut his way through; and on none of those three occasions 
could the slightest blame attach to him for the dilemma. The 
first time was at Brandy Station ; and there the fault was that 
of Meade or Pleasonton, who had divided their cavalry forces, 
so that when the separate units came together, the enemy was 
between them. The second time was at Buckland's Mills, where 
the disaster was due entirely to Kilpatrick's headlong rashness, 
after he had been warned of his danger by the wary Custer. 
The third time was at Trevillian Station, in 1864. There his 
danger was due to the accidental direction of a force of the en- 
emy, driven in by Custer's friends from another direction. It 
was, in fact. Brandy Station reversed. 

As a division commander, having no one else to trouble 
him, being responsible for his own actions, he was never in the 
slightest difficulty, and this is true of his whole after career. 
Put Custer in chief command, and he never made a mistake : 
put him under any one else, except Sheridan — as perfect a 
soldier as himself — and he was always suffering for the blun- 
ders, mistakes, or faint-heartedness of others, either his superi- 
ors or coadjutors. 

The consequence was, to both Custer and Sheridan, the envy 
and detraction of all those who could not understand their 
peculiar quality of instant and correct decision under fire, as to 
the right thing to do. This faculty is given to very few 
indeed. In the Army of the Potomac, Custer and Sheridan 
were its only possessors, in the highest degree, the degree pos- 
sessed by such men as Napoleon, Cromwell, Gustavus Adolphus, 



CUSTER THE SOLDIER. 611 

Cffisar and Hannibal. It made them both supreme as " battle 
commanders," whatever their merits as strategists. Their 
detractors, who could not nnderstand this faculty, tried to 
belittle it, by setting down Sheridan as a " mere trooper," 
Custer as a reckless rider and fighter, a harum-scarum, light 
dragoon. 

In Custer's case, the prejudices of those who did not know 
him, invariably preceded his entrance on any new command, as 
invariably to be replaced by a feeling akin to adoration, from 
all who served under him, if they possessed any nobility and 
generosity of character. To dislike him was the infallible 
result either of want of personal knowledge, which was inno- 
cent, or of some meanness of character, with which Custer's 
impulsive generosity clashed. Of his first appearance in the 
Third Cavalry Division, General (then colonel) A. B. Kettleton, 
commander of the " Fighting Second Ohio," tlius speaks : 

I had never seen General Custer, prior to his promotion to>the 
command of our division, but he was well known to us by repute. 
Some of us were at first disposed to regard him as an adventurer, 
a disposition which a sight of his peculiar dress and long locks 
tended to confirm. One engagement with the enemy under Cus- 
ter's leadership dissipated all these impressions, and gave our 
new commander his proper place. Once under fire, we found 
that a master hand was at the helm, that beneath the golden curls 
and broad-brimmed hat was a cool brain and a level head. 

One thing that characterized Custer was this : having meas- 
ured as accurately as possible the strength and morale of his 
enemy, and having made his own disposition of troops carefully 
and personally, he Avent into every fight with complete confidence 
in the ability of his division to do the work marked out for it. 
Custer's conduct in battle was characteristic. He never ordered 
his men to go where he would not lead, and he never led where 
he did not expect his men to follow. He probably shared with 
the private soldier the danger of the skirmish line oftener than 
any ofiicer of his rank, not from wantonness of courage, but with 
a well-defined purpose on each occasion. He knew that the moral 
efiect of his personal presence at a critical moment, was equal to a 
reinforcement of troops, when a reinforcement could not be found. 



612 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

A large part of Custer's success was due to the fact that he 
was a good pursuer. Unlike many equally brave and skilful offi- 
cers, he was rarely content to hold a position or drive his enemy : 
he always gathered the fruit, as well as shook the tree of battle. 
He regarded his real work as only beginning, when the enemy 
was broken and flying. 

Although his special forte was the command of cavalry in the 
field, he was not deficient in camp. He was a good disciplinarian, 
without being a martinet ; particularly thorough in maintaining 
an effective picket line or outpost service, on which depends the 
safety of an army in quarters. By unexpected visits to the out- 
posts by day and night, he personally tested the faithfulness 
and alertness of officers and men on picket duty. On more than 
one occasion, I have known him take the trouble to write a letter 
of commendation to the commander of the regiment on the picket 
line, praising the manner in which the duty was performed. 
There was nothing of the military scold in his nature. By timely 
praise, oftener than by harsh criticism, he stimulated his subordi- 
nates to fidelity, watchfulness, and gallantry. 

General Nettleton is quite competent to give an opinion of 
Custer, for he served under him with the most distinguished 
gallantry ; and his regiment, the Second Ohio Cavalry, vs^on 
this official praise from their division commander, in a letter to 
Governor Brough of Ohio : " I assure your excellency that in 
my entire division of twelve regiments, from various States, 
there is not one on which I relv more implicitly than on the 
gallant Second. I have known it repeatedly to hold its place 
against terrible odds, w^hen almost any other regiment would 
have felt warranted in retiring." 

Of Kettleton himself he says : " I regard him as one of the 
most valuable officers in the service, and do not knov/ his su- 
perior in the army, as regards the qualities needed in a good 
cavalry commanderr 

We quote these words to show that in Nettleton a perfectly 
competent critic is found, as well as one possessing personal 
knowledge of Custer. His testimony is merely the echo of that 
of every officer of capacity who ever served under that general. 



CUSTER THE SOLDIER. 613 

Some may think that in all this too much is claimed for 
our hero ; but this verdict can only be given by those who have 
not examined the evidence on which the estimate is founded. 
As an army commander like Sheridan, as a corps commander, 
there are no means of estimating his powers, for he never had 
an opportunity of exhibiting them. As a cavalry officer, pure 
and simple, the most carping criticism can find no flaw in Cus- 
ter's career, from the day he led the Michigan Brigade into the 
battle of Gettysburg, to that in which he fell, fighting like a 
lion bayed by the hunters, deserted by his supporting detach- 
ments. He was, in fact, as nearly perfect as a cavalry com- 
mander can be. 

Yiewed from the standpoint of Seydlitz and the Great 
Frederick, and that at present prevailing in Europe, the actions 
of Custer are faultless, as far as he himself is concerned. The 
only wrong feature pervading them is one which was the fault 
of the system in which American cavalry has always been 
trained, and which even Custer could not remedy entirely, 
though he did his utmost towards checking it. This was, the 
undue dependence of the men and officers on their firearms, 
and their reluctance to use the sabre. This fault Custer con- 
stantly strove against, and during his valley campaigns succeeded 
in forcing his men by personal example into charging with the 
sabre, with invariable success whenever it was employed. We 
must, however, for the truth's sake, undeceive the civilian reader 
who imagines that the sabre was the exclusive weapon used in 
any of the so-called " sabre charges," either of Custer's or any 
other cavalry command, during the war. A rattling irregular 
fusillade of pistol and carbine shots almost invariably accompa- 
nied the charge, and, as a rule, the men were very poor swords- 
men, solely from want of fencing practice. 

Since the war, the case has been still worse, the use of the 
sabre having been practically abolished ; and the diminished 
power of Custer, reduced as he was from a general to a field 
officer, added to the fact that he found the sense of his brother 



614 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

officers generally against him on this point, prevented his giving 
the queen of cavalry weapons that attention which it deserves. 

But as a cavalry leader, Custer displayed more genius and 
natural talent than any officer in the American army ; genius, 
moreover, of a kind that would have raised him to eminence in 
any service. Had Custer, with the same natural talent, served 
in the Franco-Prussian war as an officer of uhlans, there is little 
or no doubt that he would have risen to higher command than 
he attained in our own service. The well known personal su- 
pervision of Von Moltke, which has made the Prussian army 
what it is, by promotions for merit alone, would never have 
passed by Custer, with his wonderful faculty of seizing the mo- 
ment and its fleeting opportunity. 

The best cavalry leader America has ever produced, is the 
only truthful verdict that experience can pass on him : a great 
cavalry leader for any time or country, history will finally pro- 
nounce him ; worthy to stand beside Hannibal's " thunderbolt " 
Mago ; Saladin, the leader of those " hurricanes of horse" that 
swept the Crusaders from Palestine ; Cromwell, Seydlitz or 
Zieten ; a perfect general of horse. 




CHAPTER II. 
CUSTER, THE INDIAN-FIGHTER. 

IF we devote a separate chapter to the consideration of Custer 
as an Indian campaigner, it is not because we deem that 
any different grade of talent is required for fighting Indians 
other than that which obtains in a contest with a civilized foe, 
but rather as a concession to the popular idea that such is the 
case. This idea is partly due to the natural propensity of " old 
Indian-fighters" to magnify their own office, but also to the 
equally common tendency of mankind in general to ignore tal- 
ent and special genius as a possible factor of success in anj^ pur- 
suit, making experience and age the only tests of competency. 
A comparison of results obtained in both kinds of warfare, will 
give strong reason to believe that Indian-fighting, the same as 
Arab-fighting in Algeria, is by no means as difficult to master 
as the art of fighting a properly equipped, civilized foe. Many 
an officer who has attained considerable success as an Indian- 
fighter, has turned out but a poor general in campaign against 
a regular enemy, whereas generals of remarkable talent in civ- 
ilized warfare — real generals, not mere " scientific soldiers," so 
miscalled — have never failed to give a good account of a bar- 
barian foe, be it Indian, Arab, African, or Tartar. 

The natural tendency above referred to, has however pro- 
duced in the American army a very exaggerated estimate of 
the necessity of long experience in Indian fighting to produce a 
perfect officer, and a fashion of depreciating every officer, no 
matter what his talent elsewhere, if his Indian experience be 
hrief. When Custer first went on the plains, he found this 



C16 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

feeling iii full force, and was constantly confronted with the 
express or implied statement that Indian-fighting was so totally 
different from other warfare that his previous experience was 
valueless, and that he would have to sit humbly and learn at the 
feet of this or that ofhcer, because the latter was " an old Indian- 
fighter." 

Yery early in his Indian career, however, Custer seems to 
have discovered that few army officers were able to supply him 
with much valuable information on the Indian subject ; and his 
keen perception showed him at the same time who could do it. 
He saw that the officers, especially the oldest of them, were too 
slow for him, just as they had been during the war, and he also 
saw that the rough and ready scouts, who lived in the same 
style as the Indians, would be his best masters. From them he 
seems from the first to have taken lessons, readily and humbly 
enough, as he tells us in his recorded experiences on the plains. 
His first master was Comstock, the scout who rode with hiui 
in his first campaign against Pawnee Killer; and Pawnee 
Killer himself, with Komeo and California Joe, gave him 
excellent lessons. When we consider that Custer made his 
first appearance on the plains the beginning of April, 1867, 
perfectly " green," as the old Indian-fighters thought, that the 
whole of his experience was limited to the months of April, Ma}"-, 
June and a few days of July in that year, that from that time 
till September, 1868, he was under arrest and suspended from 
field service, it will appear that he must have used his time well 
to have called forth from his superior officers the request that 
met him in Monroe in 1868. His Indian-fighting experience 
was then limited to less than four months ; there was a whole 
army to choose from ; the officers of the Seventh Cavalry had 
all been out on the plains a whole year ; General Sully, an 
Indian-fighter then possessing a high reputation, was in com- 
mand ; yet, such was the confidence in Custer's ability, pro- 
duced by his I'ecord of three months and a half, that Sherman, 
Sheridan, Sully, and all the officers of the regiment, old and 



CUSTER THE INDIAN FIGHTER. 617 

new, joined in a request to have Custer back for the command 
of the field expedition. 

He came, and what was the result ? In six months he had 
pacified the whole of the southwestern tribes, first by a battle, 
then b}'- diplomacy, exhibiting throughout the campaign a 
combination of boldness and dexterity, of tact and shrewdness, 
that was crowned with complete success, and that stamped him 
as the best Indian -fighter in the service. Measured by his 
deeds and comparing them with those of any Indian-fighter in 
the service, no matter what his reputation, this claim is by 
no means extravagant. The exploits of those oflicers who 
fought Indians before the civil war, were not attended w^ith 
the same difilculties which surrounded Custer and the Indian- 
fighters of the present day. In those days the troops were 
better armed than the Indians ; now the Indians are better 
armed than the troops; then there was no Indian Department 
to feed the Indians and supply them with patent ammunition ; 
now this business has become recognized as the regular employ- 
ment of an Indian agent. In the old times the army was left 
alone to manage the Indians, to fight them if necessary, and 
Indian wars were easily settled on the plains ; now the army 
officer has to fight the Indians first and the Indian Department 
afterwards. All these things made Custer's task a much harder 
one than those of the officers who engaged in an occasional 
Indian skirmish before the civil war. With the services of any 
recent Indian campaigner, no matter who or what he may be, 
Custer's record need fear no comparison. The results of his 
campaign of 1868-9, when he was in full and unrestricted 
command, were superior to those gained by any other officer in 
the service, since 1866, and nothing but prejudice can gainsay 
the undoubted facts. 

What was it then, that gave Custer his remarkable success 
as an Indian-fighter, after such a brief experience, and what 
were the qualities which, so early in his career, gained him the 
implicit confidence — not of Sheridan, which was his already — 



618 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

but of Sherman, who had onlj met him a few times, of Sully, 
who had not seen him at all in service ? It was his remarkable 
tact, shrewdness, and quickness to learn, the ardor with which he 
applied himself to the study of the Indian character, and the 
safety which had accompanied his most apparently audacious 
operations against the enemy, in his three months' service. Be- 
sides this, when under arrest and suspension, Custer had not 
been idle. He had made up his mind to master the problem 
of Indian character, and he devoted his enforced leisure to the 
task. Where another man would have been brooding, Custer 
was working, and he devoted his winter of disgrace at Fort 
Leavenworth — to what, think you ? — to learning the Indian 
sign language, which passed current among all the tribes, and 
serves as a medium of communication between Indians speaking 
every variety of language. This he studied to such good pur- 
pose, then and after, that he was able to converse, without an 
interpi-eter, with Indians of any tribe, as far as the sign language 
carries any of them. 

That old Indian-fighters in those days appreciated his knowl- 
edge of Indian character is evinced by the words of General 
Sturgis, himself an old ante-helium Indian-fighter of consider- 
able reputation, which words we have quoted elsewhere.* 
Custer, quick to learn Indian tactics, was equally quick to learn 
the habits and natures, peaceful and warlike, of the Indians 
themselves. An amusing anecdote, whose authenticity is 
vouched for, will show the tact and shrewdness with which he 
played on every point in Indian character. 

While in camp on the Black Hills expedition, in 1S73, be- 
ing then in the zenith of his reputation as an Indian-fighter, 
Custer retained a great many of his Indian scouts near head- 
quarters, under command of Bloodj^ Knife. One day, as Custer 
was writing in his tent, one of these Indian scouts came in, 
a good deal the worse for liquor, and began with some maunder- 
ing complaint of something that had offended him. Custer 
* Page 475. 



CUSTER THE INDIAN-FIGHTER. 619 

looked up, saw the man was drunk, and ordered him out of the 
tent. Like all Indians in liquor, this one was insolent, and 
squaring himself before the general, became louder in his com- 
plaints and boasts of his own importance. 

Without another word, Custer sprang up, with the peculiar 
catlike agility he possessed, and quick as lightning struck the 
Indian two blows, in regular professional style, sending him to 
grass, with an ugly lump under the eye, and a nose badly pun- 
ished. The Indian was knocked half out of the tent door, and 
as Custer made a step towards him, as if to renew the assault, 
the red man picked himself up with surprising humility, and 
ran like a deer to the scouts' quarters, howling all the way. 

Custer returned to his writing as if nothing had happened. 
Yery few men possessed the physique to have punished a pow- 
erful Indian so quickly, but Custer's knuckles were very bony, 
and from a lad he had been the strongest of his .playmates. So 
far he had done nothing but what any powerful man of quick 
decision would have done. It is the sequel of the story which 
shows his tact. 

In a few minutes after, there was a great commotion in the 
Indian quarters, and the voices of the warriors could be heard, 
all together, in the high monotonous scream of the excited In- 
dian, trying to lash himself and fellows to fury. It brought out 
the guard in some alarm, and the other soldiers began to tum- 
ble out of their tents to see the fun. Custer, of course, heard 
the disturbance and knew the cause, but he continued tran- 
quilly writing, as if deafness had suddenly afflicted him. The 
noise increased, and he could hear the stern tones of the officer 
of the day in the wrangle, but even tliat dreaded official's au- 
thority did not appear to cow the Indians, for their fierce chat- 
tering grew shriller every moment. He heard in the hubbub 
the English words " Guard house ! Guard house ! Big chief — 
Guard house ! " and a smile gathered over his face as he went 
on writing. 

Presently a sudden hush came on the tumult. He heard 



630 GENERAL GEORGE A. OUSTER. 

steps approaching, and a knock on the tent door, followed by 
the entrance of the officer of the day, who wore a countenance 
of some anxiety. 

It appeared from the officer's report that the Indians were 
insisting that the same measure of justice should be meted to 
Custer as to other offenders. They had been accustomed to see 
every man found fighting in camp put in the guard house. The 
big chief had hurt their comrade badl,y, therefore the big chief 
ought to go to the guard house. While ^ve cannot help smiling 
at the idea, it must be admitted that tlie rude sense of justice 
of the Indians was perfectly correct. The officer of the day 
further stated that he had pacified them by comnig to see the 
big chief, but that they w^ere very firm in their demands. 

It may be imagined by some that there was no great diffi- 
culty in this case, but the contrary is the fact. If Custer had 
allowed the first Indian to be drunk and insolent, he would 
have lost control over his capricious allies, who would have de- 
spised him. If he now refused them Justice they all would 
leave him, probably to join the hostiles. Custer's decision was 
instantly taken, though not in words. 

As soon as the officer had concluded his report, the General 
walked out of the tent, and found his Indian allies in a group, 
quite silent now, watching the tent. 

" Tell the chief to come here," said Custer to the officer of 
the day. In a few moments Bloody Knife approached, in a very 
lordly manner. As he left his comrades, he waved them back, 
■with the grand air of a " big Injun " full of his own im- 
portance. 

Custer approached the chief several steps to meet him, took 
off his hat, and swept a low and ceremonious salute. Then 
shaking Bloody Knife's hand cordially, he and the Indian mutu- 
ally ejaculated " How ! how ! " 

Still retaining the chiefs hand, he led him into his own 
tent, and seated him in his own chair, an honor that gratified 
Bloody Knife still more. 



CUSTER THE INDIAN-FIGHTER. 621 

Then the general took np an Indian pipe, filled it, lighted 
it, took a few whiffs, and handed it to the chief, the two sitting 
opposite to each other in solemn silence all the while. By this 
time the Indian was swelling with importance, and evidently 
imagined that the white chief was about to apologize and offer 
presents to pay for the wrong he had done. He behaved how- 
ever, with the strictest decorum, as an Indian generally does at 
a council. 

After several mutual whiffs, Custer gravely asked what had 
procured him the honor of this visit. 

Thus exhorted, Bloody Knife, in broken English, uttered his 
complaint with ceremonious gravity. 

" Big chief hurt Injun heap bad — near kill um — cut face 
open — Injun much heap mad — say big chief must go guard- 
house." 

And the chief grunted and relapsed into silence, smoking 
vigorously. 

" Is your man badly hurt ? " asked Custer, after the usual 
pause of ceremony. 

" Much heap bad — face all blood — may be die — Injuns put 
um in bed — tink he die — say big chief must go guard-house." 

And he grunted a second time, feeling that he had made a 
point, then ceremoniously handed the pipe to Custer. The 
fact probably was, he was waiting to be bribed. 

After a minute's pause, Custer spoke very gravely. 

" Listen. I am the big chief here. x\ll these soldiers are 
under me, and all their chiefs too. You see that ? " 

The chief bowed gravely, and grunted. 

" You are the chief of the scouts. All the Indians are under 
you, because you are a great warrior. You see ? " 

A more decided grunt of approbation and gratified vanity. 

" Whenever any of my soldiers has a complaint, he goes to 
his chief, and his chief comes to me. You see? " 

A sort of doubtful grunt. The Indian began to see that 
something else was coming. 



622 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

"No one ever enters this tent but chiefs and great warriors. 
Them I am always glad to see. You T am glad to see. You 
are a chief, and a great warrior. You see ? " 

The grunt this time was one of unmixed satisfaction. 

" When a man comes into my tent without first going to 
his chief," pursued Custer slowly, watching his auditor closely, 
" he dishonors his chief — ^you see ? — makes a squaw of his chief 
— you see? — throws dirt in his chief's face — you see? — says 
' You are no chief — you are a squaw — a dog.' — Do you see ? " 

In his turn, Custer resumed the puffing of his pipe, which 
he had interrupted to speak. 

For fully a minute there was a dead silence. 

Then the chief rose, and Custer laid aside the pipe and fol- 
lowed suit. Not being a smoker, he was only too glad to do it. 

The chief shook his hand ceremoniously. 

^^ Hovj ! How!" said he. Then suddenly dropping his 
dignity, he shot out of tlie tent toward the Indian quarters, and 
a moment later, Custer heard his voice raised in a perfect 
frenzy of rage, yelling out an impassioned appeal to his follow- 
ers to avenge him on the man who had made a squaw of so 
great a chief as Bloody Knife, the Arickaree. 

A few moments later, all the Indians rushed to the quarters, 
where the poor sufferer was in bed, nursed by his friends, pulled 
him out, aad commenced lashing him with their heavy buffalo 
whips, the chief being the heaviest in his blows. The innate 
sense of the necessity of subordination in military society was 
aroused. Even the wild savage could see the force of Custer's 
lucid argument, though delivered in a strange language, and 
•with some words only half understood.* 

Custer had no more trouble with his Indian scouts, and he 
showed the same knowledge of Indian character throughout 
his career. The story of Rain-in-the-Face partly illustrates it, 

* A partial version of this anecdote first appeared in the Chicago Inter 
Ocean, and subsequent investigation by the author has resulted in the above 
facts. Poor Bloody Knife fell with Custer at the Little Horn. 



CUSTER THE INDIAN-FIGHTER. 623 

but there are enough anecdotes of the kind to fill a book much 
larger than this, which cannot now be told. In the southwest 
and northwest alike, when the outside world deemed that Cus- 
ter was merely stagnating in ordinary army style, he was carry- 
ing on his study of Indian character, and acquiring ascendency 
and reputation among the tribes. In his visits to New York, 
he took occasion to learn a good many feats of conjuring, sleight- 
of-hand, etc., which he used in various adroit ways to increase 
this ascendency ; so that, at the time of his death, he had the repu- 
tation among the Indians of being a. great magician or " medicine 
man," which increased the awe with which they regarded him. 
That, and his super-human courage, which Indians of all men 
are the first to respect, procured him the last honor which they 
could pay to his mortal remains. They dared to kill him from 
afar with bullets-that was merely the crooking of a finger-but 
something in that dead body struck even Rain-in-the-Face 
with a sense of awe, and the bravest Sioux of the northwest 
did not dare to lift his hand to strike dead Custer. 

Will any be found to take his place and do as well as he 
has done ? It is hard to say. So far, the American army has 
produced but one Custer, and it is doubtful whether the pecu- 
liar combination of qualities which made him what he was, will 
ever be duplicated. If one be found to lead men to success as 
he has done, he must be looked for among the younger officers 
of the army, the men whose careers are yet to culminate, who 
show symptoms of life amid the too general stagnation of frontier 
service. Two at least of this class, the hope of the army of the 
future, have developed talents of the same nature as those of 
Custer, and which may in time equal them in degree. To them 
the countr}^ looks to give it a successor to Custer the Indian- 
fighter, in quickness of resolution, impetuosity of attack, saga- 
city of plan. One of them, since the greater part of these pages 
were written, has gained the only success of a disastrous cam- 
paign, by meeting Sitting Bull on open ground and aided by 
artillery, repulsing his attack with severe loss ; the other, by his 



624 



GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 



now nearly forgotten raid over the Mexican border, showed 
the possession of just such boldness and enterprise as were con- 
spicuous in Custer ; and to Miles and Mackenzie the array looks 
to give them another successful Indian-fighter, a man not afraid 
of the Indians, but fighting as if he expected a victory. 

But, as we have before this insisted on, the greatest reform 
necessary in the present regular cavalry, to make it uniformly 
effective against Indians, is in the instruction of the rank and 
file, and especially in the cultivation of that neglected weapon, 
the sabre, to raise the morale of the force. As it is, it takes 
more than ordinary bravery and conduct in any officer to achieve 
success with the half-trained recruits that form the main body of 
the frontier army ; and the disuse of the sabre has turned the 
once brave American dragoon into a timid skirmisher, who 
shrinks from the shock of the levelled lance, and seeks safety 
in infantry tactics. 




'^ 



CHAPTER III. 
CUSTER, THE MAN". 

IF the readers of this book liave not by this time formed some 
idea of the character of Custer as a man, the Labors of the 
author have been spent in vain, and it would be useless to write 
further. Still, inasmuch as the beautiful family and social life of 
our hero has not been fully treated of elsewhere, we have judged 
it best to say here a few words on the subject, to complete the 
picture. 

Of General Custer's personal appearance at various times of 
his life the portraits and illustrations of this book will give a 
good idea. They were, most of them, made by an artist who 
knew Custer well when he was a young officer, and whose war 
experience has enabled him to give truthful pictures. The face 
and figure of our hero varied much at different times of his life, 
his face as a cadet being smooth and beardless, and by no means 
as handsome as it afterwards became. In the portrait on wood, 
with the broad hat and open collar, we have Custer at Appo- 
mattox, haggard and gaunt after his tremendous labors : in the 
steel portrait which heads the book, we have him in later life, 
with the strong impress of mature thought, and an earnestness 
of expression that tells of his single-minded nobility of purpose. 
It gives very truly his habitual expression during the long pe- 
riods of deep musing into which he was wont to fall, when he 
would sit for hours totally silent. 

Ir society, apart from these occasional moody intervals, he 
was exceedingl}' light-hearted, with a boyish tendency to frolic 
and playfulness that seemed common to all the Custer boys. In 
"40 



626 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

Fort Lincoln, where he was thrown almost alone during the 
winter into a very small circle of intimate friends, he and his 
brothers, Tom and Boston, were the life of the place, while 
the refining influence of the society of the few ladies that clus- 
tered round Mrs. Custer made the circle extremely delightful. 
No man valued more highly than Custer the influence of \vomeu 
to ameliorate men, and no man had more reason. The little 
group of ladies, Mrs. Custer, Mrs. Calhoun, Mrs. Yates, Mrs. 
Smith, and the one or two young ladies from Monroe who 
were always visiting Mrs. Custer, made the home circle at the 
fort a perfect haven of rest to the ofiicers fortunate enough to 
possess Custer's friendship. 

The general was always very fond of children. One of his 
Eastern friends, whom he frequently visited, tells how he would 
often leave a circle of fashionable people, with whom he was 
very shy and reserved, to sit in a corner with two children, 
who begged him for Indian stories. Although very reticent to 
others about his deeds, he always unbent to these children, and 
so won their hearts that to-day they always protest that Gen- 
eral Custer was the kindest and nicest gentleman that ever vis- 
ited their father's house. I set a high value on this foct. 
Children, especially girls, are unerring readers of character, and 
there must have been something singularly pure and frank in 
Custer's character to have attracted the love of these children. 

Another point in Custer was his perfect nobility of forgive- 
ness. We have seen how his court-martial in 1867 was caused 
by an oflEicer, brave and capable enough, but who hated him. 
Only a year later, this same ofiicer, then out of the service, ap- 
plied to Custer for a position as trader or sutler in an expedi- 
tion commanded by him, expressing his sorrow for the past. 
Custer at once gave him the place, which was in his gift. Yet 
his critics have called him " a good friend and a bitter enemy." 
Never was a falser saying. The man seemed incapable of pri- 
vate malice. Even under the unjust persecution of Grant he 
was cheerful, and always said to those who spoke bitterly of the 



CUSTER THE MAN. 627 

Pj-esident, " Never mind : it will all come right at last. The 
President is mistaken ; but it will all come right at last, if I do 
mv duty." He ivas never hnown to return an injury. 

In his devotion to duty and honesty, to fair dealing and 
justice, he was almost fanatical. There indeed he was stern, 
and his indignation at the robbery and rapacity of the Indian 
ring and the post traders' ring was frequent and outspoken. It 
caused all his subsequent trouble. He saw the poor agency 
Indians robbed while the agents grew rich, and his anger, 
which could not find vent through oflScial channels, was heard 
in the press, and given to the world in his " Life on the Plains." 
Can we blame him for that ? 

Custer knew, as every officer in the army knows, that the 
Indian Department is a perfect mine of wealth to the men of 
politics, and that, were it not for the supplies of arms furnished 
to the Indians by that department, there would be no Indian 
wars. He and his men were finally shot to death with bullets 
loaded into Winchester metallic ammunition at Kew Haven 
and Bridgeport, Connecticut, and furnished to the Indians b}'- 
the Indian Bureau. He knew that in every fight he had with 
Indians, they confronted him with weapons sold them by trad- 
ers under the protection of the agencies. He knew that every 
attempt by honest men in Congress to abolish this grand cor- 
ruption mine had been defeated by the vote of a purchased ma- 
jority. He knew that the reason for this vote was the enor- 
mous amount of power given by the use of such a huge corrup- 
tion fund for political purposes. He knew that the very arms 
sold to hostile Indians were made a means of cheating them, so 
that a single Winchester rifle, worth thirty dollars, sold for two 
hundred buffalo robes at Fort Peck. He saw all these soulless 
cheats around him bartering away the lives of the frontier set- 
tlers by the hundred for their gain, and he groaned in spirit, 
and spoke out again and again, in fiery anger against such mon- 
strous wrongs. Can we blame him ? 

His one fault, to the sense of cool selfish men of the world, 



628 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

was his outspoken frankness, bis anger at wrong, his want of 
conceahnent. Make the most of that, and it is a noble fault. 
It brought him his death. 

Truth and sincerity, honor and bravery, tenderness and 
sympathy, unassuming piety and temperance, were the main- 
spring of Custer, the man. As a soldier there is no spot on his 
armor, as a man no taint on his honor. 

We have followed him through all his life, and passed in 
review boy, cadet, lieutenant, captain, general, and Indian- 
fighter, without finding one deed to bring shame on soldier or 
man. People of the land he loved, my task is ended. Would 
it had been committed to worthier hands. Four simple lines, 
written by an unknown poet, form his best epitaph. 

Who early thus upon the field of glory 
Like thee doth fall and die, needs for his fame 
Naught but the simple telling of his story. 
The naming of his name. 



^;^r^^ 




TENTH BOOK. 

PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS 

OF 

GENERAL CUSTER. 

BY 

LAWRENCE BAERETT, 

THE GREAT TRAGEDIAN. 

CONTRIBUTED AT THE JOINT REQUEST OF MRS. CUSTER, 
THE AUTHOR, AND THE PUBLISHERS. 



George Armstrong Custer was of that great industrial 
class from which so many of our original men are springing. 
"With no marked advantages of education, no influence to push 
forward his fortunes, or wealth to command situation, he yet 
passed through such a career, was so rapid in growth and de- 
velopment, that he was ripe in honors when the bullet of the 
Indian warrior pierced his heart. Adv^ancement so swift, a 
career so brilliant that his deeds have become household words 
in the land, indicate the possession of more than ordinary qual- 
ities in the subject of this memoir. Leaving, at barely his 
majority, the military academy where his original address and 
marked demeanor had placed him, without the usual influence 
which people's our national training schools, he was thrust at 
once into a command at the outbreak of tlie war. Having 
barely reached a man's estate, unused to the world, unacquainted 
with men, untrained in active warfare, he was suddenly to be 



630 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

called upon for the exhibition of the qualities which lead and 
govern armies. The sword of the cadet was to be unsheathed 
by youthful hands amidst the din of a civil strife, unexampled 
in history for the fierceness of its character and for the impor- 
tance of its results. Out of this trial our hero was to emerge 
covered with the glory of a veteran, decorated, after five years 
of service, at the age of twenty -six, with the stars of a Major- 
General, and renowned from one end of the country to the other 
— throughout the world indeed — as an original and brilliant 
fighter, a bold and dasliing soldier, a successful commander. 
The greater part of his career, so sadly terminated, was passed 
where the fight raged hottest, where death and carnage reigned 
supreme ; and finally, at the age of thirty-seven, an age when 
the careers of most men are beginning, he was snatched away, 
covered with glory, the mourned darling of a nation. We 
must look into the records of heroic ages for a parallel to this 
career, through which our biographer has so lovingly followed 
him. The incidents of that extraordinary military history can 
be followed and proven in the annals of the war. Dates and 
official records will amply note and verify the conspicuous part 
borne by General Custer. His place among the heroes of our 
country will be gratefully allowed so long as patriotism endures ; 
his chivalrous deeds will be immortalized by bard, and per- 
petuated by historian. The chapter of great warriors will 
hereafter be incomplete, which does not record the exploits of 
Custer and his gallant riders, from Bull Run to the Appomattox. 
It is the misfortune of men in high public station that the 
brilliancy of their professional careers obscures the private char- 
acter of the individual. They are seen through a misty veil 
and by their position shut out from the close observation of 
their fellows. It was my happiness to have known intimately, 
and to have enjoyed for many years the society of General Cus- 
ter, and it may, therefore, be allowed me to record my impres- 
sion of him as divested of the pomp of war, and mingling in 
the pursuits of social life. Abler hands may collect and en- 



PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS. 631 

gross the various incidents of this heroic life, compiling a suit- 
able biography for his countrymen's instruction, and these rem- 
iniscences should be accepted simply as a tribute of affection 
to a dearly beloved friend. No one had followed General Cus- 
ter's military career with more enthusiasm than tlie writer. 
The successive battles in which he bore so conspicuous and gal- 
lant a part were studied with ardor by his then unknown friend, 
who was thus prepared, should the moment ever arrive, to meet 
M'ith interest and embrace with affection the hero whose deeds 
had already won ardent admiration. The stirring incidents of 
the war had developed two men whose exploits had made them 
objects of the writer's sincere attachment. Both young, their 
rapidity of promotion alike extraordinary and acquired by abso- 
lute merit, it was my happiness to claim their friendship and 
at last bring them together. In the war they had fought side 
by side, each unacquainted with the other, except in their 
achievements. At my fireside they came together in friendly 
meeting and cemented in private the attachment which sym- 
pathy of character always creates. One now lies ill among the 
Berkshire hills, his youthful form scarred with wounds received 
in his country's service ; the other, dead at thirty-seven, sleeps 
where no stone may mark his resting-place, beneath the blood- 
stained sod of the cold and cheerless plains. 

In the fall of 1866, while fulfilling an engagement at 
St. Louis, I met the General for the first time, and under such 
peculiar circumstances that they may bear narration. The 
play was over, the curtain fallen, and while still preparing to 
return to my hotel after my night's entertainment, a knock 
was heard at my dressing-room door. Obedient to the answer- 
ing summons, entered a tall, fair haired, blue eyed, smiling 
gentleman, clad in military undress. Apologizing for the 
intrusion, he gave his name as General Custer. No such 
introduction was necessary. By those well known features I 
recognized at once the young cavalry leader. He had been 
sent to bring me to the hotel where he was temporarily resid- 



632 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

ing, while en route to his command at Fort Leavenworth. I 
was to go with him to meet Mrs. Custer and other members of 
his paity. Excuses were set aside. He pleaded " orders " 
which must be obeyed, and refusal was impossible. A happy 
hour in his society was passed ; and thus began an acquaintance, 
ripening within the next ten years into the most genuine friend- 
ship, in which I learned to esteem the qualities of the man as 
sincerely as I had admired the achievements of the soldier. 

At that early time General Custer had not outgrown the 
habits of the camp. He still wore the long hair which is so 
familiar in his earl}^ pictures, his face was bronzed and sun- 
burned by out-door exposure, his bearing a mixture of the 
student and the soldier. No pen portrait of General Custer 
would be complete which did not give the simple, boyish side 
of his character, seemingly more marked from the daring, ad- 
venturous spirit which the war had made us familiar with. 
His voice was earnest, soft, tender and appealing, with a quick- 
ness of the utterance which became at times choked by the 
rapid flow of ideas, and a nervous hesitancy of speech, betray- 
ing intensity of thought. There was a searching expression of 
the eye, which riveted the speaker, as if each word was being- 
measured mei'cilessly by the listener. Peculiarly nervous, he yet 
seemed able to control himself at will. His fund of humor was 
betrayed by a chuckle of a laugh, such as those who have ever 
known Arteraus Ward will remember — a laugh which became 
infectious and seemed to gurgle up from the depths of the full 
and joyous heart of the sunny, affectionate Custer. 

In the years which passed on, following our first meeting, 
duty separated, vacations reunited us. Custer's appointment 
to duty in Kentucky afforded me several weeks of his society, 
during which we were rarely apart. At that time he ran over 
his remembrances of the war to me, speaking of himself with 
modesty, of others with enthusiasm, until it became a delight 
to listen. Thus I had the description of the winter campaign 
against the Indians on the Washita before it was in print, told 



PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS. 633 

in his graphic, fervent style, and acted over until it seemed as if 
I were a participant in the strife. At this time he began those 
sketches in the Galaxy which were at once received with fa- 
vor. Again separated, we were next to meet during the tour 
of the Grand Duke Alexis, in whose suite he had been placed 
by the government. Here his truly American characteristics 
gained him a friend, whose quick ej'e discerned the depths of 
that genuine nature and valued it. The friendship which arose 
between the Russian Grand Duke and General Custer, from 
their association on this tour, was very honorable to both. The 
polished courtier discerned in the young Democrat those ster- 
ling qualities of manhood which maintained their individuality 
in the midst of ceremonies and flatteries, and the correspond- 
ence which passed between them upon the return of the Grand 
Duke to Russia was highly gratifying to Custer. Enjoying his 
vacation as keenly as a school-boy, General Custer was always 
apparently " awaiting orders," and when they came, his whole 
manner changed: he seemed to put on the soldier with the uni- 
form. He often said that his duties on the plains were the 
happiest events of his life — not that he loved war for war's 
sake, but that he loved to feel that he was on " duty." The 
freedom of the plains, the constant companionship of his idol- 
ized wife — now sitting in the shadow of her last and greatest 
bereavement — his horses and his gun his regiment and its 
beloved officers, amply replaced the allurements of civil life. 

It was impossible for Custer to appear otherwise than him- 
self. He had none of that affectation of manner or bearing 
which arises from egotism or timidity. Reticent among 
strangers, even to a fault, his enemies, if he had any, must have 
recognized his perfect integrity of character. Indeed, this reti- 
cence often caused him to be misunderstood, and he himself fre- 
quently complained that he could not be " all things to all men." 
It was only in the companionship of his intimates and close 
friends that the real joy ousness of his nature shone forth. Then he 
was all confidence, his eye would brighten, his face light up and 



634 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

his whole heart seemed to expand. He had something of the 
Frenchman in liis gayety, much of the German in a certain tena- 
city of purpose. Utterly fearless of danger, he seemed in pri- 
vate to become as gentle as a woman. 

[Some have thought that Custer's courage was of the bull- 
dog kind ; that he knew no danger and feared none. J^othing 
can be further from the truth. He said to the writer that, 
the first few battles he was in, he was almost overcome with 
fear : he also intimates this very clearly in his "War Memoirs." 
His courage was purely a triumph of mind over physical 
fear. Toward the close of the war he became convinced that 
he would not be killed. The truth doubtless is that he was 
fully conscious that he possessed the ability to rise in his pro- 
fession, and he had determined to do so at all hazards. He 
chose the post of danger at the head of his column, simply be- 
cause he was aware that it was the place to obtain success. 
He knew that thus, and thus only, he could inspire his men with 
confidence, and make of each a hero. All this was the result of 
a deliberate plan. He had counted the cost of success and was 
fully prepared to pay it. He wanted honor and distinction 
among his fellow men, or death on the field. He put this spirit 
into his division by his example, and they were invincible.]* 

In the society of ladies, with whom his deeds had made him 
a favorite, he manifested none of the gallantries which arise 
from vanity. 

When ordered to Fort Lincoln, General Custer was lost to 
me for several months, but our correspondence was constant. 
He was eager that I should visit him, and it was only by a pres- 
sure of professional duties at the time, that I was denied the 
pleasure of being his companion upon the first expedition to 
the Black Hills. The succeeding fall he made his vacation with 
me, and for two happy weeks we were constantly together. 
This was in Chicago. If an engagement to dinner took him 
its conclusion to my dressing-room at 
* Remarks by another intimate friend of General Custer. 



PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS. 635 

the theatre ; and thence, arm-in-arm, we would return home to- 
gether. Thus I have seen him in the midst of social tempta- 
tions, sufBcient to overcome ordinary men, maintain the strict 
sobriety of his habits. He never touched wine, nor used tobac- 
co in any form, and I never heard a profane word from his lips. 
His obstinate valor as a soldier made him courteous and forgiv- 
ing to a defeated enemy and he became a Democrat in his opin- 
ions, regarding the manner in which the south should be treated 
after the close of the rebellion. This made him unpopular at 
headquarters, and perhaps influenced his promotion and hin- 
dered his career. He loved his profession and was jealous of 
its fame, tenacious of the honor of his cloth, and intolerant of 
the abuses which the army suffered by that pernicious system 
wherein politics were the means by which many unworthy men 
entered the service. He had that love of military display 
which distinguishes the Frenchman, and his uniform was the 
badge of his glory. A fondness for theatrical representations 
he shared in common with the members of his profession, and a 
more enthusiastic auditor I never saw. 

The last winter of Custer's life now approaches. He had 
obtained leave of absence for two months, intending to spend 
his time in New York ; and, that he might leave behind him a 
record of his career, and also that he might eke out his slender 
income, his sketches in the Galaxy were resumed. It was during 
this vacation, extended to five months in all, that the happiest 
hours of my association with him were passed. Being myself 
for the winter in New York, we made all our engagements 
mutual, going into company together, meeting at my own fireside 
always on Sundays ; and each evening during the run of " Julius 
Csesar " the place of honor in my dressing-room at Booth's was 
filled by my dear friend. Those were indeed happy hours. I 
recall especially one passed at the Century Club, where he was 
the recipient of great attentions. How bright and joyous he 
was, and how eager that his friend should know and enjoy the 
friendship of those whom he himself esteemed. Surrounded by 



636 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

the followers of literature, science, and art, and their cultured 
patrons, the young soldier, whose whole life and education were 
of the camp, attracted the attention and won the respect of all 
who met him. With that rare facility given but to few, he 
drew from the artist and the historian the best fruits of their 
labors, and as warmly listened as he could warmly speak. His 
love for art was no affected dilettanteism. Appreciating the 
glories of nature with an enthusiast's soul, he learned to trace 
her likeness in the works of her copyists. The studio of Bier- 
stadt was a happy resting-place for him. Here, while the great 
painter labored, the young soldier would lovingly follow the 
master hand, identifying the exactness of the picture by his own 
knowledge of the scenery or groupings so vividly reproduced. 
It has been said that " military experience so exhausts the body, 
by daily, and for the most part useless exercises, that it renders 
it difficult to cultivate one's mind," but this w^as not true of 
General Custer. ITot having received in his youth the advan- 
tages of a college education, he betrayed the keenest desire for 
knowledge and cultivation. 

[General Custer was a great reader, and his taste ran almost 
entirely in the line of the best literature. His pleasure seemed 
to be, to constantly add to his stock of information. He spent 
a large share of his time during the winter seasons in reading 
such works as "Napier's Peninsular War," " ISTapoleon's Cam- 
paigns," and works of this class which would perfect him in his 
profession. Often he would spend a whole day and a large 
part of the night over a few pages of these works : having a 
large map before him, he was determined to fully understand 
each movement and campaign made by these great masters of 
the art of war. Perfection in his chosen profession seemed to 
be the main-spring of all his actions. He was ready to miake 
any and all sacrifices which would contribute to this end. He 
seemed thoroughly to have adopted the motto that "nothing is 
done while anything remains to be accomplished." His powers 
of mental work were fully equal to his physical endurance ; six 



PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS. 637 

hours of sleep seemed to be all he required, and his great mental 
activity rendered it almost impossible for him to be idle an 
hour.] 

A distinguished gentleman whose Friday evenings at his 
home on Fifth Avenue were regarded as happy privileges for 
the best minds of the metropolis, extended to the General hos- 
pitality and advantages which were eagerly accepted and as 
earnestly enjoyed. Here, where the flame of thought was of 
the loftiest character, Custer would sit, an attentive and ad- 
miring listener, drinking from the rich fountain of instruction. 
After an evening thus passed, and upon emerging into the silent 
avenue, the impressions of the recent conversation still upon 
us, excited by the interchange of friendly converse, he would 
take my arm, and against my entreaty become my escort home, 
alleging as a reason his want of exercise, although I knew that 
in his loving care he feared some danger might befall his friend, 
and thus went far out of his way to see me safely housed. 
Such acts as these, trivial though they seem in narration, are 
those which make that fearful day in June so terrible to me, 
making it seem impossible that I am never again to clasp that 
hand so true and tried, never again to look into that face so 
dearly loved. 

The winter passed only too quickly. His original leave of 
two months had been granted by his immediate superior, Gen- 
eral Terry, his friend as well as commander, and his extended 
leave came from General Sheridan, no less friendly. But 
another extension, earned by him surely through his months of 
labor at Fort Lincoln, was refused as soon as asked, and he was 
at once ordered to rejoin his regiment by General Belknap, then 
Secretary of "War. For some unexplained reason, General Custer 
believed the secretary to be his enemy, and dreaded the linal 
appeal for that extension of leave which his aftaii-s so much 
demanded. When refusal came, although it disappointed him, 
it did not the less find him prepared for obedience to orders. 
His literary work for the Galaxy had been undertaken, as has 



638 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

been stated, to eke out his income and more generously support 
the expenses of his family, and he had formed another plan by 
which he hoped to still more liberally provide for the future of 
all those dependent upon him. The agent of the Literary Bu- 
reau, Mr. Tledpath, of Boston, having made him a liberal offer 
to deliver a number of lectures during the next winter, he was, 
at the moment the Secretary's orders came, perfecting his plans 
to that end. After the summer's campaign he was again to visit 
New York, his lecture in the meantime to be written, and we 
M^ere to " rehearse " his appearance before the public passed 
judgment upon him. This project was left incomplete as to 
details, but he looked forward to its accomplishment as a happy 
means of increasing his income and meeting face to face his 
admirers, the public. 

Custer went one March day upon his journey. No fore- 
bodings of evil embittered the parting : we were to meet again. 
He had not yet fallen under the public accusation which was 
afterwards hurled upon him. Although he left so many pleas- 
ant associations and gave up so many personal enjoyments, he 
was going to his duty, and that sufficed. A winter trip across 
the Dakota plains had no terrors for him, nor for her who never 
left his side while it was her privilege to remain there. After 
many hardships they at last reached Fort Lincoln, and then be- 
gan his preparations for the fatal expedition. Loving friends, 
unacquainted with the details of warfare, and jealous only of 
his reputation, will always, perhaps unjustly, believe that had 
all gone forward as it began, under his own personal control, 
the disaster and annihilation which followed would never have 
occurred. No reflection upon the capacity of General Custer's 
superiors is here intended, but it may be justly claimed that the 
complications which followed as the result of the appearance be- 
fore the investigating committee at Washington, arose, in a 
great measure, from the disorders of a change of command al- 
most in the enemy's front ; that suspicion on the one side, and 
crippled powers, laboring under ungenerous and undeserved 



\ 



PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS. 639 

imputations, upon the other, created a confusion which could 
not but be detrimental. The belief will always prevail anion^^ 
the friends of General Custer that familiarity with the Indian 
mode of warfare, a certain subtlety in his preparations for 
attack or resistance, and the " dash " which has never been 
denied him, well fitted him to organize and conduct such a cam- 
paign. He who had so often challenged the bravest of the red 
warriors and wrung from them the title of the " Big Yellow 
Chief," was fully able not only to lead his own " gallant 
Seventh," but also to organize the campaign and overlook the 
plan. This was denied him. At the supreme moment of his 
fortunes he was summoned to Washington. 

The appearance of General Custer before the Investigating 
Committee at Washington and the effect of his testimony upon 
the public mind are already familiar to the reader. The fact 
came upon his most intimate friends unannounced, and the un- 
favorable comments of the party press upon his evidence and 
his character caused the greatest surprise to those who knew him 
best. The most reserved and reticent of men had suddenly be- 
come politically conspicuous, and calumny was busy with that 
hitherto spotless name. The political temper of the time had 
undoubtedly, much to do with the effect produced by his testi- 
mony. The strife of party, and the bitterness with which men 
of opposite opinions assailed each other ; the influence upon the 
approaching election of the investigation then going forward ; 
the reputation for truth and candor never denied to General 
Custer ; combined to make the attacks upon him unusually severe. 
He had never obtruded his political sentiments, but they were 
known to his friends and were never disowned. He could not 
have sought the unenviable position in which he found him- 
self ; he had endeavored by every honorable means to escape 
from it, but in vain. The effect upon his nature of the abuse 
suddenly heaped upon him, may be measured by the desire he 
had always evinced to escape public observation, except in the 
line of his duty; and this was, undoubtedly, one of the saddest 



640 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

eras of his life. The esteem of his countrymen, earned by years 
of hard service and dearly prized, seemed in an instant to be 
taken from him. His report upon the evils of the post-trading 
system had been forwarded to the head of his department long 
before; his acquaintance with those evils was known to many ; 
not to have answered frankly the questions of the committee 
would have exposed him to self-contempt. How easily could 
he have trimmed his sail to the popular breeze, and floated into 
the smooth waters of political favor. The promotion which his 
valor had earned ; which was due to his merit ; which had been 
bestowed upon his inferiors ; lay within his grasp ; but the 
sacrifice was one from which his proud soul revolted. The 
perfect integrity of his character should never be sullied, to pur- 
chase that preferment which had been denied to his public ser- 
vices, and which was in every way due him. He could honestly 
exclaim, "It is better to be right than to hold the most exalted 
rank." That he was wounded none who knew him can doubt. 
In the midst of those exposures which tarnished the reputation 
of so many brother officers, he had happily escaped. At his post 
upon the distant frontier, occupied with the duties which he 
loved, surrounded by a small band who I'egarded their yonng 
commander with veneration, he might well feel happy in his es- 
cape from that political whirlpool which engulphed so many of 
his friends, and which swallowed up reputations gained in hard- 
fought fields. Now, against his will, called peremptorily from 
the organization of his command, he found himself helplessly 
drawn into the current, publicly condemned for speaking that 
which he knew to be true, connnented upon by enemies in the 
coarsest terms, the target of political rancor. The deptli of his 
humiliation was reached, when, upon leaving the capital, he 
waited for hours at the door of the President, and was, at last 
turned away with studied contempt. The effect of these slights 
upon his proud and sensitive heart may be imagined. Upheld 
as he was by the conscience which whispered that he had done 
his duty, he must still have sujffered much in concealing his sor- 



PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS. 641 

row from the world ; though he scorned to complain, as he 
would have scorned to bend before the calumny of his enemies. 
Our last meeting, which took place at the close of his first 
visit to Washington, was yet full of happiness. Rallied upon 
his political relations, he sunnily threw aside his chagrin, and 
seemed indifferent to all but the approaching separation, anxious 
only that our plan for the next winter should not fail. No 
premonition of danger clouded our parting. The thought that 
he was going into action, into certain peril, did not make me 
fearful. He was so associated with success, had escaped from 
so many dangers, his long future career was so hopeful, that he 
seemed invincible. He predicted a severe campaign, but was not 
doubtful of the result. His plans were well laid, his command 
efficient ; and he joyfully obeyed the summons to return to his 
duty, happy to escape from the scene where truth was repaid 
with calumny. 

The delay in Chicago ; the deprivation of command which 
overtook him there by order of the President; all these anxious 
days passed while awaiting the orders of his superiors, were 
undeserved cruelties. The influences which at length ended 
his suspense, and gave him a subordinate place in the expedi- 
tion planned by himself, have been explained elsewhere. The 
disgrace 'Of being supplanted by an inferior in rank or an en- 
vious rival was averted, and thus much of the bitterness of 
his position softened. If he could have chosen his successor, 
he could not have been better pleased than with the appoint- 
ment of General Terry. Under him he declared he would 
go with the command, if obliged to serve as a common soldier. 
By the tender consideration and courtesy of that gallant officer 
Custer was permitted to recover that confidence in himself 
of which his unmerited trials must have well nigh robbed him. 
With the delicacy of a gentleman, the appreciation of a kindred 
soul, Terry restored him to the command which was his due, in 
fact, if not in appearance, and brought to his aid the advice 
and experience of the young cavalier whose counsel would be 
41 



G42 GENERAL GEORGE A. CUSTER. 

invaluable, whose valor and foresight would be a support, 
and to whose sword the service would so soon be indebted 
for its defence. Those who knew General Custer best, can 
well understand how he valued such a privilege. To have been 
left behind would have been worse tlian death, when his gallant 
Seventh and so many of his old comrades were in the field. As 
he rode out of Fort Lincoln for the last time, he was as full of 
glee as a child ; his duty lay before him, his glory, of which no 
enemy could rob him. That the wishes of the nation, which 
followed that gallant band and looked hopefully forward to its 
movements as a final solution of the Indian question, dwelt 
with the greatest confidence upon the frontier experience of 
General Custer, will scarcely be denied. In every campaign 
he had been victorious, and the wiles and stratagems of the foe 
were familiar to him. Calumny and envy must be silent be- 
fore the intrepid heroism of that immortal band as they rode 
into the " jaM's of death," where perished not only the noble 
Custer and his adoring followers, but also the hope of a nation, 
the shield of a devoted family. 

Glancing back over these pages, how poor and unworthy 
seems the picture I would paint. Compared with the image 
engraved upon the heart, this transcript is cold and artificial. 
When the smoke of the battle has passed away, when envy and 
cowardice have been consigned to their merited oblivion, some 
truer likeness shall be made of him who was the bravest of the 
brave. His career may be thus briefiy given : He was born in 
obscurity ; he rose to eminence : denied social advantages in 
his youth, his untiring industry supplied them; the obstacles 
to his advancement became the stepping-stones to his for- 
tunes ; free to choose for good or evil, he chose rightly ; truth 
was his striking characteristic ; he was fitted to command, for 
he had learned to obey ; his acts found their severest critic in 
his own breast ; he was a good son, a good brother, a good and 
aflfectionate husband, a Christian soldier, a steadfast friend. 
Entering the army, a cadet in early youth, he became a general 



PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS. 



6Vc 



while still on the threshold of manhood ; with ability undenied, 
with valor proved on many a hard fought field, he acquired the 
affection of the nation ; and he died in action at the age of 
thirty-seven ; died as he would have wished to die ; no lin- 
gering disease preying upon that iron frame. At the head of his 
command, the messenger of death awaited him ; from the field 
of battle where he had so often "directed the storm," his gallant 
spirit took its flight. Cut off from aid ; abandoned in the midst 
of incredible odds ; waving aloft the sabre which had won him 
victory so often ; the pride and glory of his comrades, the 
noble Custer fell : bequeathing to the nation his sword ; to his 
comrades an example ; to his friends a memory ; and to his 
beloved one a Hero's name. 




5£~SJ^»i^ 



INDEX 



Academy, Military, (See West Point.) 

Academy, Stcbbius', Custer's Scliool, 7-10. 

Agencies, Indian, 531-3. 

ATdie, Battle of, 155-9. 

Alexis, Grand Duke, of Russia, goes buffalo- 

huuling with Custer, 477, 63:2. 
Alger, General, 174-80, 198-300, 203-4, 234-5, 

229-30, (note.^ 
Antietam. Battle of, 125, 130. 
Appointments, Civil, in the Army, 326, 333. 
Appomattox, Surrender at, .306-8. 
Arnold. Captain, 72, 73. 
Averill, General, 143, 2;J1, 239, 240. 

Bacon, Judge Daniel S., 11, 89, 90, 137-8, 206, 

208-219. Death of, 341-2. 
Bacon, Miss Libbie, 11, 47, 48, 90, 93, 136-7, 

209-16, (see Custer, Mrs. General.) 
Bad lands, 531. 
Baliran, Mr., Murder of, 497, 515, 516, 520- 

21. 
Ball, Cadet, Custer's classmate, 39, 40. 
Band, Custer's, 254, 4:38, 452. 
Bands, Indian, 529-30. 
Barnard, General, 108, 109, 111, 112, 113. 
Barnitz, Albert, Captain 7th cavalry, 338, 401, 

450. 
Barrett, Lawrence, his personal recollections 

of Custer, 627-43. 
Beauregard, General G. P. T., 50, 62. At 

Bull Run, 59, 76. 
Beaver Dam Station, Capture of, by Custer, 

223 
Belknap, Mr., his case, 546, 50. 
Benet, General, 45. 
Benteen, Frederick W., Captain 7th Cavalry, 

3;«, 445, 579-81, 583, 585, .588-91, 607. 
Beverley Ford, Battle of, 146-7, 153. 
Big Horn, Battle of the, 580-608. 
Bingham, John A., sends Custer to West 

Point, 1.3-17. 
Black Hills Expedition, The. 501-14. 
Black Kettle, his band destroyed by Custer, 

42,5-53. 
Bloody Knife, 482, 4a3, 492, 493, 507, 508. 
Brandy Station, Battle of, 197-202. 
Breckenridge, General, 237. 
Bresland, Patrick, Diary of, 498, 499. 
Booth, John Wilkes, .•^i)!). 
Bowen, Lieut. iKml Nicholas, 100, 117, 131. 
Boyd, Hev. Ml-., Custer's schoolmaster, 10. 

Marries him to Miss Bacon. 216. 
Bucklaiul's Mills, Battle of, 203. 
r.utT:il() Bill, 477. 
Buford. (ieiieral John, 145, 181-90, 300, 201. 

Death of, 320. 



Bulkier, John W., Custer's school chum, 7, 8. 
Bull Run, Battle of, 59-76. 

Cadets, Southern, at West Point, 36-40. 

Calhoun, Lieutenant Wm., 7th Cavalry, 479, 
Death of, 595-7. 

Calhoun, Mrs. Birth, 4. Marriage, 479, 480, 
596. 

California Joe, 416-17, 433, 434-5, 441-2, 451, 
453, 470. 

Canal, James River, Destruction of, by Mer 
ritt and Custer, 27G. 

Captures, of Custer's Cavalry Division, 307. 

Carvajal, General Jose, offers Custer com 
mand in Mexico, 341. 

Cavalry. American, Remarks on, 96, 145-6, 
233-4, 261-2. Marches of, 404-5. 

Cavalry Corps, History of, 140-314. Last Re- 
view of, 311-12. 

Cedar Creek, Battle of, 263-70. 

Chancellorsville, Battle of, 143. 

Clymer, Heister, summons Custer to Wash- 
ington, 546-50. A cause of Custer's death 
561. 

Comstock, William, scout, 373-82. 

Cooke, Brevet-Colonel, Wm. W., 347, 366, 373- 
83, 418-19, 439, 479. 

Copeland, Major, 182-3. 

Courage, Character of Custer's. 633. 

Court-martial, The first, of Custer, 45. The 
second, 397-410. 

Crazy Horse, 530, 537-44. 

Crook, General, 231, 235, 264, 
511, 537-43, 56:3-8. 

Culpepper, .Advance on, 19.3-6. 

Curly. Upsaroka (Crow) scout, 5 

Custer, Boston, 4, 134, 589. Death of, 603-3. 

Custer, Brice W.,4. 

Custer, Emmanuel H., father of the General, 
1, 2. Letter to, 13. A democrat, 13. 

Custer, Gen. George Armstrong. His char- 
acter, 1, 2, 7. 8. 9, 10, 46, 57, 58, 88-92, 151-2, 
191-2, 280-4. 627-42 ; Birthplace, 3 ; Family, 
3, 4, 5 ; Childhood, 5 ; First military suit, 
6 ; First schooling, 7 ; Goe.s to Monroe, 
Mich., 7 ; Private school, 7 ; Love for 
militarv life, 8, 9 ; First Love, 10, 11 ; Let- 
ter to his parents, 12, 13 ; Teaching, 11, 13 ; 
Applies for a cadetship. 13, 17 ; Handwrit- 
ing, 14 ; Letters of, 13, 14, 15,- 12-2-4. 13.5-9, 
149-51, 159, 206, 210-16 : Goes to West Point, 
17 ; Experience as a Plebe, 31 ; As a cadet, 
22-18 ; Graduates, 43 ; Officer of the guard, 
44 ; Court-martialed, 45 ; Ordered to Wash- 
ington, 46 ; In love, 47, 48 ; First duty, 49 ; 

1 Introduced to Gen. Scott, 53 ; Kides with 



6-i:G 



INDEX. 



dispatches to Gen. McDowell 59-57; At 
Bull Run, 59-76 ; Kemarkson his Memoirs, 
77, 78; After Bull Run. 79 ; On Kearny's 
staff, 82-87 ; First expedition, 83-87 ; Or- 
dered to his company, 87 ; On sick-leave, 
88 ; Taking the pledge, 88-93 ; First charge, 
95-96 ; Goes to the Peninsula, 97 ; At York- 
town, 100, 101 ; At Williamsburg, 104-106 ; 
On the Peninsula, 107-124 ; Wades the 
Chickahominy, 111 ; Conversation with 
McClellan, 112-14; Made a stafE captain, 
115, 16 ; Captures a picket post, 116, 117, 
118 : In the Seven Days' Fight, 120 ; At 
Malvern Hill, 121 ; Captures'a horse and 
sword, 124; Flirtations, 126-9; Feelings at 
McClellan's removal, 132-3 ; In idleness at 
Monroe, 134-9 ; Making love ; 136-7 ; Re- 
fused, 138 ; Patience of, 139 ; Helps to 
make up McClellan's report, 139-40 ; Re- 
joins the army, 140; On Pleasontou's staff, 
145 ; On the Urbana expedition," 149-151 ; 
Writes love letters by proxy, 147, 148, 149- 
51 ; At Aldie, 155-9 ; Made a brigadier, 160- 
64 ; Takes command of Michigan Brig- 
ade, 167 ; His dress, 168-70 ; His difficul- 
ties, 170; His discipline, 171-2 ; His charge 
at Hunterstown, 173 ; At Two Taverns, 174; 
At Gettysburg, 174-80 ; Pursuit after Get- 
tysburg, 181-90 ; Advance on Culpepper, 
193-6 ; Wounded, 196 (note) ; At Brandy 
Station, 197-202 ; At Buckland's Mills, 202- 
204 ; Love affairs, 205-16 ; Marriage of, 
216-17 ; At the Wilderness, 220-22 ; On 
Sheridan's first raid, 222-6 ; His brigade 
kills Stuart, 225 ; At Cold Harbor, 226-7 ; 
On Sheridan's second raid, 227-30 ; In the 
Valley, 231-71 ; At Winchester, 235-43 ; 
Commands Third Cavalry Division, 247; 
At " Woodstock Races," 256-62 ; At Cedar 
Creek, 265-9 ; Brevetted Major-General. 
270 ; On Sheridan's last raid, 271-9 ; At Five 
Forks, 294-6 ; Pursuing Lee, 297-308 ; At 
Sailor's Creek, 301-4 : At Appomattox Sta- 
tion, 305-8 ; Farewell order of, 307 ; Re- 
turns to Washington, 309-11 ; At the last 
parade, 312-14 ; Goes to Texas. 319-21 ; Life 
in Texas, 321-4 ; Mustered out, 339 ; Home 
on leave, 340-41; "Swinging round the 
circle," 343-4 ; Made lieutenant-colonel, 
7th Cavalry, &35; Applies for command in 
Mexico, .340-41 ; Ordered to Fort Riley, 345 ; 
Passion for hunting, 345-6 ; On the Hancock 
expedition,. 349-62 ; First sight of Indians in 
the field, 353-5 ; Pursues Indians, 357-8 ; 
First buffalo hunt, 358-60; First scout of, 
362-70 ; First Indian fight, 366-9 ; Finds ths 
bodies of the Kidder party, 383-96 ; Is court 
martialed, 397^10 ; Suspension of, from 
duty, 410-14 ; Recalled, 414 ; Winter cam- 
paign commenced by, 415-23 ; At the bat- 
tle of the Washita, 425-52 ; Pacifies the 
Kiowas, 454-58; Brings in the Arapahoes, 
458-62; TheCheyennes, 462-9 ; His prairie 
life, 472-4 ; Ordered to Kentucky, 476 ; Life 
in Kentucky, 476-8 ; Ordered to Dakota, 
479 ; Writes for the Galaxy, 476 ; On the 
Yellowstone, 480-99 ; Goes on leave, 499 ; 
Ordered to Fort Lincoln, 500 ; Black Hills 
Expedition of, 500-14 ; Life at Fort Lincoln, 
516-28 ; Captures the Grain thieves, 523-6 ; 
Ordered to command Dakota column 
against Sitting Bull, 545 ; Subpoenaed to 
testify in the Belknap case, 546-9; His 
testimony, 550 ; His long detention, 552 ; 
The President's anger against him, 551-61 ; 
Displaced from command, 554 ; Corre- 
spondence with Sherman, 555-61; Starts 
in subordinate command, 564; Ordered on 



a scout up the Rosebud, 570; His last 
march, 573-80 ; His last battle, 580-608 ; His 
character as a soldier, 609-15 ; As an In- 
dian-fighter, 615-22 ; As a man, 622-43 ; Per- 
sonal recollections of, by Mr. Lawrence 
Barrett, 627-43 ; Manner of his death dis- 
cussed, 601-2. 

Custer, Maggie E., (see Calhoun, Mrs., 3.) 

Custer, Maria W., mother to the General, 4. 

Custer, Matilda V., 4. 

Custer, Nevin J., 4. 

Custer, Mrs. General, 217-19, 270, 310, (note"), 
319-22, 341-6, 476-80, 499-5C0, 513-14, 516-22. 
631, (see also, Bacon, Miss Libbie.) 

Custer, Brevet-Colonel Thomas W. Birth, 4. 
In 7th Cavalry, 339, 450, 460, 470, 479, 482, 
485-9, 518. Death of, 601-2. 

Department, Indian, 536. 

Deserters, shot by Custer, 399. 

Desertions, how prevented by Custer, 399- 

400. 
De Smet. Father, .535. 
Devin, General Thomas C, 143, 220-1, 232, 

243, 256, 271-308. Remarks on. 280-1. 
Discipline, Value of, at Bull Run, 71, 72. 

Remarks on, 130-1, 327-30. 
Division, Third Cavalry, History of, 247-314. 
Dodge, Lieutenant-colonel, his Black Hills 

Expedition, 510-12. 
Douty, Colonel, killed at Aldie, 156-7. 
Duffle, General. 160-1. 
Dug Outs, defenses against Indians, 403-4. 

Early, General Jubal, 2S9, 230-40, 264-71. 

Remarks on, 266. Chase of, 277. 
Egan, Captain, Second Cavalry, 540. 
Elliott, Major J. H., 7th Cavalry, 346, 365-6, 

369-70, 384, 399, 425, 426, 431, 443. Death 

of, 449. 
Ewell. General, 62, 183, 304. 
Expedition, Custer's Urbana, 149-51. 

Fairoaks, Battle of, 119. 

Falling Waters, Battle of, 189-92. 

Ferry, Major N. H., killed at Gettysburg, 178. 

Fisher's Hill, Battle of, 247. 

Five Forks, Battle of, 279-96. 

Forsyth, General John A. (Sandy), 414, 503, 

506. 
Fredericksburg, Battle of, 141. 

Gaines' Mills, Battle of, 120. 

Generals, Federal and Confederate, at Bull 

Run, 73. 
Gettysburg, Battle of, 174-80. 
Gibbon, General, 563-4, 568, 569, 570. 
Gibbs, Brevet Major-general, 270, 338. Death 

Gilmor, Harry, capture of, 271. 
Girard, Interpreter, 583, 587, (note.) 
Grain thieves. The, at Fort Lincoln, 523-26. 
Grant, General, U. S., 130, 220, 233. Letter 

of, about Custer, 340-1. 
Grant, Lieutenant Frederick D., 499, 503. 
Grant, President, 499, 551-561. 
Gregg, General J. W., 143, 174, 176. 
Griiiin, Captain, 41. 
Guide, Custer as a, 574. 

Hagerstown, Battle of, 188. 

Hamilton, Louis M.. Captain 7th Cavalrj-, 

338, 369, 402, 431. Killed at the Washita, 

443. 
Hampton, General W^ade, 173-80. 
Hancock, Major-general W. S., 104-106, 279. 

Expedition of, against the Sioux, 349-62. 
Hard Rope, 435-52, 461. 



INDEX. 



647 



Havens, Benny, 30-32, 43. 
Hazen, General, 45, 454-9, 570. 
Heintzelmaii, Colonel, 63, 72. 
Henry, Capta n Guy V., 566. 
Herndon, Scout, 583, 586, 587. 
Houzinger,Dr., Murder of, 497, 515, 516, 530-21. 
Hooker, General Joseph, 104, 141, 142, 152,153. 
Hopedale, Oliio, Custer teaches at, 11, 13. 
Hostiles, The Indian, 530-36. 
HuS, John A. kills Stuart, 225. Death of, 225. 
Humphreys, General, 304. 
Hunter, Colonel, 63. 

Indian-fighter, Custer as an, 614-23. 

Indians, method of attack of, 585. Confusion 
of at battle of Bif? Horn, 593. 

Indians, Kemarks on, 350, 351-7, 301, 373-82, 
383, 387-96, 419-20, 427-30, 432-4. 439-41, 490- 
95, 529-36, 601-2. Cruelties of, 395-6. 

Infantry, Remarks on, 421-2. 

Ingalls, General, 553. 

Iron Horn, 519, 521, 522. 

Jackson, General Stonewall, 63. 

Jesuits, French, as missionaries to Indians, 

535. 
Johnson, President Andrew, 314, 316, 324, 

342-5. 
Johnston.General Joseph E., 62. At Bull Run 

63-76. On the Peninsula, 97-119. Wounded 
at Fairoaks, 120. Surrender of, 309. 

Kearny, General Philip R., his character, 

82, 83, 84. 
Kellcy, Cadet, Custer's classmate, 39-40. 
Keogh, Myles W. Captain 7th Cavalry, 338. 

Death of, 596-7. 
Kershaw, General, 104, 233, 302. 
Kidder, Lieutenant, Massacre of, with party. 

Kill EaJ;le, 585. His evidence, 592-3. 

Kilpatrick, General Judson, 144, 154-9, 160, 
171, 196, 197-2J4, 214. Sent out West, 220. 
Remarks on. 249. 

Kirkpatrick. Mrs., marries E. H. Custer, 
(see Custer, Maria W.) 

Kirkpatrick, David, half-brother to General 
Custer, 4. 

Kirkpatrick, Israel R., first husband of Gen- 
eral Custer's mother, 4. 

Lee, General Fitzhugh, 143, 239. 

Lee, GeueriU W. H. P., 14;^, 144, 145. 

Lee, General R. E., 120, 125, 131, 146, 193, 228- 
9, 279, 298-.W7. 

Lectures, Custer's design to give, 637. 

Letters, of General Custer, 13, 14, 15, 122-4, 
125-9, 149-51. 159, 206, 210-15. 

Lincoln. President, 80, 93, 96, 125. Assas- 
sinated, 309. 

Little Beaver, 425-52. 

Little Robe, 458-62. 

Lomax, General, 239, 253-7. 

Lone Wolf, 361, 454-.58. 

Longstreet, General, 62, 104, 277, 278. 

Mahwissa, 448, 458. 

Malvern Hill, Battle of, 121. 

Man, Custer as a, &ii-'i7. 

Martin, Trumpeter, 590, 591. 

Marcy, General, 554. 

March, Custer's Last, 572-80. 

MeClellan, General George B., 80. Com- 
mander-in-cluef, 81. His disputes with 
President Lincoln, 93. Goes to the Penin- 
sula, 95. Campaigns of, 94-130. Removal 
of, 130-31. Remarks on Custer's love for, 
93, 114, 115. Promotes Custer, 113-116. 



McDougall, Captain, 7th Cavalry, 504, 588. 
McDowell, General Irvin M., 50, 52, 53, 55, 56. 

At Bull Run, 59-76. Remarks on, 79-80 
McKenzie, Gen., 290, 298, 622. 
Meade, (Jeneral, 167, 193, 197, 220. 
Medicine Arrow, 465-7. 
Merrill. Colonel, 44. 
Merritt, Gen. Wesley, 160, 222, 232, 243, 250, 

363-70, 271-308. Remarks on, 221, 280-2. 
Michigan Brigade, History of the, 167-246. 
Miles, Colonel, 63. 
Miles, Gen.N. A. 622. 
Mills, Capt. 3d Cavalry, 566-7. 
Moore, Captain Alexander, Third Cavalry, 

540, 542. 
Morgan, Mrs., rescue of, from Indians, 465-9. 
Monroe, Mich., Custer at, 7, 47, 88-92, 134-40, 

207-9, 216-17, 340, 341-3, 412-14. 
Myers, Rupert, Lieutenant-colonel, 338, 373, 

431, 437, 445, 462. 
Moylan, Myles, Lieutenant 7th Cavalry, 338. 

Captain, 482, 490, 504. 

Nations, Indian, 530. 

New Rumley, Ohio, Custer's birth-place, 3, 

10, 11. 
Noves, Captain Henry E., Second Cavalry, 

540, 566-7. 

Orders, Custer's last, from Terry, 574. 

Palmer, General Innis W., 64, 65. 

Papers, The, on Custer, 560-1. 

Parker, Cadet, Custer's chum at West Point, 

26,30. Dismissed,50. Subsequent career, 50. 
Parade, Dress, at West Point, 29; The last, 

at Washington, 309-14. 
Paul, E. A. Narrative of, used, 181-90. 
Pawnee Killer, 355, 364, 366-9. 
Pennington, General, 174-180. 198, 203-5. 
Peninsular Campaign, The, 94-124, 132. 
Peninsula, The, Description of, 107-8. Map 

of, 109-10. 
Pursuits, Of Lee after Gettysburg, 181-90 ; 

Of Rosser, 259-61; Of Early, 2^7; Of Lee 

to Appomattox, 297-308. 
Plebes, at West Point, their sorrows, 17-21. 

Custer as a, 21. 
Fleasonton, Major-General Alfred, 142, 146, 

147, 148, 154-160, 163-8. 
Pickett, Gen., his division at Five Forks, 

286-96. 
Pope, Gen., 125, 197. 
Pompey's Pillar, 499. 
Ponies, Indian, 437. 444, 446-7, 464. 
Powder River, Battle of, 539-44. 

Raids, Stoneman's, 143-5. Sheridan's first, 
222-6 : second, 227-30 ; third, 271-9. 

Rain-in-the-Face, Story of, 515-38. Fortitude 
of, 527-8 (note) Kills General Custer, 601. 

Redpath, Mr., offers terms to Custer for lec- 
tures, 637. 

Reed, Autie, birth of. 9 ; death of, 602-3. 

lieed, David, marries Custer's half-sister, 4, 6. 

Reed, Mrs. Lj-dia A., Custer's half-sister, 4; 
Marriage of, 6, 7 ; Letters to, 47, 116. 

Regular Army, The, 335-35. Remarks on, 
3i3l-3, 406-8. 

Reily, Lieut. W. Van W., death of, 605-6. 

Reno, Major, 7th Cavalry, 569, 576-608. 

Report, Reno's, 577-8, 580-1. 

Review. The last, 311-13. 

Reynolds, Charley, scout. 515, 583. 

Reynolds, General, 45, 502, 537-43. 

Riding, at West Point, 34. Custer's, 35. 158-9 

Robbins, Samuel M., Lieutenant, 7th Cav 
airy, 338, 372-82, 400. 



648 



INDEX. 



Rodenbough, Captain, loseg arm at Win- 
chester, 244. 

Eomeo, 434, 441, 442, 447. 

Romero, Minister from Mexico, 340-1. 

Rosebud, Battle of the, 566-8. 

Rosser, Geu. Thomas L., 251-61, 480, 481, 588, 
589. 

Royall, Capt., 566-8. 



, 177-8, 240, 244, 



2-70 ; Last, of 



Sabre, Remarks on the, ISi 
261, 544. 

Satanta, 361, 362, 4.'->4-58. 

Scott, Lieutenant-General Winfield, 41, 
Meets Custer, 52. 

Scout, Custer's first Indian, i 
Custer, 575-6. 

Seven Days' Fight, The, 120. 

Seventh Cavalry, History of. 
Formation of, 337-47. First officers of, 
338-9. 

Seydlitz, General, 409-10. 

Sheridan, Lieutenant General Philip R., 130, 
220. First raid of, 222-6. Second raid of, 
227-30. In the Valley, 231-71. Last raid 
of, 271-8. At Five Forks, 280-94. Pursuing 
Lee, 297-308. Remarks on the genius of, 
222-246, 280-90, 310. Profanity of, rare, 235. 
In Texas, 309. In Indian country, 411. Re- 
calls Custer, 414. Takes the field, 415-69. 
Order of, 450-51. Removes Custer, 555. 
His opinion of Custer, 562. 

Sherman, General, 75, 309, 364, 554-61. 

Sibley, Lieutenant, 542. 

Sitting Bull, 498, 529-36. Diary of, 534-5. 

Smith, Gen. E. Kirby, at Bull Run, 70-76. 
Surrender of, in Texas, 316, 317. 

Smith, Gen. W. F. (Baldy), 100-106. 

Smith, Colonel A. J., 7th Cavalry, 338, 348, 
355. Retired from service, 475. 

Smith, Brevet Captain, Algernon E., 7th 
Cavalry, 47-9. 

Smith. Mrs. Algernon E., 480. 

Soldier, Custer as a, 609-14. 

Spottsylvania, Battle of, 222. 

Stagg, Colonel, 237, 303. 

Star, Remarkable, at battle of Washita, 43.5-6. 

Stanley, Brevet Major-General, Expedition 
of, 480-499. 

Stanton, Major, Paymaster, 540, 542. 

Stoneman, Gen., 14:3, 144. 

Stuart, Gen. J. E. B., 130, 154-9. Death of, 
225. 

Sturgis, General, letter to endorse Custer, 
475. 

Sully, General. 413, 414, 415, 421, 422. 

Sumter, Fort, fired on, news of, 41. 

Terkt, Brig. Gen. Alfred, U. S. A., 545-6, 

.559, 564, 573, C36. 
Texas, the Volunteers in, 315-24. Custer 

in, 319-24. 



Thompson, Colonel, takes back prisoner! 
from Waynesboro', 275. 

Thompson, Brevet Colonel, captain 7th Cav- 
alry, 338, 431. 

Torbert, Gen. A. T. A., 220, 221, 222, 231, 232, 
234, 248. 249, 260. 

Town, Colonel, 177. 

Transportation, Amount of, in the Peninsu- 
lar Campaign, 97-99. 

Trevillian Station, Battle of, 229-30. 

Tribes, Indian, 529-30. 

Truce, Lee's flag of, sent through Custer, 
306, (note) 308. 

Two Bears, 520. 

Tyler, General, 63. 

Varnum. Lieutenant, 7th Cavalry, 494. 

Volunteers. The, in Texas, 315-24. Disci- 
pline of, contrasted with that of regulars, 
327-30. Re/narks on, 331. 

Wagon Train, Custer's, attacked by Indians, 

.371-82. 
Walker, Captain, 67, 68. 
Wallace, General Lew., 229. 
Ward, Artemus, 631- 
Warren, General, at Five Forks, 287-96. In 

the Black Hills, 501. 
Washita, Battle of, 425-.52. 
Waynesboro, Capture of, by Custer, 274-5. 
Weir, Captain Thos. B., 7th Cavalry, 346, 

445. 
West Point, Custer at, 17-48. Routine at, 

22-30. Riding at, 34. 
West, Captain Robert M., 7th Cavalry, 338, 

366,372,382,431. 
White, Miss, rescue of, from Indians, 465-9. 
Whittaker, Lieutenant-Colonel, Capture of 

Harry Gilmor by, 271. 
Wilderness, Battle of the, 221. 
Williamsport, Battle of. 186-7. 
Williamsburg, Battle of, 104-106. 
Wilson, General J. II., 221, 234. 

249. 
Winchester, taken by Ewell, 154. 

231-47. 

Woodstock Races, 256-62. 
Wright, General H. G-, at Cedar Creek, 

263-9. 

Yates George W., Brevet-Colonel, 151, 162. 

Captain 7th Cavalry, 346,479, 518-23. Death 

of, 595, 601,604. 
Yates, Mrs. 480,523-26. 
Yellow Bear, 361, 458-62. 
Yellowstone Expedition. The, 480-499. 
Yellow Tavern, Battle of, 224-6. 
Yorktown, Siege of, 100, 101, 102. Evacuatioi: 

of, 103. 
Young, P. M. B., Cadet, Custer's classmate 

37. 



Goes west. 
Battle of. 













- .,*>' 









^ -'^'" 









^v^ ^^^■- 



V<- X\^^ 



A^^' 






V .xv 















-.^^ 



^•^ 






'^^ C^ 



\-^ ^-V7%^% 



v\^' .'-#:^^*- " '-^t- 









'K^ 



■>'«^' d^ " 









■^% 



P, .^^ 



"<^. vV 



V^" -''tr 












- 



x^^^ 



'W^ s" 



,'\' 



,^^^■V 



/'_ ' -^ " . \^ 



'^>. .^^ 



^^ ^"^^ 



,/\.i^ 



OO 






>>. yN 




N^^ ^-. \ 


v i 


.^-^^% 


'* 






■•^>.,N^^ 



A^""^^ 






o 






■^^1^.- 
.^^^' 









0' 







.0. 



\'v- 






0-- ,\V 



•/• wV 



\\' * 



^"^ 



..v^^ 



v^ '''- 






/ "^^ ■^:^<-" ..^ 



